SENKAKU/DIAOYU ISLANDS - LANDMARK IN REDEFINING THE POWER POLITICS IN THE EAST CHINA SEA

Abstract

The Senkaku/Diaoyu islands have been shaping security relations between China and Japan since 1970, disrupting the entire region of the East China Sea. For Japan, Senkaku is a guarantor of control and sovereignty. For China, the Diaoyu are a witness of defeat and humiliation. But for both players, the islands are a point of geostrategic and economic interest, an objective of utmost importance. The disagreements concerning the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands demonstrate a sustained struggle for power, initiated by antagonistic ideologies and offensive behaviour. The paper presents the Chinese and Japanese courses of action, stimulated by the dynamic dispute over Senkaku/Diaoyu and the results of strategic calculations, consolidated into a counter-balancing mechanism, specific to power politics. This article aims to provide a perspective on the dynamics of the relationship between China and Japan in relation to the islands of Senkaku/Diaoyu. The main objective is to determine the impact of conflict dynamics on the evolution of the actors' behaviour which continually gravitates towards an arms race.

Headnote

The Senkaku/Diaoyu islands have been shaping security relations between China and Japan since 1970, disrupting the entire region of the East China Sea. For Japan, Senkaku is a guarantor of control and sovereignty. For China, the Diaoyu are a witness of defeat and humiliation. But for both players, the islands are a point of geostrategic and economic interest, an objective of utmost importance. The disagreements concerning the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands demonstrate a sustained struggle for power, initiated by antagonistic ideologies and offensive behaviour. The paper presents the Chinese and Japanese courses of action, stimulated by the dynamic dispute over Senkaku/Diaoyu and the results of strategic calculations, consolidated into a counter-balancing mechanism, specific to power politics.

This article aims to provide a perspective on the dynamics of the relationship between China and Japan in relation to the islands of Senkaku/Diaoyu. The main objective is to determine the impact of conflict dynamics on the evolution of the actors' behaviour which continually gravitates towards an arms race.

Keywords: counterbalancing, hegemony, interest, offensive behaviour, power, security.

1.Introductory Considerations

The Asia-Pacific region often received global media attention due to turmoil resulting from conflicts of interest and aggressive power policies. Tensions generated by aspirations of power, whose threat transcends regional borders, disturb the stability of the entire international community. A potential outbreak of conflict, the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands represents the critical constant of the relations between China and Japan, actors with antagonistic interests and conceptions, which govern economically and politically the region. Recent developments in the game of interests, based on the instincts of power, led to the shaping of a dichotomy that threatens regional stability. China's rise to hegemony threatens the interests of other countries in the region. Competitions between China on the one hand, and Japan, with the United States, on the other hand, over the control of the archipelago distort the regional stability configuration, eroded by the aggressive policies of the two actors.

The situation in the region requires special attention, given the outlook of exacerbated disputes maintained by incongruent interests of the involved states, whose development can generate effects with systemic impact. The emphasizing interdependence of the international system to which China belongs enhances collective vulnerability to regional conflicts. However, the alliance between Japan and the United States constitutes an anchor of US security policy in Asia-Pacific, the only one capable to respond effectively to China's assertiveness.

The strategies adopted by players support a realistic approach to relations in the region, endowed with the typical offensive elements. The claiming of the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands by China stigmatized by the international community as the instigator of the conflict, sparks relations with its neighbours, despite international admonition.

The strategic importance of the archipelago comes from its position that benefits the governing state from a geostrategic point of view. Archipelago integration under its own autonomy provides access to the exclusive economic zone and the opportunity to take advantage of the islands.

The proclamation of Japanese sovereignty over the archipelago, based on the terra nullius principle that guarantees control over a territory not claimed by any actor, is aggressively condemned by the Beijing government. Amid intensifying tensions between China and Japan, investment initiatives in the Japanese defense industry have raised suspicions among Chinese authorities who perceive it as a threat to national security.

