STATE AND NATION. A COMPARATIVE APPROACH BETWEEN THE LEGIONARY AND THE COMMUNIST DISCOURSE

Abstract

The paper herein aims to analyse the state and nation, as these two concepts were reflected in the legionary and communist discourse on the Romanian political scene in the 20th century. More precisely, we shall make a comparison between the discourse of the best known legionnaire of his epoch, in the person of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, and that of the best known communist leader and President of the Socialist Republic of Romania (1974-1989), Nicolae Ceausescu.

Headnote

Abstract:

The paper herein aims to analyse the state and nation, as these two concepts were reflected in the legionary and communist discourse on the Romanian political scene in the 20th century. More precisely, we shall make a comparison between the discourse of the best known legionnaire of his epoch, in the person of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, and that of the best known communist leader and President of the Socialist Republic of Romania (1974-1989), Nicolae Ceausescu.

Keywords: communism, legionaries, extremism, ideologies, political system

For our research, we shall use the qualitative method materialized in the text analysis, relying on primary sources. We shall turn to the renowned books written by C.Z. Codreanu, Pentru legionari143 and Carticica sefului de cuib144, and to the discourse held by Nicolae Ceausescu at the 14th Congress of the communist party, in 1989, entitled Report on the current stage of the Romanian socialist society, on the activity of the Central Committee between the 13th and the 14th Congress, on the achievement of Directive-programme of economic and social development of the 9th five-year plan until 2000-2010, in order to firmly fulfil the programme of building the multilaterally developed socialist society and Romania's advance toward communism.145

An important aspect that needs to be clarified from the beginning of the research refers to language. We have faced the translation of the discourses from Romanian into English, which has proven to raise some problems. Accordingly, we have chosen to resort to a word-by-word translation, so that the text in English should be very similar to the Romanian one.

The state is a concept whose meanings and understandings range from antiquity to present day and represent a source of controversy among the specialists and analysts of this particular concept. The best-known denominations with reference to the state are attributed to philosophers, political scientists, such as: Plato (ideal state)146, Aristotle (city-state)147, Montesquieu (separation of powers: legislative, executive and judicial)148, Jean-Jacques Rousseau (social contract)149, John Locke (natural state)150, Thomas Hobbes (Contractualism),151 Niccolò Machiavelli (modern concept of the state),152 Immanuel Kant (perpetual peace)153, Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (nihilism and the will to achieve power)154 and Karl Marx (omnipresent state)155, if we are to name only those who made history and proved to be milestones in the evolution of societies.

Nowadays, when we speak about the state we have the tendency to refer to it as a rule of law. This concept has become a necessity or a must in a democratic political system. Consequently, it is a reference, a standard, when we make comparisons of different political systems. Rule of law, rechtsstaat, état de droit are simply words but extremely present in everyday conversation or in the vocabulary of the European citizens or global citizens in the 21st century, due to the fact that this denomination is often used for both ordinary people and specialists.

The origin of the term goes back to the 18th century and has a German root: rechtsstaat. The father of this concept is considered to be Johan Wilhelm Peterson, who published the book Literatur der Staatslehre.156 In more than two hundred years, the concept has evolved, enriched, gained more and more content, and specialists have elaborated its principles, tried to define its purpose, problems, limits, features, and so on, as the societies have changed their political systems, transformed, evolved, grew, modernized.

We consider properly bringing into discussion the expression uttered by Louis XIV of France in the 17th century that made history - "L'État, c'est moi" (I am the state)157, in order to better understand the vision of the political leaders in the Middle Ages and how this concept evolved. From the simplest concept I am the state, when the leader identified himself with the state up to the rule of law nowadays, the road that these concepts followed was a long and sinuous one, which led to debates and controversies involving common people, philosophers and politicians, and sometimes even the participation of institutions and organizations. As a basic and conclusive example we should mention that the European Union itself is based on the rule of law.158 Consequently, decisions were taken and norms and standards for the rule of law were demanded. The Copenhagen European Council159 of 1993 and the Madrid European Council160 of 1995 set out the criteria needed to be fulfilled in order to be accepted in the large family of Europe. Three criteria are absolutely necessary to join the European Union: the political, the economic and the acceptance of the community acquis.

