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Abstract
This dissertation seeks to explain new patterns of civil-military relations in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. These countries were formerly ruled by military governments that exercised broad authority over their respective societies. They are all now established democracies. Previous work in civil-military relations in the region has focused on the prevention of coups and the ways in which the armed forces impinge upon democracy. Each line of inquiry is less relevant in the democratic era.
The dissertation develops a new framework to describe civil-military relations in the region, focusing on the intensity of support for the military and the extent of the military's mission. Argentina is characterized by low intensity and narrow extension, a situation I refer to as marginalization. Brazil features medium-low intensity of support yet wide extension, a pattern I refer to as accommodation. In Chile, the military performs a relatively small number of tasks but receives a large amount of funding to accomplish these responsibilities. I refer to this pattern as abridgment. These three outcomes measure not military prerogatives but rather the military's remaining role in society.
Much recent scholarship has played down the importance of the transition to democracy, arguing that elected authorities will erode military influence over time. This dissertation challenges this conventional wisdom, arguing that current patterns of civil-military relations are indeed tied to the manner of the transition to democracy, though not in a mechanical fashion. While earlier transitions literature pointed to the overall level of incumbent control as the crucial variable, this dissertation finds that the specific legal institutions that the military leaves behind, such as constitutional provisions, are more important for long-term influence. The degree of institutionalization of military role is a major factor in determining later civil-military relations. However, as the Argentine case shows, the armed forces can still exercise influence outside of institutional channels. The two primary cases examined in this dissertation are Argentina and Brazil, and the findings are based on field work in each country.