The article is structured in three parts, during which we will pursue the courses of action combined with the need for counterbalancing a potential hegemon, whose ascent is impregnated, emphatically, in the evolution of regional and international developments. Revisionism discouragement is supported by the power counterbalancing mechanism which seeks to confine the aggressor and restrict its ability to stimulate offensive policies. To balance the rising power of China, the Asian countries have found a viable ally in the United States, which have superior offensive capabilities and whose power can be designed effectively within the system.

2.Considerations Regarding the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands

Senkaku Islands, known as the Diaoyu1, comprise 5 islands and 3 rocks, covering an area of only 7 square kilometres. The geographical position of the islands is the critical point in redefining relations between China, Japan and Taiwan, being situated at about 170 km north-west of the island of Ishigaki, 170 km from Taiwan, 330 km south-east of China and 410 km west of Okinawa2 Island, delimiting the central area of the East China Sea. The largest island is Uotsuri/ Diaoyu Dao, an area of 2.3 square kilometres, located 383 m above sea level3.

The islands' importance is impregnated by their geostrategic position and by the natural oil resources offering a significant economic potential. The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA)4 identified petroleum and natural gasses in the depths of the East China Sea, approximately 100 million barrels and up to 600 billion cubic meters of natural gasses. According to the Japan's Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism5, the Senkaku/Diaoyu area is rich in manganese, cobalt and nickel reserves and is also a productive fishing area.

The archipelago's position offers a geostrategic advantage to the state in control, facilitating access towards the West Pacific area. Close to the Miyako strait, the islands allow the exploitation of proximities that confer economic and military advantage. From a military point of view, the islands can serve as observation posts, early warning positions and support sites, all vital elements for conducting maritime operations. Currently, all Chinese naval bases are located in the East and South China Sea. The Ryukyu archipelago, along with the Bashi canal and Tsugaru Strait, provides the Chinese forces access to the Pacific Ocean's open waters. For now, the Tsugaru Strait is obstructed by conflicts between Japan, South Korea and Russia. The most accessible and used route by Chinese forces to penetrate the West Pacific is through the Miyako Strait and control over Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands provides direct access.

Authority over the islands extends jurisdiction over the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone, offering full exploitation in the area. According to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea6, the coastal state enjoys sovereign rights to exploration and exploitation, conservation and management of natural resources and for the protection of these rights, the state can adopt all legal measures for law enforcement purposes.

The increased antagonism between Japan, China and Taiwan7 are due to the discovery, in 1969, of the islands' abundant natural resources. China claims that the Senkaku islands were usurped8 by Japan amid the Sino-Japanese War, claiming they constitute their own territory by invoking the reason that they have been discovered and used by Chinese seafarers, being incorporated into the Chinese empire, beginning with the fifteenth century. Japan rejects the allegations and does not recognize the conflict which delays implementation of effective solutions.

3.Japan's Policy Regarding the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands

The annexation of the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands by Japan in 1895 was based on the terra nullius principle. Since 1896, the islands of Uotsuri, Kuba, Kitakojima and Minamikojima were commissioned through a lease agreement for a period of 30 years to a Japanese business man, Tatsushiro Koga9. In 1932, four islands passed into private ownership under the possession of the businessman Zenji Koga10. During the 50 years between 1895 and 1945, the Senkaku Islands were under the jurisdiction of the government of the prefecture of Okinawa as part of the prefecture of the Nansei Islands, a chain extending from south-western Kyushu all the way into the northern waters of Taiwan.

At the end of World War II, the islands were taken by the United States as a result of the defeat of Japan. With the conclusion of the Treaty of San Francisco11, in 1951, Japan joined the "principles of constitutional democracy and rejoined the international state system as an US ally"12. This treaty provides the framework for granting judicial sovereignty of Japan in exchange for its imperialist tendencies and suppression of Formosa and the Pescadores islands restitution. However, according to Article 3 of the Treaty, Nansei Islands, which included the Senkaku Islands, remained under US jurisdiction. The treaty of San Francisco is not recognized by China due to it not being present at the negotiating table.

In 1953, the Senkaku Islands were incorporated into the Ryukyu Islands prefecture, over which the US exercises its control. The bilateral treaty regarding the restitution of Okinawa Island13, signed in 1972, returned the islands and the Senkaku archipelago under Japanese control.