Defining the rule of law today is quite difficult due to the fact that there is no single, correct definition of the rule of law, given its either too maximalist or too minimalist definitions.161

We consider that it is more important in this paper to present the principles of the rule of law rather than giving the definition of the concept basing our argument on the fact that a principle has more value, more force, being defined as "A fundamental truth or proposition that serves as the foundation for a system of belief or behaviour or for a chain of reasoning."162 Thus, the principles are: political pluralism, will of the majority, separation of powers, hierarchy of legal norms, control of the activity of administrative organs by the judicial organs, control of the constitutionality of laws, human rights and fundamental freedoms.163

Taking into account the abovementioned principles concerning the rule of law, we shall analyse the state and nation in two important periods of Romania: a) the interwar period, as we shall bring into discussion the vision and ideas on state and nation of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, the indisputable leader of the extreme right movement, and b) the communist period, where we make reference to Nicolae Ceausescu's vision on state and nation, as the absolute leader of the extreme left movement. The difference between them is that Nicolae Ceausescu had the chance to put into practice his ideas, whilst Codreanu just expressed them in books and discourses. When the Legionaries seized power and Romania was declared a national-legionary state, from September 1940 to February 1941164, Codreanu was already dead. He had been since 1938165.

From the very beginning we have to mention that these two extreme movements have been and remain debated by preeminent historians. Controversies appeared due to their recognized or not recognized similarities, or due to their appearances. The Passing of an Illusion: The Idea of Communism in the Twentieth Century166 by François Furet represents a milestone in the understanding of totalitarian regimes. The author is convinced that the advent of totalitarian regimes had economic causes and communism and fascism are "totalitarian twins" as long as their origins reside in socialism and anti-liberal convictions. Ernst Nolte, another great philosopher, is a partner of Furet's for a vivid discussion, given that the German philosopher expressed his convictions and ideas on fascism and communism in the book entitled Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism.167 For him, fascism is a counter reaction to communism and the main cause for the development of fascism was the resistance and reaction to modernity. Even more, he defines fascism in terms of anti-Marxism: "Fascism is anti-Marxism which seeks to destroy the enemy by the evolvement of a radically opposed and yet related ideology and by the use of almost identical and yet typically modified methods, always, however, within the unyielding framework of national selfassertion and autonomy"168. For Vladimir Tismaneanu, as they are reflected in the book The Devil in History: Communism, Fascism, and Some Lessons of the Twentieth Century, both communism and fascism are types of totalitarianism, both are reactions to the Enlightenment. Even more, both are pathologies of modernity (Tismaneanu admitted that he had borrowed this term - pathology - from Furet) and both are revolutionary movements. The explanation for this assertion is that their aim is to propose a new human condition.169 Only by offering these three examples can we remark the complexity and the problematic issues of these ideologies.

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu tries to define the state within the belief of nationalChristian socialism. Consequently, his primary idea on state makes, first of all, reference to the territory: "I believe in one and inseparable Romanian State from the Dniestr to the Tisza, including all Romanians and only Romanians, loving work and honest, with fear of God, with the pain of the country and nation. The state is the giver of equal civil and political rights to men and women. Protector of the family, offering salaries to servants and workers according to the number of children and to work, understanding quantity and quality, and in one state supporter of social harmony, restricting the number of ranks; and above salary, socializing factories, owned by all workers, and distributing land to all ploughmen."170

With regard to economic coordination, Codreanu believes that the redistribution of welfare between the employer (public or private) and workers is the key to the proper functioning of the economic sector. The state will interfere and protect workers and servants in terms of food and clothing. "There will be a distribution of benefits between employer (public or private) and workers. The (private) owner, besides salary, will receive a decreasing percentage proportional to capital." 171 As we can notice, private property exists, but the state controls it. The owners, either private or public, are totally obedient to the state. The state will dictate in terms of the economy. The state will also dictate the forms of the unions of workers. These should be national.

