COMMUNITIES AND TRADITIONS IN THE AREA OF THE BLACK SEA

Headnote

Abstract: The paper presents the evolution of different ethnic and political identities in Dobrogea as well as interferences, interconnections between these populations. Are presented the customs and traditions that have a special calendar determined by seasons, with their source and justification.

Key words: Dobrogea teritorv, ethnic identity, custom, traditions, seasonal feasts.

1. INTRODUCTION

Within the research, I have tracked the evolution of different ethnic and political identities in Dobrogea as well as interferences, interconnections between these populations across times and in connection with other identities being involved in political, economical and cultural relations. Across the years, Dobrogea represented an important trading center and of commerce between Occident and Orient fact that stimulated the progress of the province between the Danube and the Black Sea.1 As many populations have succeeded, over the years, through the Transdanubian province, we encounter a very heterogenous, unique etlmo-cultural mosaique within the Romanian space entailing certain peculiarities in accordance with the spiritual and material culture of every community. That is why I underwent the actual scientific demarche that materializes in the present research that intends to submit customs and traditions from Dobrogea. This varied cultural space that penetrated the collective mental of ethnic groups that have been living here for centuries. Such elements are represented by intra and extra community social relations but also communication between members of Bulgarian and Romanian groups from this historical and geographical area that is part of both Romania and Bulgaria. Integration in the neighborhood, in community or any other residential space has been assessed through expansion of family and close relationship relations in these living and cultural representations areas. It has been emphasized a negative correlation between identification with community and the dominance of social contacts in other spot. Spiritual cultural of the Romanian

people is very close to Bulgarian people culture as a result of long-term interaction and influences between the two communities.

2. TRADITIONS AND CUSTOMS

Popular customs and beliefs represent the original synthesis of archaic traditions, Latin inheritance and Slavonian that become manifest later. This suggests that while social identification is an important element of social protest, identification itself relies upon social relations and consensual definition of reality.2 The privilege of sultan Mustafa from 1784 through which trade relations between sheperds and Transylvanian tarders as well as some traders from Kustenje (Constantz) are regulated, confirm the same realities3. Those that settled as inhabitants of Dobrogea, started to to practice agriculture properly, phenomenon that will spread once Dobrogea will be part of Romania once again. Economically, sheperds were the most active element of the province, overtaking, in many considerations, Romanian natives, crushed by the century-old Ottoman dominion4. The number of Transylvania sheperds that crossed the Danube with their flocks of sheep raised during 19th century. And if a part of them came back in spring in the Carpathian Mountains "another part of them definitely remained settled in Dobrogea"5. Generally, they used to get married with girls from their parts or with girls from the Dobrogea area, sometimes even with Bulgarian girls, and were establishing new households in old villages, they even used to establish new villages. With respect to these Romanians, Ionescu de la Brad records information according to which "they settle here, they marry local girls and many of them have been living for a long time in Dobrogea6." Also, Ionescu de la Brad used to record in a letter addressed to Ion Ghica that: "the most famous sheperds in Dobrogea are from the Balcik Kazan (the meaning of the term is that of Kaza, Ottoman territorial- administrative unity): Ion Munteanu, Vasile Milea, Dimitrie Bobinaru, Neculai §chiopu, in Küstengei Kazan ( Constantza Kaza) are: Hagiu Poenaru, Zaharia Blebea, Jälea Dufu, Jacob Craiul, in Babalii Kazan (Babadag Kaza): Ion Tâlnaru, Gheorghe Ro§ca ; in Tulcea kaza: the lads Oancei §i Golea, that have settled in Tulcea for a long time."* 1

In Romania, customs and traditions have a special calendar determined by seasons that establish in their turn, the type of lucky days and the Holidays of the year. Thus, Winter Holidays start with Christmas Eve (December 24th) and go on until The Feast of Saint John the Baptist (January 7th). It is the most important period of customs within religious tradition and Romanian popular mythology with many interesting rituals and manifestations of folk and ethnic culture. The beginning of winter celebrations trigger a series of social and religious manifestations that resemble Bulgarian tradition. Groups of children go from house to house, and at the same time, groups of youngsters or men join them and wish health and richness for the owners while the hosts welcome them in their houses and treat them. At this time of the year, people sing all sorts of hymns and Christmas carols with a secular content with patterns from Romanian ballads and legends. In this celebration cycle, there are sung religious carols depicting Saviour's Birt hand all the stages after this important event of Christians' lives. The carol singers wish wealthiness in the home, happiness and peace in the family, abundance. The richest in beliefs and customs for the Romanians is the evening before New Year or Saint Basil Night. In some regions of Romania, there are carols at St. Basil Night and in many areas of the country there is an ancient custom called ..Plugusor" (The Little Plough) representing an old carol. New Year's Night is considered as magic. At New Year's Eve they perform a ritual mask dance where only men or boys take part. This reminds of Bulgarian dances called " kukers". Another habit is Sorcova, in the first day of New Year but this custom exists only in some parts of Romania. The range of winter holidays ends up with "Christening" (Epiphany), a great Christian feats where the waters of rivers and wells are blessed.