Since 2002, the Japanese government leased the islands of Uotsuri, Kitakojima and Minamikojima. On 11th of September 2012, they were acquired by the Japanese government, sparking violent actions from Chinese nationalists. Kuba Island, remaining in private ownership, has been chartered by the Japanese government and used, together with Taisho Island, by the US to conduct military actions.

Currently, the islands belong to Okinawa Prefecture and are uninhabited. The Japanese government permanently maintained its position regarding its authority over the islands. The strategy adopted by the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, in response to Taiwan's initiative to cooperate for peace building in the region, as stipulated by the terms stated in the Initiative for Peace in the East China Sea14, demonstrates that Japan does not recognize the existence of the conflict on reclaiming territorial sovereignty.

Post-war pacifism, impregnated in Japanese politics as a necessity to fit in the strategic landscape, diminished the warfare ability due to conditions imposed by the American regime. In response to security threats arising from neighbours who take advantage of Japan's demilitarization15, the need to improve the ability to conduct military actions is highlighted. This statement is reflected in an official report issued by the Japanese government in 2013, according to which "the circumstances of the country's security become increasingly difficult (...) it has become absolutely necessary for Japan to make proactive efforts in line with the principle of international cooperation"16. Japan's policy so far has been geared towards self-defense, civil security and payment of liabilities arising out of the treaty with the US, the basis for building a "moderate defense capability"17 in line with the fundamental principles of the Constitution.

Relations between Japan and the US help balance the security environment in the region. The alliance between the two international players creates a space conducive to their interests' interrelation, with the ultimate goal to maintain a stable climate in the area. The US-Japan Security Treaty is a cornerstone of "strengthening the traditional relations of peace and friendship between the two actors and support the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law"18. The treaty does not provide the necessary framework for mutual defense, noting that any aggression on the territories administered by Japan will be reported and transferred to the UN Security Council. Under the treaty, Japan may consider intervention in military operations alongside the US, depending on the circumstances of the moment and the possible effects arising from such action.

Threats occurring on the periphery of Japan and the security environment's dynamic led to refocusing the national security strengthening strategy to increase military capabilities, while aligning the legislative framework to current reality challenges. The direction to increase military capabilities, supported by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, has been widely condemned by opposition and the civil society, arguing that the current government forces the state into a military conflict.

In February 2012, in order to enhance maritime security, Japan has expanded its deployment of coast guard authority by reviewing the legislative framework governing foreign ships navigating in the territorial sea. Also, the amendment of Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan, which regulates the military actions outside of Japan, has been a subject of intense debate between the civil society and China, which announced its disagreement, considering the legislative initiatives as a challenge to peace in Asia-Pacific. Article 9 limits Japan's aggression, excludes war as a sovereign national right and denies the ability to threaten with use of force as means of settling international conflicts.19 Legacy of the Second World War, this article defines Japan's behaviour in the international system, prohibiting the use of methods and tools that could degenerate into an aggressive militarism.

Japan's defense program20 includes measures to strengthen the capacity to deter and improve response solutions for different situations. Japan aims to secure the sea and air space around it through continuous observation and monitoring and by optimizing intelligence and warning capabilities. Operating procedures in case of a ballistic missile attack, attacks in cyberspace or outer space are also improved.

In 2003, the Ministry of Defense has requested the inclusion in the 2004 budget of the need to create and strengthen a missile defense system whose origin has been initiated since 1993 in cooperationwiththeUS.InJune2006,theJapanese government launched a joint project with the US on missile development, Standard Missile-3 Block IIA Cooperative Development (SCD) Project21 whose performance was evaluated both through simulations and tests conducted in the US. In order to counter threats to the more remote islands under the control of Japan, China developed its continuous surveillance capabilities, ensuring and maintaining air superiority and supremacy, maritime rapid response capacity and infrastructure for C3I. Development of military capabilities requires augmentation defense spendings. The budget allocated to the armed forces consists of personnel expenses and expenses related to material resources that meet employees' salaries, training costs, costs of purchasing and maintaining equipment, technology and facilities, the support or new operations already underway and the research and development costs. Starting with 2013, Japan has initiated programs in order to increase the budget allocated to defense. To counter China's offensive manoeuvres, Japan wants to increase the defense budget for 2017. The annual growth of the defense budget, planned value of 5.17 trillion yen, 2.3% more than in previous years, aims to support the capacity to respond to threats raised by China and North Korea's actions by developing amphibious forces and modernizing the mobile PAC-322 air defense.