For Codreanu, the fundamental idea on which he bases his conviction on state is that it must be renewed. Consequently, the need for a new man is required: "The new state cannot be based only on theoretical concepts of constitutional law. The state implies, first of all, a new type of man. A new state with the old people, unfortunately, cannot be conceived."172 In this respect, he speaks about a moral purification, a spiritual revolution that comes with a change of mentality, becoming the key element for the good functioning of society: "the meaning of the Legionary movement differs from what has been done to date in history and the legionary victory will bring about the restoration of the virtues of our people, a worthy Romania, dignified and strong - it will create a new man, according to a new kind of European life." 173 This new man is the embodiment of what the Romanian nation is all about: love, fairness, sacrifice, fight, devotion, compassion and salvation.

In order to create the new man, Codreanu comes up with a solution materialized in the legionary school: "A political party, even Cuza's party, can offer, at most, a new government and new leadership: on the contrary, the Legionary school can give the country a new type of Romanian.174 "Thus, the school is entitled to form, educate, and develop the new generations. The school shapes characters, and the education received in the Legionary school is vital for the new generation of Romanians. The new man will be a role model. Educated in a moral environment, the new man will have the power to gather around him other supporters and newcomers will automatically live their lives respecting the Legionaries' beliefs. The power of example will be a way of life and in the end the Legion of Archangel Michael will prevail.

Moreover, for Codreanu the state must be ethnic and national: "The earth is the basis of existence of the nation. Nation stands as a tree with its roots planted in the soil of the country, from where it draws its nourishment and life... There are laws made by God that organize peoples' lives. One of these laws is the law of the land. God gave each nation a particular territory to live on, to grow, to develop and create its own culture. The Jewish problem in Romania is the transgression of the Jews of these natural laws of the land."175 We remark the recurrent theme of the land in the existence of the nation, the idyllic presentation, the use of a metaphor in order to emphasise its national feature. No other nations are allowed to interfere with the pure nation of Romania. Consequently, Codreanu militates for a state that does not allow using other national symbols than that of its national history. Thus, he identifies a danger in the person of Jews (according to him, there are 2-2.5 million Jews)176 who are responsible for all the malfunctions of the political systems. Furthermore, he brings into discussion democracy in Europe (again he uses a metaphor comparing it with clothes that the most important countries in Europe gave up) and concludes that in the case of Romania "democracy crushes the unity of the Romanian people, dividing it into parties, feuding it, exposing it to the block unity of Jewish power in a difficult moment in its history, (...) democracy is incapable of continuity in effort, (...) democracy puts the politician in the impossibility to do his duty towards the nation, (...) democracy is incapable of authority".177 The political system he speaks about is in fact a totalitarian state, a rejection and denial of democracy. In his opinion, a democratic system "transforms millions of Jews into Romanian citizens and it serves the great finances"178. The ideas that were promoted by the French Revolution are virulently rejected: "The state based on the old ideology of the French revolution is collapsing. In the world, the problem of a new state is being discussed. This state can be the best or the worst. How it will be? As we shall do it"179. Codreanu rejects the republic as a form of government. He is in favour of the monarchy. "The Monarchy has always been good. We do not have to mistake the ruler for the institution"180.

In this totalitarian state, commerce and labour camps181 are the most important propagandistic measures of Legionaries. The dam from Visani is a case in point. "I wish that all the citizens from every town or villages you pass through would remain impressed by the discipline, fairness, dignity and good behaviour of the Legionaries, in any situation"182.

The legionaries gained followers even among priests. It could not have been otherwise. A movement that puts God and religion in the core of its doctrine addresses first of all priests. And in our case, the Iron Guard addressed the Romanian Orthodox priests and practitioners. Accordingly, by totally assuming religion, the Legionaries fought against communism. Codreanu uttered: "The Legionnaire is against the communist and will fight with all his powers to find him so that this communist would be exposed and slain. The triumph of the communist movement in Romania would mean: the cancellation of the Monarchy, the cancellation of the Church, abolition of family, abolition of private property and abolition of freedom. It means, in one word, our dispossession of what forms the moral heritage of humanity and at the same time, the dispossession of any material assets in favour of communism profiteers from the shadows, who are the Jews."183