Spring customs start with the beginning of agricultural work and mark the awakening of nature to a new cycle of vegetation. These customs are related to religious calendar but also have multiple prechristian elements. The moment when winter and spring mingles is celebrated on Saint Trifon's Day followed by Saint Haralambie's Day and Saint Vlasie's Day. In certain regions of Romania St. Trifon is seen as the lord of the wolves, patronizing harmful insects or the master of all animals, binding their mouths so they may not eat vegetables. In Romanian ethnography, on March 1st, there is the habit for parents to put some trinket at their childrens' wrists. The March trinket is represented in Romanian space, since ancient times, by a golden or silver coin attached to a red thread or twisted with red and white thread. The purpose was that the one wearing it would have been happy all across the year, being healthy and clean like silver.

Another extremely interesting feast during spring was The Plowman. There was a hommage brought to the first peasant that went plowing. The Great Martyr Saint George represents another celebration for the Romanians. Saint George is considered to be the protector of all herds. At St. George's Day, it was considered that the first milking of the sheep would take place at sunset, moment that had even an economical importance because it was the time when sheperds used to choose and negociate the place where they would take their flocks and where the common sheepfold would be placed.

The greatest spring feast is represented by Easter. Starting with Maundy Thursday there comes the cleaning of houses and yards and everything that is necessary for this celebration is prepared. In the last days of Lent, there are prepared dyed eggs and the bread that is to be blessed in the night of Ressurection. This feast of Easter is considered to be the most important of the year and it involves different popular beliefs and customs where there are sung religious songs.

Summer and spring customs have a cycle that is related to rituals and celebrations protecting crops from extinguishment and degradation firstly because of the drought. The ritual of The Paparuda is meant to call for the rain that used to represent a fundamental element of these customs that were taking place during drought times. The tradition of The Paparuda has a very ancient history and is well-known in the whole Balkan Peninsula. It is performed by women, one of them being completely covered in branches and green leaves. These girls go all around the village, come in every yard, where they sing a song meant to bring rain, clap their hands and the girl Paparuda dances until the owners of the husehold sprinkle her with water. This custom is identical to Bulgarian traditions. Another similar one in Romanian popular culture is "Caloianul", reminding a Bulgarian custom. The spreading of this ritual is quite interesting, being mainly encountered in the southern and northern part of the Danube.

In Bulgaria the tradition of The Caloian is performed in the northern part of the Balkan mountains. Romanian ethnographers assert that this tradition is dedicated to the god of vegetation and of nature. During the second half of the 19th century, relying upon Romanian native background, made up of Dicina Romanians8, or "ancient Romanians", the way they used to call themselves, there continued to settle in Dobrogea inhabitants from principalities, the so-called cojans, farmers from the surroundings of Muntenia and Moldavia as well as mocan, Transylvanian sheperds from Bârsa County, Fágáras. Sibiu and Apuseni Mountains, brought here with a phenomenon named transhumance.

There were Romanians that had settled in Dobrogea coming from Romanian County (Muntenia) due to the poor life they had under Phanariot domination, they mixed with local Romanians, the dicians, those descending with the flocks of sheep in the Dobrogea steppe9.

Romanians migrated several times in Dobrogea and created new villages in the same lands where "until nowadays Romanian race is maintained with its particular nature" the way historian Nicolae Iorga asserts.10 So, next to Muslim people, there settled in Dobrogea other nations, too, in the last century of the Ottoman dominion, their settlement having a situational outline ad their stay had been many times temporary. It is well-known that many Romanian villages on the right side of the Danube, between Silistra and Cemavodä, have the same name with villages from the left side of the Danube, situated on the riverside of Borcea and these onomastic doubles* 11 have been established long before Dobrogea annexation to the Romanian State.12 This aspect supports the prevalence of Romanian element "on both sides of the Danube and in Bräila Moor"13. In the mid 19th century, Dobrogea looked like a stretching solitary land due to the fact that frequent and devastating wars as well as different armed incursions decimated the population, as I have previously stated. An interesting depiction of the territory comes from French doctor Camille Allard who, after presenting some details about this space, mentions that the population is very rare14. In these conditions we must look for the causes that made Romanian population become majoritary in only 20 years (1878-1898).

