On the Characters of the Struggle of International Arms Control

Abstract

Arms control is an important part in the strategy of national security, and it is a significant representation in the battle of international politics in peacetime. Imperialism made use of disarmament negotiations to make peaceful smoke screens and developed their weapons unbridledly, hence, the imperialism war took place acceleratorily. The United States and the USSR made disarmament negotiations as the stool to buck for their hegemony and nearly drew human being to the edge of a nuclear war. After the end of Cold War, the battle of international disarmament has stepped on a new stage with new characteristics, which makes a strong impact on the change of international politics pattern and the military battle. It has become one of vital global problems and influenced China's security directly and indirectly. The western academia have begun to study arms control after the end of World War I, and the theories of arms control have become better rounded. They cover the essence with phenomena in the research of arms control and exert themselves to impose their arms control opinions of hegemony and power politics, which are regarded as the things of hyper-class and hyper-country, on the third world countries such as socialism ones. Therefore, it is one of important tasks in Chinese academia to research and uncover the characters of international arms control. This dissertation is attempting to have some contributions to the study of arms control. The aim of the dissertation is to uncover the properties and significance of the battle of arms control by analyzing the complicated phenomenon of the battle of arms control. Based on the above, the dissertation is to apply the regularities of international arms control for China to join the battle of international arms control. This copy is going as the following steps: Chapter one is to analyze causes, aims and limiting factors in arms control, and Marxism thoughts of arms control are indicated as the guiding thoughts in the study of the battle of arms control. Arms control is one of vital problems in international politics and military, which is directly related with national interests of security, politics and economy. Fundamentally, it is one of means to protect the security of a nation, which serves the chief target of the national strategy or the strategy of national security. Arms control is an art of diplomatic struggle, whose function is limited and cannot replace the development of weapons. In the protection of national security, the arm is the materialistic element, which is at the first position all the time; the negotiation about arms control is the complementarity to maintain the national security, which is at the second. The struggle of arms control is influenced by many factors such as the relationship of international politics, the development of science and technology, the comparison of military power, the domestic politics and economy. They interact comprehensively and supplement each other, which influence the constitution of disarmament policies and make the struggle of arms control complicated. Marxism thoughts about arms control is a stool to analyze the struggle of arms control, which can help see the essence through the phenomenon of arms control. Max and Engels demonstrated that the capitalism couldn’t execute real disarmament by analyzing the social system. Lenin thought it was the ideal of socialism to abolish armed forces, and that regardless of the reality that the capitalism toppled down the socialism, the abolishment of arms forces would do harm to the career of revolution. However, to try for the peaceful international environment and to strengthen socialism, the socialism country had to negotiate with the capitalism country with reasons, advantages and abstention. Deng Xiaoping inherited Marxism thoughts of disarmament and advanced the process of world peace by reducing Chinese military to urge the United States and the USSR to negotiate. Meanwhile, he regarded the disarmament as the turning point to strengthen the army and boosted up China’s position in the negotiation of arms control. Based on the historical facts, with Marxism thoughts of arms control, the properties are analyzed in Chapter two, Chapter three and Chapter four. The era character of the battle of arms control is analyzed in Chapter two. The first section is to dissertate the era production. The battle of arms control has been existent all through the ages, which is the outcome when the private system grows till the capitalism, and is the result when the science and technology makes the war increasingly destructive. Owing to different historical conditions at different times, the leading actors of arms control ebbed and flew and the subjects of arms control were being changed with the development of science and technology, hence, there are characteristics of times in arms control. The second section is to analyze the era characters before the First World War. Before the First World War, the struggle of arms control was shown among the big powers of imperialism in the western Europe and the limit of naval forces was the vital field. The third section is to analyze the era character in between two world wars. After the end of the First World War, the struggle of arms control was on by the conquered against the defeated, and the conquered themselves. The contradictions and struggles among the big powers were complected and complexed. Germany and Japan developed armaments madly and attempted to break the system of Vanlsei-Washington because they were dissatisfied with it. The forth section is to analyze the era characters after the end of the Second World War. In the dissertation, it is put forward that the struggle of arms control is the means in the struggle of two blocs and is the weapon for the two superpowers to scramble for the hegemony. The fifth section is to analyze American monopole hegemony and anti-disarmament. After the end of the cold war, the United States is pushing hard its monopole hegemony, is executing the risky military policy and is constantly breaking the agreements of international arms control. The system property of arms control is analyzed in Chapter three. The property of the system of arms control is decided by the social system. What content of arms control is decided by what kind of social system and what policy of arms control reflect what kind of social system. There are two sections in this chapter. The battle of arms control under the system of capitalism is analyzed in the first