Japan's military potential augmentation succeeds China's expanding military presence in the proximity of the SenkakuZDiaoyu Islands, reflected by incursions of jet fighter penetrating adjacent space. H-6K bombers and combat aircraft Su-30 tactical exercises alarmed Chinese authorities in Tokyo, fostering tensions.

However, Japan's offensive behaviour is difficult to integrate into the system dynamics due to a legislative device that hinders enforcement. Opposition in Parliament and from the civil society counterbalances the aggressive initiatives of the current prime minister. Also, the alliance with the US is a factor supporting Japan's security and a key element in mitigating the security dilemma in the region by obstructing the government in Tokyo to resort to arms in response to China.

The authenticity of the jurisdiction of Japan over the islands is demonstrated through a series of actions as law enforcement regarding illegal fishing, charging tax to Kuba owners and conducting researches by the Japanese Government, which are aimed at strengthening its control and discouraging any external attempt on its territorial claim.

Military actions by Japan in the Senkaku islands culminated with the use of two Japanese fighter planes whose trajectory was intercepted by two other fighter aircrafts of Chinese origin, on 17 June 2016.23 This incident followed Chinese response measures materialized in incursions.

3. Security Dynamics and Counter-balancing Strategies

China's tumultuous history has left a bloody stain on the memory of the nation. The opium war, disproportionate treaties, the Boxer Uprising, Western military interventions, the surrender to Japan in 1895, accompanied by humiliation and insults to national dignity, the vicissitudes of people caused by internal programs meant to exalt the nation, all desecrated popular consciousness, but justify orientation towards enhancing its regional power.

After the publication by the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAF)24 of a report confirming the existence oil deposits, interest in the archipelago increased, generating numerous conflicts. In 1971, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs officially stated25 the territory belongs to China.

In April 1992, China issued the Law on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Area of China26 in order to extend sovereignty over the territorial sea and the contiguous zone. The Beijing government claims that evidence of Chinese sovereignty over the Senkaku Islands based on old documents attesting they were Chinese property during the Ming and Qing Dynasty. China's claims are founded on the idea that the islands belong to Taiwan since the Ming Dynasty, serving as a point of defense of China against Japanese pirate attacks. The first Sino-Japanese war was an opportunity for Japan to take control of the islands. The treaty of Shimonoseki, imposed to the Qing Dynasty by Japan, authenticated Taiwan's ownership of the archipelago.

Avoiding discussions on the situation of the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands during the Joint Communiqué of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China27 in 1972 in order to maintain a "climate of peace and friendship" confirms the acceptance of tensions instigated by mutual interests in the region by both countries. Incidents in the region have worsened already antagonistic relations between the two international players. Incursions led by China in the islands' territorial waters and contiguous area were blamed by Japan and the United States.

The nationalization of the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands by Japan in 2012 increased China's presence in the region, amplifying the deterioration of bilateral relations. The anniversary event celebrating 40 years of diplomatic relations between China and Japan was cancelled and sovereignty proclaimed by Japan over the islands was violated on numerous occasions.

In November 2013, China announced the creation of an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea, whose perimeter coincides with Japan'sADIZ. Aircraft entering thi s zone must be subordinated to the requirements formulated by the Chinese authorities on aircraft navigation. This initiative, aimed at protecting the state's sovereignty, land and air territorial security and order maintenance flight, demonstrates a step forward for China in its proclamation as a regional power. Area air defense establishment supports the aggressive behaviour of China in the East China Sea, forming an attempt to provide a legal basis for the establishment of control over the islands. Also, the air defense is imposed as a response to military operations undertaken by the United States, being defined as "the result of a political process to neutralize the efforts of the United States and other possible actors, to assure access to East China Sea "28.