According to an author15 Romanians are natives and permanent in this area since it was inegrated in the Ottoman Empire although they have been in minority all the time and the respective author asserts that: ,,we did not know too well the situation of Romanian element in Dobrogea in the troubled times of the Middle Ages and mostly, in the first beginnings of Turkish age; the documents are almost inexistent and those that we have are less and too short but we can conclude that Romanians have always been inhabitants of these places".16 Marin Ionescu Dobrogianu asserts that in a reference paperwork for Dobrogea that " a Romanian essence must have existed in Dobrogia before its colonization with Romanian inhabitants that came from the left side of the Danube"11. Natives and permanent, Romanians are, yet, minority in a province that in the past, had belonged to The Romanian County. To this element we can add the fact depicted Constantin Brätescu18 in 1916: "as a result of colonizations in Dobrogea with Romanian elements from everywhere, it (Dobrogea n.n.) is a real summary, a museum of ethnography of entire Dacia"}9 Also, Brätescu records ethnic realities existing then in Dobrogea: " here we can find Bulgarians from Macedonia and Rumelia, taken long ago towards Basarabia and then to Dobrogea; Moscow Russians and Rusnacs from steppe iTurkish and Tatars; merchant familiesbelonging to Armenians; Jews and Greeks; remains of some extinct peoples like Gagauz; then Albanians and Serbians; Romanian and Turkish gipsies; Germans and Italiens; Orient and Occident, foreigners spread all over among the preponderant mass of Romanian element that tends, in time, to ingrain its soul seal to the whole region"20... On the other hand, sources21 without any subjectivism mention that: "after war (1877 n.n.) there appears a transmutation of ethnic relations, many Mulsim ethnics (Turkish and Tatars) leave the country, followed by a major part of Cossacks and Circassians that used to reside here. This can be explained by the settlement of Romanian administration causing, normally, an increase of Romanian immigration. With respect to this aspect, Romanian governments showed preoccupation to strengthen this methodical colonization offering war veterans places to stay in the newly acquired territory. We can add that wavering characters to express their origin discovered, under the new owners, they were being Romanians even though before, they used to see themselves something else "22The increase of Romanian population made spectacular progress according to some Romanian surveys, regarded by some foreign researchers with certain reservation, due to the fact they were motivated by a certain national desire. Even under these circumstances Romanian colonization remains a real fact and represents a great success. According to the same quoted sources 23: (...) Romanians themselves assert they had found here 32.800 offellowmen, a figure that seems somehow exaggerated. It is certain that a part of the increase was a result of introducing Romanian administration. But, as a whole, the increase in number is explained through large migration from Valachia and Moldavia. In the first years the emigration was spontaneous and in big number.In the newly acquired territories there was not yet a land property that would have allowed peasants to obtain a piece of land of their own and the houses and villages belonging to leaving Turkish and Tatars were open for the Romanians that kept on coming... ,)24. At the same time, Romanian governments, aut of political reasons, constantly and strongly supported the Romanians settlement, bringing a big number of war veterans in Dobrogea offering them different favours to the detriment of other nationalities. A significant example would b eone of the most important politician of those times: Mihail Kogälniceanu in a speech25 kept in thr Chamber of Deputies on February 27, 1882, was asserting: "Gentlemen, what is our main interest in Dobrogea? Our main interest is to populate it, to civilize this part of today Romania, to populate it, I say this openly, giving it soul, giving it Romanian senses; saying this, you will understand that we have to do anything possible to bring there as many Romanians as possible; more than that, even populations that come there by themselves, should become Romanian. Within some years, we should transform even Muslims into Romanians, the only differenceshould remain that some will go to the mosque and others to church."26 Dumitru Çandru, in the above paperwork, gives significant details upon the way colonizations were made and the regions Romanians came from, in Dobrogea. The same author acknowledges that: "although in small number, Romanians had been living in Dobrogea even before 1800 in some case even around 1700".27 The researcher Dumitru Çandru initiates some inquiries in Dobrogea, questioning some inhabitants about the issue of their settlement in Dobrogea. Thus, in the elderly's memories there is one idea: the settlement of their parents and grandparents is very old."(...) old sheperds of more than 80-90 years old, that were born here remember their parents even grandparents talking that they reached these areas when they were like 14-15 years old."[so before 1800], The author claims that there have been connections between Romanians from historical provinces and the Dobrogea territory that documnets mention only very late (19th century). Social realities described by D. Çandru are also claimed by Marin D. Ionescu in his paperwork Dobrogia at the beginning of the 20th century, where he asserts that in 1850 the Romanians "were the second dominant element after the Turkish and their number was 3.656 families"2*. Moreover, Ionescu claims that during ?cruel? reigns from Muntenia and Moldavia in 17th and 18th centuries,, many of the inhabitants from the miserable Principalities found a better solution in going to Dobrogea where they were not so deprived of the result of their working as it was the case in their native territories. 29Thus, M.D Ionescu states that, the right riverbank of the Danube " is filled with Romanian villages that must have existed long before, because it was right that the new arrived individuals should groups with their fellow countrymen in the same villages. "30 Another author, Karl F. Peters, says that in 1865 there were "12000 Romanian souls"31 using the survey of the Russian consular agent, a certain Viskovitch.