section. The militarism is a connatural phenomenon of capitalism. The capitalism nations invade and expand for the capitalist' benefits, which results in imperialism wars. Therefore, the negotiation of disarmament is only a game each trying to cheat the other. Today, American gerentocratic bloc takes the policy of war for the monopoly capitalists. The second section is to analyze the disarmament policy of independence and peace in socialism. Socialism is the replacer of capitalism and the abolishment of armed forces is the ideal of socialism. The essence of socialism decides that its foreign policy is peaceful and that its policy of arms control is to keep the peace of world and to stop war. However, socialism is the opposite side of capitalism and is hostile to capitalism. After it got first victory in a country, socialism carried out a peaceful disarmament policy, but numerous difficulties were created for socialism by capitalism. After World War II, with the proletarian revolutions like a rising wind and scudding clouds, socialism overstepped the scopes of one country and became a system of world. Compared with that before World War II, a basically different change happened. The People's Republic of China was one of important forces in the camp of socialism. She supported actively the disarmament battle of socialism camp but showed an independent characteristic in arms control. She refrained effectively from the invasion and expansion of imperialism and the war for hegemony between two superpowers, what's more, she became a firm force safeguarding the peace of world. In Chapter four, the character of national interest is discussed in the battle of arms control. The principle part in the battle of arms control is the nations with sovereignty. Each nation participates in the battle just for its own interest, especially for its security. There is a different goal for each nation with different social system. Even belonging to the nation with the same social system, they may have very different opinions on the problem of arms control owing to their different national interests. This chapter has three sections. In Section I it is dissertated that the superpowers made their Roman holiday in the policy of arms control. In order to scrabble for the hegemony of the world they made a secret deal damaging others interests and strove to control the arms of their allied forces. In Section II it is discussed that the nations in the third world lie at the disadvantageous position in arms control. It is thought that in the Cold War arms control was an amulet for the superpower but a close-fitting hood for the nations of the third world. In the post-cold war the western nations are carrying out by might the policy of arms control on the nations of the third world, and the latter is at a difficult place. Section III shows that the western nations hold back China's development through the arms control. Since the end of the Cold War, to prevent China growing up, the West have been checking China and have been attempting to keep China on the line of arms control led by them The aim to discover the significance of the battle of arms control is to see clearly the present international situation of arms control, and to serve the battle of arms control for the country of socialism. Chapter five is to discuss that to use the regularities of the battle of arms control serves the realistic diplomatic struggle. There are two sections. The first is to analyze the austere situation in the battle of international arms control in the beginning of the 21st century. In the beginning of the 21st century the western nations continue to manipulate international arms control and the spearhead is pointed to the socialism countries and the countries in the third world. The United States is retroacting in arms control to strengthen the unipolar hegemony and deteriorate the negotiating environments of arms control. What's more, the United States is executing a policy of military expansion, which makes a fierce military race around the circle of China and threatens China's security. In order to fight against the power politics from the West and American hegemony, China should take an active policy of arms control to protect the socialism system and the security of socialism country. The strategies of Chinese arms control in the beginning of the 21st century are put forward in the last section of this chapter. The strategies are supposed as the following: to oppose military race, to spark plug cooperant security and to establish confidence and security measures hortatively and continuously; to reconstruct present irrational mechanism of international arms control and to join selectively and conditionally some organizations of international arms control; to connect the frontier battle of arms control with the rear defense construction, to make the battle of arms control serve the defense construction while exerting the guiding effect of the battle of arms control on the construction of weaponry; to insist the principle with ration, advantage and sobriety and combat flexibly with the hegemony and power politics damaging the peaceful order of the world and China's national interests. The dissertation is based on the existent research fruits but doesn't stick to the pattern of the formers' research. The study attempts to have some innovations and breakthroughs. Firstly, the theories of arms control are discussed guided by Marxism thoughts about arms control. The Marxism standpoints, views and methods are used to research the theories and practice of international arms control and to try hard to break the system of western verbal hegemony in this research field Secondly, the majority of domestic literatures focus on the historical description of arms control and fewer literatures on its characters. Guided by Marxism the dissertation is to uncover the essence of the battle of arms control by analyzing the complicated phenomenon of arms control and open out some characters of arms control. Thirdly, the strategic choices are put forward for China to join the battle of arms control. The research on the characters of struggle of arms control is still in the beginning. This dissertation is only looked on as the basal work. The western verbal hegemony is entwined in the research of international arms control. The research of this dissertation has got rid of its domination, but there are lots of jobs to do if its unitarianism is broken. Therefore, it is hoped that the dissertation is constructive and that the directions and the help will be received from teachers and experts.