Both Japan and Taiwan limited themselves to only blaming China's offensive actions. Japan condemned the air defense, claiming to represent a significant contribution to "escalating the situation regarding the Senkaku Islands"29 and Taiwan has expressed regret, bringing safeguards to protect national security. US denounce China's "national security protection" method, urging Beijing not to implement the threat to penalize airplanes not complying with instructions in this area.30 The US also expressed their intention to continue to execute flights over the archipelago, intent demonstrated by entering China's ADIZ with two unarmed B-52 bombers without prior notification of the Beijing authorities.

The establishment of an air identification and defense area succeeds the implementation of an anti-access, area denial system (A2/ AD)31 whose acquisition demonstrates China's revisionist behaviour. This system has both defensive and offensive capabilities, giving the owners the opportunity to counter the actions of other actors and to deter aggressors. The antiaccess, area denial system includes conventional arms, ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons, as well as effective doctrine based on political and psychological warfare techniques.

The Jingkai frigate's penetration of the archipelago's contiguous zone in June 2016 represented an initial display of China's strategy of manifesting jurisdiction by using an armed ship. Also, tensions between the two actors were amplified following Chinese aviation exercises with fighter planes and bombers, who crossed the Miyako Strait, followed closely by Japanese fighter jets32.

Beijing has shown an increased interest in transiting the strategically important intersecting with the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. China's emphasis on offensive behaviour and intensification of military presence in strategic areas such as the Miyako Strait and the Bashi Channel, were condemned by authorities in Tokyo as unilateral acts33 that intensify tensions in the East China Sea region.

Conclusions

The development of capabilities and, implicitly, conduction of full spectrum warfare operations has distorted the balance of power between China and all the other Asian states. From a strategic point of view, political war constitutes an essential element in diminishing the verisimilitude of an opponent's actions by influencing public opinion and through denigration.

At the operational level, China aims to augment its electronic and intelligence warfare capabilities by improving its C4ISR (command, control, communications, computer, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance).

At the tactical level, the fight is geared towards limiting the effects of enemy air attacks through both preventive measures and neutralization of enemy capabilities. Air capacity development is a prerequisite for success. Also, destruction of enemy air power provides a strategic advantage on the battlefield. Intensifying offensive ability, in addition to the defensive, ensure successful airstrikes and hence, power projection on the opposition.

China's efforts to impose its control over the islands were antagonized by Japan by establishing a radar station, constituted as a permanent information collection post. The station is located on the island of Yonaguni, in the far western part of a string of Japanese islands in the East China Sea. In turn, China has started building a radar whose goal is condemned by Japan, considering it a deviation from the 2008 agreement on cooperation for resource development in the region.

China's focus on developing its battle capacity correlates with holistic efforts to integrate all elements of national power to offer a concrete response to threats. China's strength is counterbalanced by the United States, whose support capabilities effectively balance the rise of China and maintaining the status quo. The joint Japan-US exercises contribute to augmenting the fighting power of Japan and popularizing the idea of an efficient bilateral alliance in the region.

Due to its geostrategic importance, the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute is the epicentre of the tensions between China, Japan and Taiwan. The archipelago consists of five islands and three rocks, of which the largest is Uotsuri/Diaoyu Dao. The position, delimiting the distance between the 3 actors, provides access to important shipping routes, paving the way to the deep waters of the Pacific. From a military perspective, the islands can be important strategic points. They are also likely to hold significant deposits of oil and natural gas, but also a rich maritime fauna. Having control over the archipelago provides access to the exclusive economic zone and the right to exploit the specific value of the islands.

Tensions arising from the conflicts in the islands continue to deteriorate China and Japan's relation. Starting with September 2012, when the three islands of the archipelago of Senkaku/ Diaoyu passed into state ownership, China's military actions in the region have intensified. On numerous occasions, China tested Japan's auto-proclaimed authority over the islands by deploying in the area a growing number of vessels. The establishment of an Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea shows China's realistic behaviour as a rational player whose actions are aimed at strengthening its own power.