It is known that in communism, all religions are abolished. Even more, for Codreanu there is equality between the Jews and the communists. "Romanian workers as communist leaders were neither Romanians nor workers. In Iasi: Dr. Ghelerter, Jew; Gheler, Jew; Spiegler, Jew; Schreiber, Jew etc. In Bucharest: Ilie Moscovici, Jew; Pauker, Jew etc."184

The new man that we have mentioned above has to totally abide by Christian precepts. God becomes a way of life, a model of demeaning. For legionnaires, politics means first of all religion. The orthodox faith unites them and will be ranked as a national religion, being the key to national salvation. With religion and through its help, the Romanians can reach salvation.

As means of control, the legionaries created the nests, as a rule of behaviour where legionaries had to strictly follow 6 laws in order to achieve a Christian, national, social and physical education. The law offers the instructions for all legionnaires, being the top belief for them. Propaganda and force were the best-known means of control that the legionaries 182 Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Pentru legionari , [http://www.miscarea.net/p3.html], 23 February 2015.

used. The first act of violence that Corneliu Zelea Codreanu perpetrated was the assassination of Manciu, Chief Police Officer in Iasi in 1924.185

1. Discipline Law: be disciplined, legionnaire, because only in this way will you win. Follow your leader for better or worse.

2. Labour Law: work. Work every day. Work with pleasure. The reward for your work should not be the gain, but the satisfaction that you put a brick to the ascension of the Legion and to the flourishing of Romania.

3. The Law of Silence: talk less. Say what you should say. Speak when you need to. Your oratory is the oratory of deed. Do things! Let the others speak!

4. Education Law: you must become another. A hero. In the nest you must learn things. Know the Legion well.

5. Law of mutual aid: help your brother that has fallen into misfortune. Do not let him down.

6. Honour Law: go only on the paths of honour. Fight and never be cowardly. Let the others go on the paths of infamy. Better to fall in an honourable fight than win by infamy.186

The nation for Codreanu must be defined in terms of a pure, non-tainted nation. The stranger, the other, especially the Jews, were seen as threats. Codreanu is fully convinced that a nation can remain pure unless the state interferes. Romania should belong to Romanians and only to Romanians. Relevant for these ideas are his beliefs: "Let there be justice for Romanians in their own country"187 and "If we do not fight against the Jewish element, we shall perish as a nation.188" The bringing into discussion of the Jew element is defining for Codreanu when he refers to nation. Influenced by A.C. Cuza189, Codreanu considers that there cannot be and should not be compatibility between the Jews and the Romanians due to the fact that they do not belong to the same breed and do not have the same blood running through their veins. He appeals once again to God who created laws for each nation. And the first and most important one is that of the land: "The Jewish problem in Romania and elsewhere consists of the violation of this natural law of the land by the Jews. They've violated our territory. They are criminals, and not me, but the Romanian people, are called to bear the consequences of their crime. Elementary logic tells us that the offender must bear the consequences of the crime committed. Will he suffer? He has to suffer. All offenders suffer. No logic in the world will tell me to die for the crimes of others."190

Consequently, no nation can interfere in the territory of another nation. It is against the law. Even more, for Codreanu it is unacceptable that on the territory where the ancestors have their eternal sleep, from antiquity up to his time, once would accept the Jews that only to steal and prey on the land.

"I as k and I expect an answer: on what grounds are the Jews entitled to steal our land? On what historical arguments do they stake their claims, especially the boldness that we face, here, at home? We are bound to this earth through millions of graves and the millions of invisible threads that only our soul senses, and those who will try to pillage from our land will suffer the consequences."191

According to Codreanu, the individual, national collectivity and the nation are the most important pillars of a society, but democracy mocks all the three. Furthermore, democracy mocks the elite, the driving force behind the leadership of a state. It is endowed with some features192 in order to become a national elite and be able to run a country. For Codreanu, a nation must abide by the laws that are not made by human beings. He simply calls them laws of life and laws of death.193 A nation lives or dies depending on whether it obeys these laws or not.

