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ABSTRACT
Sociocultural theory and social comparison theory were used to account for variations in body-image evaluation and body-image investment among male and female adolescents (N = 1,543). Exposure to magazines and television programs containing idealistic body imagery as well as frequency of self-comparison to universalistic targets (e.g., fashion models) were measured. Results provided minimal support for sociocultural theory, but fairly strong support for social comparison theory. Specifically, the extent to which males engaged in universalistic social comparison predicted appearance self-esteem, number of diets to gain weight, use of pathogenic weight control practices, and use of steroids to increase muscle mass. For females, universalistic social comparison predicted appearance self-esteem, body dissatisfaction, number of diets to lose weight, and use of pathogenic weight control practices. The possibility that the null effects for sociocultural theory were an artifact of dummy coding for missing data or theoretical interdependence were explored, but did not appear to be valid. Limitations of the present study and directions for future research are outlined.
Body-image may be conceptualized as a multidimensional construct that represents how individuals "think, feel, and behave with regard to their own physical attributes" (Muth & Cash, 1997, p. 1438). Researchers have identified two conceptually distinct components of body image. The first, body-image evaluation, denotes individuals' evaluative thoughts and beliefs about their physical appearance. The second, body-image investment, refers to the behaviors individuals perform to manage or enhance the way they look (Cash & Szymanski, 1995).
Two theoretical frameworks that attempt to explain variations in body-image evaluation and body-image investment emphasize sociocultural factors and social comparison, respectively (Stormer & Thompson, 1996). Research pertinent to each of these theories will be reviewed briefly.
Sociocultural Theory
Sociocultural theory contends that women's dissatisfaction with their physical appearance stems from: (1) the thin body ideal that is promulgated in Western societies; (2) the tendency for women to adopt a "body as object" rather than "body as process" orientation; and (3) the thin is good assumption which emphasizes the rewards that are accrued by being attractive (i.e., thin) and, concomitantly, the costs that are associated with being unattractive (i.e., fat). It should be noted that the thin body ideal and the thin is good assumption represent distinct constructs. The former denotes the ideal physical representation...