3. THE BULGARIAN COMMUNITY IN DOBROGEA

The settlement of Bulgarians in this territory developed on a historical background troubled by uncertainties, that make hard to dissociate between the temporary aspect of transiting a big number of people and the tendencies to settle in one region or another ,32 During the Ottoman domination, Bulgarian ethnics cohabited with Moslems, Romanians and other communities that were living then in Dobrogea. Bulgarians settled in Dobrogea before the outbreak of Russian-Turkish wars were divided in two distinct communities, grebenacs and shiscovts in reduced number.33 An pertinent author of those times acknowledges that the big number of Bulgarians was in the farthest south-eastern part of the province where since the 18th century, Bulgarians represented the largest Christian community34. An important part of Bulgarians came from Basarabia in 19th century descending towards the southern region close to Balkan Peninsula35. Other Bulgarian groups migrated in Dobrogea from South from the Balkan area. Bulgarians came in Dobrogea with a specific purpose and it was that to get land, this aspect being claimed by the fact that Bulgarians avoid the Danube riverbank was frequently flooded.36 Thousands of Bulgarians have migrated from Bulgaria to Basarabia. In other sources, Bulgarians appear as being a very glorious ethnic group until they were completely defeated by Turkish in 1396.37 Many of these Bulgarian ethnics have been forcibly taken by Russian armies to South Basarabia, deserted by Tatars.38 At the half of the 17th century (more exactly in 1659) in the notes of Caholic bishop Stanislav we can find Bulgarians, too among ethnicities populating Babadag. Bishop Stanislav claims that in Babadag there were around 1700 Turkish houses and " bulgarorum, graecorum, valachorum schismaticorum domus sunt 300 circiter, animae 2000 circiter"09 The trip of Macarie, Constantinople Patriarch from the second half of 17th century in Dobrogea specifies the name Chiustenza (Constantza) from where Macarie pervades the territory reaching "in a small town of Bulgarian Christians called Iglitsa (today Iglita in the county of Tulcea) in the middle of the Danube" furthermore Macarie narrates,, There is a path on the land, under Moslem domination, but I have seen crosses raised on the waysides and on the tombs of this little town. There is a church in the town. Then, I reached in a town called Majina Matchin, on the Danube riverbanks, with 420 houses belonging to Bulgarian Christians. It is the last town under Moslem domination and it is part of Silistra pashalic. They have Turkish janitors and a kadi"40. Precise data concerning the Bulgarians migration in Dobrogea are signalled at the beginning of 19th century when 1200 Bulgarian peasants arrive, in 1809, close to Cocosu Monastery, founded by mocans from Dobrogea41. Other 1.500 Bulgarian peasants are mentioned in Babadag area after the city of tulcea has been occupied by Russian general Bulatov whose armies take this group of Bulgarians over the Danube42. It is interesting Nicolae Bälcescu's opinion, who travels in the Balkan peninsula in 1849 and in his correspondence with Ion Ghica claims that "nu there is no Bulgarian village from Blkans to the Danube, only Romanian villages".40 Otherwise the Bulgarians' immigration in Dobrogea is placed in the first half of the 19th century coming from southern of Balkan Mountains 44. A great number of Bulgarians found refuge towards the North part of Dobrogea45 and later on in Basarabia and Muntenia after settling ,for a while in North Dobrogea close to Danube river mouths".46 Another interesting aspect is confusion produced between Bulgarians and Gagauz, population of Turanian origin, Christian Orthodox, through their acknowledgement they were assimilated to Slavonian space (Bulgarian). As a result many Bulgarians confirmed in the province were, actually Gagauz asimilated through their Orthodox acknowledgement and who, had started a serious penetration starting with 18th century in southern Dobrogea. An important migration of Bulgarians starts at the end of 18th century in Russia (mostly in Basarabia). Thus between 1752- 1754, 620 families migrate towards and it seems that starting with this migration, Bulgarians settle in Dobrogea. Regarding this aspect, Iosif Boscovich in his trip to Costantinople, he goes through Dobrogea where he meets Bulgarian groups. Travelling towards Carasu (future Medgidia) Boscovich reaches Baltazichioi that was made of two suburbs: one inhabited by Turkish and th other by Christian Bulgarians47. Another village that Boscovich mentions an dis inhabited by Turkish and Bulgarians is Taschburun, made up of 50 houses. The settlement does not exist today, probably it was situated closet o the hill having the same name that advances in the lake area called Razclm-Sinoic . More migrations of Bulgarian population in the Balkan Penisnula have been determinde by robberies of Cârjaliilor 49 The road of migrations towards Russia was passing through Dobrogea and starting with the 18th century wandering groups were roamming all over Dobrogea for a century and a half. In addition, migrations grow after The Peace from Iassi (1792) when groups of highwaymen used to commit cruelties and crimes all over Dobrogea50. Constantin Brätescu located Bulgarian community after the Moslem one in Dobrogea but with respect to the number of inhabitants he claims that not even the toponymy of the province localities " cannot admit an ancient Bulgarian population with deep roots in the Dobrogean territoryC51 The whole , flood of population directs towards Russia "52 and the way crosses Dobrogea.53