"People are not led by their will: democracy. Neither through the will of o ne person: dictatorship. People are led by laws. These laws are not made by human beings. There are norms, natural laws of life and norms, natural laws of death. There are laws of life and laws of death. A nation goes either to life or to death depending on whether it respects or does not respect these laws."194

After the Second World War, more exactly in 1948, Romania changed its form of government. From a constitutional monarchy it turned into a republic. The legal basis for the functioning of the political system was the Constitution of 1948.195

There are two important periods if we are to characterize the communist period. The first one, from 1947 to 1965, when the name of the country was The People's Republic of Romania, and the period from 1965 to 1989. During that time, Romania was named The Socialist Republic of Romania,196 marking in fact a new phase within the building a multilaterally developed socialist society, the belief of the "beloved leader", Nicolae Ceausescu.

For Nicolae Ceausescu, as he mentioned in the discourse held during the 14th Congress of the Communist Party, in 1989, the 9th Congress of the Party (held in 1965 when he took power) was a milestone for Romanian communists. Ever since, the entire activity, in every field, was structured on three pillars: self-leadership, self-management, self-financing, whilst benefiting from the discoveries made by science and mechanics. Ceausescu considered that at the basis of every state and nation lay the people, the real master of the destinies of the country. "We always have to underline that the real maker of history, life and independence of the nation is the people itself."197

The people are made up of workers, peasantry and intellectuals. In his vision, the first state of workers was accomplished by the Great Russian Revolution of Red October. The purpose of the working class was to put an end to the fight between antagonist classes, between the oppressed and oppressors. Thus, there was no separation of population into classes. Together they would work, under the leadership of the revolutionary party, so as to build the socialist society. This was the normal course of a country aiming to develop itself. Following this pattern, all countries should experience the socialist society where independence and liberty are totally assumed and the welfare of those countries is guaranteed. "The working class, peasantry and intelligentsia, administer programmes and provide economic and social development of our country, reaching the peaks of progress and civilization."198

The role of the state in Ceausescu's view was to organize, plan and provide leadership in all areas of activity with the purpose of building a multilaterally developed socialist society. The entire national economy is based on development according to the socialist model. There was a need for a single national plan and its declared purpose was to put an end to every form of waste. Private property did not exist. Consequently, there was no free market and capitalism was totally rejected. Even more, for the communists, private property is similar to bourgeois-landlord property: "In 1948, with the overthrow of the monarchy and the nationalization of the principal means of production, the bourgeoislandlord ownership, and the exploitation of man by man were forever discarded."199

Economic planning in every field of activity became an obligation and the 5-year plans were invoked on every occasion. Within the 5-year plans, there was common ownership of the tools of production.200 Consequently, everything and everyone was controlled. In such an economic model, every person should have a place to work. It was beyond the vision of communists that there could be unemployed persons. This could occur only in capitalist societies, a negative and blamably economic model to live in.

"In the 9th five-year plan we will have to solve the problem of energy by extension and hydropower improvement, functioning at full capacity of coal power plants, recovery of renewable energy sources and unconventional sources."201 In terms of theory, the communists' propaganda uttered optimum and "equal conditions for all country's sons."202

"Let us start from the dialectic materialist thesis according to which there are no problems that cannot be understood. Socialism and communism mean knowledge, science and progress."203

Equity and social justice are translated as "no work no bread, no bread without 204

The communist party has a vital role in society. It is the only party accepted the political driving force of society.205 Economic, social, cultural and academic promises were made in the name of the communist party. Thus, the party had an extremely powerful force, it was the supreme court of justice, and it was the decider on everyone's life. Measures were taken in the name of party, the only authorized organ of the state. "The party represents the vital centre of our nation, the patriotic and revolutionary consciousness of our people" and with its help Romania will reach the "peaks of progress and civilization."206 All members must have only duties, never advantages. The party, together with the state, will defend Romania. The total number of members of the communist party was 3.831.000.207 Ceausescu spoke about a new man, builder of socialism and communism, which exhibited qualities of a patriot, revolutionary and highly educated person. In order to show that the party was internationalized, Ceausescu offered some figures: 92% are Romanians, 6,53% Romanians of Hungarian nationality, 0,51% Romanians of German nationality, and the rest are Romanians of other nationalities.208

Ceausescu speaks about democracy for workers.209 Its governing bodies are made up of Congresses for every field of activity and Councils of leadership.210 He is totally convinced that when the communist party took the decision to give up the dictatorship of the proletariat,211 that was the best option.