Alternate abstract:

军备控制是国家安全战略的重要组成部分，是和平时期国际政治和军事斗争的重要表现形式。帝国主义曾经利用军控谈判释放和平的烟幕，大肆扩张军备，加速了帝国主义战争的爆发。美苏利用军控谈判作为谋求全球霸权的手段，几乎把人类带到核战争的边缘。冷战后，国际军控斗争进入一个新的发展阶段，呈现许多新的特点，对世界政治格局转换和军事斗争产生了深远的影响，成为当今重大的全球问题之一，直接或间接地影响了中国的国家安全。西方理论界早在第一次世界大战结束后就开始研究国际军备控制问题，现在已经形成一套比较成熟的理论。它们在国际军控研究领域以现象掩盖本质，力图把霸权主义和强权政治的军控主张作为超阶级、超国家的东西强加给社会主义国家等第三世界国家。因此，研究和揭示国际军控斗争的性质，就成为我国理论界的重要任务之一，本文试图在这一研究领域做出一些努力。 本文力图从纷纭复杂的军控斗争现象中，揭示国际军控斗争的性质。在此基础上，运用国际军控斗争的规律为我国参与国际军控斗争服务。 本文是按如下顺序安排的： 第一章在于分析军备控制的原因、目的、限制因素，指出马克思主义军控思想是研究军控斗争的指导思想。军备控制是国际政治与军事领域的重大问题，直接关系到国家的安全利益、政治利益和经济利益。从根本上说，它是维护国家安全的手段之一，为实现国家战略或国家安全战略这一总目标服务。军备控制是一门外交斗争的艺术，其作用是有限的，不能代替军备发展。在保障国家安全中，军备作为物质因素始终是第一位的，军控谈判是维护国家安全的补充，是第二位的。军控斗争受国际政治关系、科学技术发展、军事力量对比、国内政治和经济因素等诸多因素的制约，这些因素综合作用，相辅相成，共同影响各国军控政策的制定，使国际军控斗争呈现纷纭复杂的现象。 马克思主义军控思想是分析军控斗争的理论工具，可以帮助我们透过现象看本质。马克思恩格斯从社会制度的角度，论证了资本主义不可能实现真正裁军。列宁认为废除武装是社会主义的理想，在国家消亡之前，如果不顾资本主义妄图颠覆社会主义的事实，谈废除武装有害于革命事业，但是，为了争取和平的国际环境，壮大社会主义，必须同资本主义进行有理、有利、有节的裁军谈判。邓小平继承了马列主义裁军思想，以裁减中国的军队来敦促美苏军控谈判，促进世界和平，与此同时，邓小平把裁军作为精兵强军的契机，增强社会主义国家在军控谈判中的地位。 在马克思主义军控思想指导下，本文以军控斗争的史实为依据，在第二章、第三章和第四章里分析了军控斗争的性质。 第二章分析了国际军控斗争的时代性。第一节论述了军控斗争是时代发展的产物。军控斗争不是从来就有的，它是私有制发展的产物，对于现代军控来说，它是私有制发展到资本主义社会的产物，是科学技术发展使战争破坏性不断扩大的结果。由于各个时期社会历史条件不同，因此军控斗争的主角彼长此消，军控斗争的主题也因科学技术的发展而发生巨大变化，军控斗争具有明显的时代性。第二节分析了第一次世界大战前军控斗争的时代特征。在第一次世界大战前，军控斗争在西欧帝国主义大国间展开，限制海军军备成为军控斗争的重点领域。第三节分析了两次世界大战期间军控斗争的时代特征。第一次世界大战后，军控斗争在战胜国与战败国以及战胜国与战胜国之间进行，帝国主义列强的矛盾与斗争相互交织，错综复杂。德日法西斯不满凡尔赛—华盛顿体系，疯狂扩军备战，力图打破之。第四节分析了第二次世界大战后军控斗争的时代特征，文章指出，军控斗争是两大阵营斗争的手段和超级大国争霸的武器。第五节分析了冷战后美国的单极霸权与“逆裁军”。冷战结束后，美国推行单极霸权，执行冒险的军事政策，不断破坏国际军控条约。 第三章分析了国际军控斗争的制度性。社会制度决定军控政策的性质。什么样的社会制度决定什么样的军控内容，什么样的军控政策反映了什么样的社会制度。本章分两节，第一节分析资本主义制度下的军控斗争。