The Bulgarian community established in Dobrogea as colonies that seemed to be particularly attached to this territory. The penetration of Bulgarians in Dobrogea took place in several stages. The first two stages of this migration happened during the inclusion of Dobrogea in the first and the second Bulgarian Empire which temporally fit 7th-10th centuries but also, 12th-14tth centuries with certain intermittences. Actual sources cannot scientifically demonstrate the contiunuity of Bulgarians in Dobrogea from 7th century up to 19th century due to the lack of Slavonian toponymy in many regions of the province.54 The settlement of Bulgarians on this territory developed on a historical background troubled by all sorts of uncertainties, being hard to dissociate between the temporary aspect of the tranzit of a bug number of people and the tendencies to settle in one region or another. During the Ottoman domination, Bulgarian ethnics lived next to Moslems, Romanians and other communities that used to live in the Dobrogea region. Bulgarians settled in Dobrogea before the outbreak of Russian-Turkish wars were divided in two distinc tcommunities Grebenci and Shiscovst reduced in number.55 A pertinent author of the times claims that the big number of Bulgarians was in the farthest South-East part of the province where ever since 18th century, Bulgarians represented the greatest Christian community.56

Consistent Bulgarian communities settle in Dobrogea after 1850 after taking part to the Russian- Turkish from 1828-1829 hoping for the freedom of Bulgaria. This political process did not take place and Bulgarians retired from Turkish revenge settling in Muntenia and Dobrogea where they played an important part in the economical evolution of this space. After 1877 the territory form Dobrogea turns Romanian and subordinates to Romanian State authority inheriting a very interesting ethnic mosaic.

There was a cohabitation between Romanians, Bulgarians, Turkish, Tatars, Germans and other communities that influenced each other preserving traditions and customs we can meet even today in different communities. There are traditions that transmitted from generation to generation.

The tradition of the Päspäliga is one of those elements sacredly kept. Thus, at Shrovetide's Day with cheese, children that were over 5 years old used to transport by carts vegetal remnants belonging to animals gathered during winter. These remnants were taken to the outskirts of the village in a vacant place where there are other heaps of vegetal remnants. Once the dark was coming, these heaps were set on fire at the same time making that the whole village be lighted from this fire. In the same evening, it was the custom to got o relatives where children kissed their hands and wished for "an easy fasting". A week before this event "on the Sunday of Shrovetide at meat" there were visits at godparents, with the hen, felloe, pie and a bottle of wine. This was the ritual of Päspäliga when people were throwing parties and used to enjoy themselves as a longer time of fast was approaching.

Traditions of engagement at Bulgarians represent another custom that this community sacredly respected. A good friend of the bridegroom was sent as a match maker at home at the girl's parents, to receive their blessing. If parents agreed, the girl had to be asked three times if she accepted to get married. If the girl accepts, the engagement is official and the future bridegroom was invited, together with his family at the girl's place.

When it was a feast day, the bridegroom together with his parents went to the girl's house and used to shout: " Do you have a girl that is to be married? We have a boy at the age of marriage." The future bridegroom's family came being prepared with a beatiful kind of fancy bread, a cooked hen and a carafe with the most exquisite wine. If the girl's parents accepted, they were invited in the house for the two families could talk.

When there was agreement on marriage, the boy's mother laid the table with goodies brought by visitors, giving them to the girl's father as a sign of engagement. In the meantime thebridegroom's father put a necklace of ducats at the girl's neck and was giving her gifts. In Bulgarian communities, the engagement could last even for a year, during this period remaining until the wedding the young used to see each other only on Sunday when the boy went to the girl's house to take her to the village reel. The two spouses were happy they could build a future together and were anxious to get married. These identity aspects can represent the model of interethnic cohabitation due to Dobrogea specificity and within this cohabitation we deal with the acculturation process particular to spaces that have been colonized like Dobrogea.