Militia and Securitatea are, according to Ceausescu, organs of internal order, their purpose being the "defence of property of the working people, of cooperative property, of the goods of the people, of work and life of citizens, of revolutionary conquests."212 Even more, Ceausescu appeals and urges that all communist parties around the world should meet in international and regional conferences in order to solve the problems of the world. "Collaboration and peace policy between all world member states"213 is required.

Several conclusions can be drawn after analysing the discourse of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu and Nicolae Ceausescu.

Both regimes were totalitarian by essence. Both advocated the creation of a new man. Both used propaganda and force as means of control. Both created control organs: the nests for legionaries and Securitatea for communists. Both wanted a strong nation. Neither respected the principles of the rule of law.

For the legionaries the state comes with a new type of Romania: the new man. This new man can be created only by a Legionary School. A state made up of people with moral and religious virtues was absolutely required. There was an equality sign between the orthodox religion and being a legionnaire. Religion was the passport required to enter the Movement. The legionaries fought for the achievement of a national-ethnic state. A state made up only of Romanians. The Legion's nationalism was defined in terms of xenophobia, anti-Semitism, anticommunism and anti-democracy. They used labour camps and commerce, as propagandistic instruments with the purpose of gathering new supporters.

For the communists the state should have 3 key roles within society: to organize, plan and rule (leadership). Nation and state are at the basis of the development of socialist society, which relies on peasantry, working class and intellectuals. All member states are equal in rights, no discrimination on gender or nationality is referred to. There are no classes; there is no exploitation of man by man, as it occurs in capitalist societies. The only party is the communist one. Its role is to raise of the level of material and spiritual life of the whole Romanian people. Consequently, there is a necessity of unity of all people around the party. With regard to the economy, the five-year plans are a priority and a model in order to build the multilaterally developed socialist society, and its final destination: communism. Focusing on a controlled state economy without private property, without free market, the communists desired an economy where the means of production were commonly-owned. The obsessive appeal to people, either when something is to be achieved or when it is about who achieves it, dissimulates in fact the there is no leader. The internationalization of the movement is characterized by the appeal to other communist countries to tackle and solve the problems and together to continue the transition to a higher stage, that of communism. Religion is abolished; there is no need for it as long as the party is present in everything and everywhere. Democracy for workers is seen in terms of development and flourishing of each socialist nation, "equal in rights, sovereign and independent214", ready to advance toward communism.

Sidebar

This work was possible due to the financial support of the Sectorial Operational Program for Human Resources Development 2007-2013, co-financed by the European Social Fund, under the project number POSDRU/159/1.5/S/132400 with the title "Young successful researchers - professional development in an international and interdisciplinary environment".

Footnote

143 Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Pentru legionari, [http://www.miscarea.net/p3.html], 20 February, 2015.

144 Idem, Carticica sefului de cuib, [http://miscarea.net/carticica.htm], 23 February 2015.

145[http://www.cnsas.ro/documente/istoria_comunism/congrese/1989%20Raport%20la%20Congresul%20al %20XIV-lea%20al%20PCR.pdf], 20 February 2015.

146 Platon, Republica, Ed. Antet, 2005.

147 Aristotel, Politica, Ed. Artemis, 2008.

148 Montesquieu, Despre spiritul legilor, vol. 1, Ed. Stiintifica, 1964.

149 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Despre contractul social, Ed. Nemira, 2008.

150 John Locke, Second Treatise of Government, 2012.

151 Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, Penguin Books Ltd, 1981.

152 Niccolò Machiavelli, Principele, Ed. Antet, 2012.

153 Immanuel Kant, Perpetual Peace, Filiquarian Publishing, LLC., 2007.

154 Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche, The will to power, Vintage Books Edition, 1968.