军国主义是资本主义内部固有的现象，为了垄断资产阶级利益，资本主义国家到处侵略扩张，其结果必然导致帝国主义战争。在资本主义制度下，帝国主义的裁军谈判只不过是尔虞我诈、虚与周旋的一场游戏。在当今，美国统治集团为了垄断资本家的利益，采取战争边缘战争。第二节分析社会主义奉行独立自主与和平的裁军政策。社会主义是资本主义的替代物，废除武装是社会主义理想。社会主义本质决定其对外政策是爱好和平的，决定其军控政策是为了维护世界和平，阻止战争。但是社会主义作为资本主义对立面，必然遭到资本主义的仇恨。社会主义在一国取得胜利后，社会主义国家奉行和平的裁军政策，但总是遭到帝国主义的刁难。第二次世界大战以后，无产阶级革命风起云涌，社会主义已超出了一个国家的范围，而变成了世界体系，使国际军控斗争发生了同第二次世界大战以前根本不同的情况。中华人民共和国是社会主义阵营中一支重要的力量，她积极支持社会主义阵营的裁军斗争，同时也显示出坚持独立自主军控政策的特色，有力地遏制帝国主义侵略扩张和超级大国的争霸战争，成为保卫世界和平的中坚力量。 第四章分析国际军控斗争的国家利益性。军控斗争的主体是主权国家，各国为了本国国家利益尤其是安全利益而参与到国际军控斗争中。不同社会制度的国家军控目标不同，即使是同一社会制度的国家，由于国家利益不同，也有可能在军控问题上产生严重分歧。本章分三节，第一节论述超级大国损人利己的军控政策。超级大国为了争夺世界霸权，搞越顶外交，力图控制盟国军备，牺牲盟国安全利益。第二节论述第三世界国家在军控中的不利地位。本文认为，冷战时期，军备控制是超级大国的“护身符”、第三世界国家的“紧箍咒”；冷战后，西方国家对第三世界国家实行强权军控，第三世界国家在军控斗争中处境十分困难。第三节论述西方力图通过军控遏止中国的发展。冷战后，西方在军控问题上打压中国，企图把中国纳入西方主导的军控体系，遏止中国的崛起。 揭示国际军控斗争性质的目的在于正确认清当前国际军控斗争的形势，为我国参与国际军控斗争服务。本文第五章探讨了如何运用国际军控斗争规律为现实斗争服务。本章分两节，第一节分析21世纪初国际军控斗争面临的严峻形势。21世纪初，西方国家将继续操纵国际军控，矛头直指社会主义国家和第三世界国家，对它们实行强制军控政策。美国为了强化单极霸权，倒行逆施，严重恶化国际军控谈判环境。不仅如此，美国还实行军备扩张政策，使中国周边地区军备竞赛日趋激烈，严重威胁中国的安全利益。为了反对西方的强权政治和美国的霸权主义政策，保卫社会主义制度和社会主义制度国家的安全利益，维护世界和平，中国必须采取积极有利的对策。本章最后一节提出了21世纪初中国参与国际军控斗争的策略：反对军备竞赛，倡导合作安全，继续推动建立信任与安全措施；改造现有的不合理的国际军控机制，有选择、有条件地参加一些军控组织；把前线的军控斗争和后方的国防建设密切结合起来，使军控斗争服务于国防建设，同时发挥军控斗争在军备发展和军队建设中的指导作用；坚持有理、有利、有节的原则，同危害世界和平秩序和我国国家利益的霸权主义、强权政治进行灵活的斗争。 本文参照国内外既有的研究成果，但不拘泥于前人的研究，力争在以下几个方面有所创新和突破： 第一，在马克思主义指导下，对国际军控理论进行了探讨。运用马克思主义的立场、观点与方法研究国际军控斗争的理论与实践，力图打破西方“话语霸权”在这个研究领域的霸权。 第二，国内外多数文献大都集中在对军控历史的描述，对军备控制性质揭示的不多。本文以马克思主义为指导，透过现象看本质，对军控斗争的性质做了一些揭示。 第三，本文提出了21世纪中国参与国际军控斗争的一些策略。 对国际军控斗争性质的研究在我国还处于起步阶段，本文最多只能视为这项研究做了一些基础性的工作。西方“话语霸权”在国际军控研究领域盘根错节，本文的研究虽然摆脱了它的控制，但要打破它的“至尊”地位，还有许多工作要做。因此，希望以此文作为引玉之砖，得到各位老师的指点和帮助。