In Basarabia they settled in villages that Tatars left and also in villages close to town like Ismail, Chilia, Reni, Akermann and Chisinau' . Russian-Turkish wars from the beginning of 19th century depopulated even more some parts of Bulgaria. Between 1801-1812 there was one of the greatest migrations around 4.000 families so in 1830 in Basarabia there were around 70.000 Bulgarians. Thus, after the above mentioned war ending in 1912, Dobrogea becomes the center of Bulgarian nationalist actions masked by cultural actions that accelerated Bulgarians' emigrations especially in Tulcea but also in areas surrounding this city. After the Russian- Turkish war from 1829, Russians bring entire contingents of Bulgarians to colonize Buceac and the south region of Basarabia. During emigration a part of these deported Bulgarians remained on Razelm riverside. Because of this, Ion Ionescu de la Brad mentions at 1850 more compact Bulgarian villages like: Caramanchioi, Caugagi, Hamangi, Ciamurli, Sariurt, Casapchioi, and Gagarli1c's. ft seems that out of strategical reasons Russians would have taken Bulgarian population from the Balkans to colonize Basarabia with a foreign population59. The approximate number of Bulgarians was about 1194 families among which, most of Babadag counting at 1864 around 25000 souls60. Another source confirms this aspect through the fact that the Russian-Turkish war from 1806-1812 " entire armies of Cossacks were wandering on the Dobrogean territory robbing and puting fire, not caring for Christian population or for the Turkish one. The one that could not fiind shelter wa staken prisoner and deported in Basarabia. Among them we have thousands bulgarians but also Lipovens" 61 Another researcher of Dobrogea, I. Gu§u, claims that he questioned several old Bulgarians that kept saying that they came from Tâmovo, after the Russian-Turkish war from 1806-1812, settling in South Basarabia in groups made up of clans.

The second generation of these Bulgarian families so that they may not enlist in the military service for the Tzarist army, crossed the Danube in Dobrogea.62 The English general Johmuse who travelled in Balkan 1847 gives some information upon the war from 1828-1829 and about migrations that appeared because of this war. Bulgarians had a great role then because they were in a war of attrition on their territory and served Russians as fuglemen and spies. Turkish complain they had to suffer more because of Bulgarians and not of Russians.

Due to this, in the Treaty of Adrianople it has been decided that "aceia those who want to leave Bulgaria to got o Russia have permission even from Turkish Empire"63 ft is likely that some of them might have felt safer settling, on their emigration rad, in a remote area of Dobrogea " where Turkish administration was weaker" M

In 1855 the head money has been abolished for the Non-Moslem population, having the right to wear guns but also they were forced to go to military service. Most Christians prefered, thus to pay a tax to be exempted. The application of these reformations was troubled by the outbreak of Crimea war65. After the end of the conflict, the reformation course was resumed.66 In 19th century, it has been tried an improvement of the subjects from the West part of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, the beneficiaries of these reformations were Bulgarian traders and businessmen that took advantage of the Greek influence decline in the Ottoman capital, after Greek revolution. Besides the relative economical prosperity, Bulgarian territories benefit of a low administrative level of a high degree of local self- determination. Bulgarian committees had practical entire control upon internal problems. Bulgarian peasantry, representing the majority of population benefit of an improvement of conditions due to the fact that: "the status of Bulgarian peasant was completely superior tot hat of his contemporary over the Danube, form Principalities ,"67

Due to these favourable general conditions, the Ottoman Empire decided that Bulgaria could be the best place to test the chances of Tanzimat reformations. This way, following the model of Rumelia and Bulgarian territories have been attempts to reform the Dobrogea territory, too. After the war of Crimea, there have been great administrative efforts to tum a province into a model for regions from Southern part of the Danube. In this respect, it has been taken the decision to build a railway between the Danube and the Black Sea coast to relate two strategical points Cemavodä and Kustenge (Constantza). In 1864, it has been founded the Danube vilayetul entrusted to a competitive reformer, Midhat Pasa. Under his administration, it was an attempt to equal Moslems and Christians, the latter one being able to become members in administrative councils.

Footnote

1 Within the Treaty of Peace from Berlin article 46 had some specifications: " the territory between The Danube Delta, including the way from until the Black Sea at South Mangaba' was reunited with Romania, Documents concerning history of Romanian; Independence War . vol. 9 Bucuresti. 1995. p.377._

2 Dominic ABRAMS, Processes of Social Identification, in , Social psychology of Identity and the Self concept, coord. Glynis M. Breakwell, Surrey University Press, 1992, p. 87.

3Petre P. PANAITESCU, Economic Importance of Sheperds (Mocans) in the History of Muntenia, Cluj, /e.,1936,p.36 where the author asserts that: there have always been created trading roads, not by sheperds but imposed of trading centers or ports at the Danube and at the Black Sea.

4 Ion Ionescu de la Brad, Agriculture Trip in the Plain of Dobrogea, The Printing of Romanian Tribune, Bucuresci, 1879, p. 127.