The increasingly significant role China assumes constitutes a drastic change of the East Asia region. China's expansion has caused uncertainty among the other countries in the Asia Pacific region. The increasing population and growing economy, as well as China's industrialization and modernization of the armed forces have tilted the regional balance of power in its favour. Adding to all of this, the Chinese force design, supported by offensive actions, reduces the water's blocking power by intensifying naval and air capabilities.

In support of Japan and to counterbalance the growing power of China, the US assumes the role of ally, as stipulated in the Treaty of San Francisco. US military presence in the region is obvious, which is oriented towards deterrence of China's coercive actions. The installation of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) anti-missile system in South Korea aims to strengthen security in the region and protect allies under the shield's umbrella. This can be interpreted as a threat to China, reducing the viability of its nuclear deterrence capabilities.

The dynamics of events in the East China Sea require special attention from the international community, involving potentially systemic factors in destabilizing today's world order. Currently, the strategic competition between China, on the one hand, and Japan, alongside the US, on the other hand, threatens regional peace and security, altering systemic stability. China's increasingly offensive foreign policy is oriented towards strengthening oversight in the East China Sea and maximizing relative power. This challenging strategy of China, with accents drawn from an imperialist culture, intensifies the disputes between China and Japan and sharpens the regional competition between China and the US, generating effects on an international level.

Footnote

1 In Japan's references, the islands are named Senkaku, while the official name employed by China is Diaoyu. At the same time, Taiwan officially recognizes them as Diaoyu Tai.

2 Akiyama Masahiro, "Geopolitical Considerations of the Senkaku Islands", Review of Island Studies, available at https://www.spf.org/islandstudies/research/a00007/, accessed on 14.09.2016.

3 William Choong, "The Ties That Divide: History, Honor and Territory in Sino-Japanese Relations", Adelphi Papers, International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), available at https://www.iiss.org/en/publications/adelphi/ by%20year/2014-de9e/the-ties-that-divide-a777/ap44505-chapter-two-3d30, accessed on 14.09.2016.

4 The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) is the statistical and analytical agency within the U.S. Department of Energy. EIA collects, analyzes and disseminates independent and impartial energy information to promote sound policymaking, efficient markets and public understanding of energy. The full report regarding the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands is available at http://www.eia.gov/beta/international/regions-topics. cfm?RegionTopicID=ECS, accessed on 14.09.2016.

5 Cary Huang, "Diaoyu Islands dispute about resources not land", South China Morning Post, available at http:// www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1096774/diaoyuislands-dispute-about-resources-not-land, accessed on 14.09.2016.

6 The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982) establishes a legislative framework regarding a legal order for the seas and oceans and the utilization of their resources. The Convention was ratified by both China and Japan. For more information, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is available http://www. un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/ unclos_e.pdf, accessed on 20.09.2016.

7 As part of the sovereignty dispute over the archipelago, Taiwan claims it was first occupied by the Chinese, all the way back during the Ming dynasty, constituting an annex to Taiwan. Official statements regarding ownership invoke geographical positioning, geological structure, historical connection with China, as well as resource usage considerations. Taiwan's territorial claims are not included in this paper. Details on Taiwan's situation in the conflict's context can be found in the following article: "The Republic of China's Sovereignty Claims over the Diaoyutai Islands and the East China Sea Peace Initiative", Foreign Affairs Ministry of Taiwan, available at http://www.mofa.gov. tw/en/cp.aspx?n=38CD1D3C91067AEC, accessed on 20.09.2016.

8 Tadashi Ikeda, "Getting Senkaku History Right", The Diplomat, available at http://thediplomat.com/2013/11/ getting-senkaku-history-right/, accessed on 18.09.2016.

9 Yasuo Nakauchi, "Issues Surrounding the Senkaku Islands and the Japan-China Relationship", available at https:// www2.jiia.or.jp/en/pdf/digital_library/Nakauchi_Senkaku. pdf, accessed on 19.09.2016.

10 Ibidem.

11 For more information, the Treaty of Peace with Japan is available at https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/ volume%20136/volume-136-i-1832-english.pdf.