155 Karl Marx, Capitalul: critica economiei politice, vol I., Ed. Alexandria Publishing House, 2009.

156 Petru Miculescu, Statul de drept, Bucharest: Ed. Lumina Lex, 1998, p. 57.

157 Herbert H. Rowen, "L'État, c'est moi, Louis XIV and the State" in French Historical Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, ( 1961), p. 83.

158 [http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/policy/policy-highlights/rule-of-law/index_en.htm], 18 February 2015.

159 [http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ec/72921.pdf], 18 February 2015.

160 [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/summits/mad1_en.htm], 18 February 2015.

161 For further details concerning the definition and features of the rule of law, see Jørgen Møller, SvendErik Skaaning, The Rule of Law: Definitions, Measures, Patterns and Causes, Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, pp. 45-50, Sofia Popescu, Statul de drept in dezbaterile contemporane, Bucharest: Ed. Academiei Române, 1998, pp. 55-92.

162 [http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/principle], 18 February 2015.

163 Petru Miculescu, op. cit., p. 293.

164 Ioan Scurtu, Politica si viata cotidiana în România în secolul al XX-lea sii începutul celui de-al XXI-lea, Bucharest: Ed. Mica Valahie, 2011, p. 184.

165 António Costa Pinto, Aristotle Kallis, Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe, Roger Griffin, 2014, p. 247.

166 François Furet, The Passing of an Illusion: The Idea of Communism in the Twentieth Century, The University of Chicago Press, 1999.

167 Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism: Action Francaise, Italian Fascism, National Socialism, Hardcover, 1966.

168 Ibidem, p. 23.

169[http://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-devil-history-communism-fascism-and-some-lessons-thetwentieth-century], 20 February 2015.

170 Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Pentru legionari, [http://www.miscarea.net/p3.html], 20 February 2015.

171 Ibidem.

172 Ibidem.

173 Ibidem.

174 Ibidem.

175 Ibidem.

176 Ibidem.

177 Ibidem.

178 Ibidem.

179 Idem, Carticica sefului de cuib, [http://miscarea.net/carticica.htm], 23 February 2015.

180 Idem, Pentru legionari, [http://www.miscarea.net/p3.html], 20 February, 2015.

181 Mircea Dimitriu, O istorie comentata a miscarii legionare, [http://www.fgmanu.ro/Carti/245/capitol_3], 23 February 2015.

183 Idem, Carticica sefului de cuib, [http://miscarea.net/carticica.htm], 23 February 2015.

184 Idem, Pentru legionari , [http://www.miscarea.net/p3.html], 23 February 2015.

185 Radu-Dan Vlad, Procesele lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, 1923-1934, Ed. Mica Valahie, 2014, p. 372.

186 Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Carticica sefului de cuib, [http://miscarea.net/carticica.htm], 26 February 2015.

187 Ibidem.

188 Ibidem.

189 A.C. Cuza, Nationalitatea în arta, Bucharest: Ed. Minerva, 1915.

190 Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Pentru legionari, [http://www.miscarea.net/p3.html], 26 February 2015.

191 Ibidem.

192 Ibidem.

193 Ibidem.

194 Ibidem.

195 Ioan Scurtu, Istoria românilor de la Carol I la Nicolae Ceausescu, Bucharest: Ed. Mica Valahie, p. 80.

196 Ibidem, p. 82.

197 Nicolae Ceausescu, Report on the current stage of the Romanian socialist society, on the activity of the Central Committee between the 13th Congress and the 14th Congress, on the achievement of the Directiveprogramme of economic and social development of the 9th five-year plan until 2000-2010, in order to firmly fulfil the programme aiming to build the multilaterally developed socialist society and Romania's advance toward communism, 1989, [http://www.cnsas.ro/documente/istoria_comunism/congrese/1989%20Raport%20la%20Congresul%20al%2 0XIV-lea%20al%20PCR.pdf], 28 February 2015.

198 Ibidem.

199 Ibidem.

200 Ibidem.

201 Ibidem

202 Ibidem.

203 Ibidem.

204 Ibidem.

205 Ibidem.

206 Ibidem.

207 Ibidem.

208 Ibidem.

209 Ibidem.

210 Ibidem.

211 Ibidem.

212 Ibidem.

213 Ibidem.

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