5 Tudor MATEESCU, Sheperds' Grazing..., p.80-82; Tudor MATEESCU, Permanence and Continuity of the Romanians. ., p.73-74._

6 This explains why villages from Dobrogea have names from Ardeal like: Siliçtea, Poiana, Galeçu,etc.

7 Victor SLÄVESCU, Mail between Ion Ionescu de la Brad and Ion Ghica, 1846-1874. Bucuresti. 1943.P. 52._

8 This name of Romanian Dicians seems to have been taken from a toponym Dicina, a possible version of the toponym Vicina attested in medieval sources of the 7th-14th centuries. Gheorghe BRÄTIANU, Recherches sur Vicina et Cetatea Albä, Bucuresti. 1935. pp. 27-20._

9 Gheorghe VÂLSAN, Romanians were living in the Danube Delta in 15th century, in Romanian Idiom, 1927, p.146.

10 Apud. Victor MORFEI, The Swamp of lalomifa, in, Annals of Dobrogea, an V - VI, 1924-1925, p.80.

11 In this respect we can have the following localities: the village of Vaidomir at West of Silistra that is the double of the same village at west from Cälära^i. Double villages are also: Coslogea (Coslugeal, Oltina, Satu Nou, Beilic, Cocargea, Mdrleanu, Romulus SEITAN, op.cit. , p. 159.

12 Ion NENCIU, A Romanian Penetration in Old Dobrogea, in, The Regional Newsletter of the Geography Society , tome XLII, Bucureçti, 1923, p. 94.

13 Ibidem.

14 Camille ALLARD mentions that all over the territory of Dobrogea there were few settlements made up of: Tatars, Bulgarians and ... .Romanians although the latter one were on the Danube riverbank. The same doctor mentions that at Constantza, (Kustenge) "a small Turkish village" in 1856 there were only 3 Romanian families, Mission medicale dans la Tartarie -Dobroutscha ,Paris 1857, quoted by Al. ARBORE in The Annals of Dobrogea. HE s.a" p.269-270_

15 Dumitru ÇANDRU , Sheperds in Dobrogea, The institute of National History from Bucharest, Bucureçti, 1946 - where the author mentions the fact that all the Ottoman domination there existed Romanians in Dobrogea.

The author fundaments its information relying upon survey during 1910 and 1920 in all places of Dobrogea where there existed Romanian families.

16 Ibidem , p. 10

17 M.D. IONESCU, Dobrogea at Dawn of the 20th Century, Bucureçti, Graphic Arts Publishing House, 1904, p.323.

18 Teacher at Normal School from Constantza, so, inhabitant of Dobrogea and excellent connoisseur of realities regarding the period after the Independence War

19 Constantin BRÄTESCU Demographic Situation of Dobrogea, in, DOBROGEA RECORDS, Journal of Society for Research and Study of Dobrogea, vol.I, Bucureçti, "Jockey- Club" Publishing House Ion C. Väcärescu, 1916, pp.12-16.

20 Ibidem , p. 13.

21 Dr. Paul TRAEGER ... Bilder aus der Dobroutscha, 1918, translated at Constant Art Publishing House in 2008. p. 278.

22 Ibidem

23 Ibidem , p 279.

24 Paul TRAEGER depicts realities he found in the territory that really defined a situation closet o the information the author records in the mentioned work.

25 Mihail Kogälniceanu's Program upon Dobrogea, that he supported so much that he asked to repsect all traditions including those of the Lipovens and more, they should be exempted of military service "their religion prevent them from carrying guns". Vasile M. KOGÄLNICEANU, Dobrogea 1879-1909; Political Rights without Liberties , The Publishing House of Socecu Bookstore, Bucureçti ,1910, p.28-3 E

26 Ibidem, p. 31

27 Dumitru ÇANDRU , op. cit. p.24.

28 M.D. IONESCU, Dobrogea at Dawn of the 20th Century, Bucureçti, Socecu Publishing House, 1904, p.324.

29 Ibidem

30 Ibidem

31 Karl F. PETERS, Geographie und Geologie der Dobroudscha, p.131, Microfilmed edition belonging to the Library of Romanian Academy. The researcher is reminded by Mihail Ionescu Dobrogeanul in his paper on Dobrogea that I have already mentioned.

32 Gheorghe DUMITRAÇCU, Liliana LAZIA, Dobrogea 1884 - 1885 in 31 de räspunsuri ale comunelor la "Chestionarul Hasdeu ", Ex. Ponmto. Constanta, p. 103._

33 Adrian RÄDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, History of Dobrogea, Ex Ponto Publishing House, 1997, p. 220.

34 Radu-Çtefan VERGATTI claims that south east was represented by the future Romanian Quadrilateral, Treaty of Romanian History, vol. VI, Bucureçti, 2003, p. 99.

35 Professor Ion Bitoleanu confirms this episode where he claims that the population of Dobrogea suddenly increased in the 19th century until the Russian-Romanian-Turkish war from 1877-1878. One of the sources of the sources of this raise was the exodus of some sheperds from Bulgarian provinces. Adrian RÄDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, op. cit., p. 288.