12 Henry Kissinger, World Order, Bucharest, Rao Publishing, 2015, pp. 156-157.

13 Okinawa Reversion Agreement (1972) is available at http://www.cfr.org/japan/okinawa-reversion-agreement1972/p30266.

14 East China Sea Peace Initiative, launched by the Chinese government in the context of East China Sea regional disputes, reaffirms Taiwan's sovereignty over the islands and urges towards peaceful conflict resolution, according to the UN Chart and international law. More details are available at http://www.mofa.gov.tw /en/theme. aspx?s=780E70E6D142B833.

15 Henry Kissinger, op.cit., p. 157.

16 Henry Kissinger, op.cit., p. 158. The author concludes with the obvious need to adapt the Japanese strategy to the current world order and readjusting its role in the international system dynamics, strengthening the alliance with the United States.

17 Ministry of Defence of Japan, www.mod.gojp/e/d_ act/d_policy/dp02.html, accessed on 21.09.2016.

18 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States of America is available at http://www.mofa. go.jp/region/n-america/us/q&a/ref/1.html, accessed on 20.09.2016.

19 Idem.

20 Japan Ministry of Defense, "Defense Programs and Budget of Japan", available at http:ZZwww.mod.go.jp/eZd_ budget/pdf/280330.pdf, accessed on 21.09.2016.

21 Japan Ministry of Defense, "Japan's BMD", available at http:ZZwww.mod.go.jpZeZd_actZbmdZbmd.pdf, accessed on 21.09.2016.

22 Justin McCurry, "Japan defence ministry seeks record budget to counter Chinese threat", The Guardian, available at https:ZZwww.theguardian.com/world/2016ZaugZ31Z japan-defence-ministry-record-budget-counter-chinesenorth-korea-nuclear-threat, accessed on 21.09.2016.

23 Megha Rajagopalan, "China criticizes Japan over 'dangerous' jet scramble", Reuters, available at http://www. reuters.com/article/us-china-japan-idUSKCN0ZL28B, accessed on 23.09.2016.

24 For more information, the "The Senkaku Islands" report can be found at the following address, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/ senkaku/pdfs/senkaku_en.pdf.

25 During the "Diaoyu Islands belong to China" interview, Fu Ying offers an overview of the Senkaku/Diaoyu situation from a Chinese perspective. The interview is available at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/ diaodao_665718/t981210.shtml, accessed on 22.09.2016.

26 For more information, the Law's dispositions (25 February 1992) are available at http://www.un.org/ depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/ CHN_1992_Law.pdf, UNO, accessed on 22.09.2016.

27 Joint Communiqué of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China is available at http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/china/joint72. html, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, accessed on 22.09.2016.

28 Peter Mattis, "China's East China Sea ADIZ: Framing Japan to Help Washington Understand", 05.12.2013, available at http://wwwjamestown.org/programs/ chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=41719 &cHash=bc62eef7405484e553573b1d002184b1#.VfgEvl97IV, accessed on 23.09.2016.

29 Ibidem.

30 Kimberly Hsu, "Air Defense Identification Zone Intended to Provide China Greater Flexibility to Enforce East China Sea Claims", U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Staff Report, 14.01.2014, available at http:// www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/China%20 ADIZ%20Staff%20Report.pdf, accessed on 23.09.2016.

31 Dean Cheng, "The U.S. Needs an Integrated Approach to Counter China's Anti-Access/Area Denial Strategy", 09.07.2014, available at www.heritage.org/research/ reports/2014/07/the-us-needs-an-integrated-approach-tocounter-chinas-anti-accessarea-denial-strategy, accessed on 23.09.2016.

32 Ankit Panda, "Japan Scrambles Jets as China Air Force Flies Bombers, Fighters Through Miyako Strait", The Diplomat, available at http://thediplomat.com/2016/11/ japan-scrambles-jets-as-china-air-force-flies-bombersfighters-through-miyako-strait/, accessed on 23.09.2016.

33 Kyodo, "Japan protests after swarm of230 Chinese vessels enters waters near Senkakus", available at http://www. japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/08/06/national/japan-rampsprotests-china-fishing-coast-guard-ships-enter-senkakuwaters/#.WHvyplN97IU, accessed on 23.09.2016.

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