36 Victor MORFEI, The Swamp of Ialomita , in, Annals of Dobrogea , an V si VI 1925. p. 34; Nicolae's article to see, La Dobrogea Roumaine, Bucarest, 1919.

37 M.D. IONESCU, op.cit., p.326.

38 The researcher Al. Arbore claims that respective groups were transported in great number, Alexandra ARBORE, Bulgarian Settlements, in Archives of Dobrogea, nr. V, 1916.

39 Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium vol. XVIII also including Acta bulgariae eclesiástica , apud. Alexandra P. ARBORE, op. cit.,p. 25._

40 The Travels of Macarius Patriarch ofAntioh written by his attendant archedeacon, Paul of AUepo in Arabic, apud. Alexandra ARBORE, op. city. 26.

41 Gheorghe DUMITRAÇCU, Liliana LAZIA, op. cit., p. 103.

42 Liubov MILETICI, Bulgarians from Dobrogea, in, Dobrogea Juna, 1, no. 24, June 15, 1912, p.2

43 Nicolae Bälcescu was wondering: Where are the Bulgarians? In Bulgaria there are fewer only in towns between Vidin and Ni$ and beyond the Balkans (...). Actually, no Bulgarian village only Romanian ones. Mail to Ion Ghica.

44 M. D. IONESCU, op.cit., p.327.

45 Alexandra P. ARBORE, Din etnografía Dobrogei, in " Analele Dobrogei", I, 1916, p. 29-31.

46 Constantin N. VELICHI, Emigration of Bulgarians in Muntenia during Russian-Turkish War from 1806-1812, m, Romanoslavica, Bucureçti, 1963, p.53.

47 Iosef BOSCOVICH, Voyage de Constantinopole en Pologne, French Edition, p. 153, apud. Alexandra ARBORE, op.cit., p.27._

48 Ibidem

49 Cârjaliu in Turkish Kyrcali meant thief or deserted robber, in some writings they were called Daglii, mountain inhabitants or simpler highwaymen.

50 C. JIRECEK, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 526, in, Z. ARBORE , Basarabia in 19 century, p. 104

51 Constantin BRÄTESCU, loe. eit, p. 237.

52 Nicolae IORGA, 1905, Geschichte des rumänischen Volkes, vol.II, F.A. Parthes, p. 203.

53 Constantin PETRESCU, Dimitrie A. STURDZA, Acts and Relative Documnets at Romania, vol. Ill, Bucureçti, 1934, p.1083.

54 George UNGUREANU, Dusk of Ottoman Domination in Dobrogea, in Cristiana Crachin, Gheorghe Zbughea, The Unity of Dobrogea -130 years, Bucureçti, Cultural League for the Union of Romanians and Semne Publishing Elouse, 2008, p.75.

55 Adrian RÄDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, op. eit 1997, p.

56 Radu - Çtefan VERGATTI maintains that farthest South-East was represented by future Romanian Quadrilateral , Treaty of Romanian History , vol. VI. Bucuresti. 2003. p. 99.

57 Alexandra ARBORE, op.cit. p. 29

58 Ion IONESCU de la BRAD, op.cit.p .91.

59 Nicolae Iorga asserts " The Russians' first action in authentic and proper Basarabia had been to replace Tatars disappeared due to a Christian nation, with a Non-Romanian nationMost particular nationstumed neighbours on this ancient Moldavian territory. Against "foreigners" the colonization office had firstly brought Germans, and even Italians, and thenArmenians, Cossaks, lipovens and Bulgarians" Nicolae IORGA, Chilia and Cetatea Alhä, Bucure§ti, [s.n.], 1915, p. 265; see also Dr. Wilhelm RULAND, Geschichte der Bulgaren, Berlin, 1911, p. 61, apud. Alexandra ARBORE, op cit., p.29.

60 Guillaume LEJAN, Etnographie de la Turquie dEurope, Paris, 1872, p. 129; compare with M.D IONESCU, op. cit. , p.327.

61 Paul TRAEGER, Pictures of Dobrogea, translation from German of the original work from 1918, Constanza, 2008, .262.

62 In Dobrogea Bulgarians settled in Tatar villages: Ienichioi, Congaz, Ciamurlia de Sus (Ali-bey), Eschibaba, Beidaud (Bey- Daod sau Bey-Daud). Romulus SEIÇAN, op.cit. p.170.

63 Constantin PETRESCU, D A. STURDZA, op. cit, vol. Ill, p. 1084-1085.

64 Alexandra P. ARBORE, op.cit, p.33.

65 Nicolae CIACHIR, The War for the Independence of Romania within European Context: 1875-1878, Scientific and Encyclopedic Publishing House §i Enciclopédica, Bucureçti 1977, pp.125-127

66 Ibidem, p. 139

67 Barbara JELAVICH, History of Balkans, 2001, Institututl Euopean, Bucuresti, vol I, p.299-300_

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