Words of the world: The global language system

Abstract

Abram De Swaan, Words of the world: The global language system. Cambridge: Polity Press and Blackwell, 2001. Pp. xi, 253. Hb. $33.95.

There is a global language system that is a neglected part of the overall international system, according to Abram de Swaan, chairman of the Amsterdam School of Social Science Research at the University of Amsterdam. This book analyzes the nature of that global system in the first three chapters, followed by five chapters of case studies and ending with a chapter of "Conclusions and considerations." The concept of a global language system has been articulated by the author in some previous articles, but the treatment here is much more systematic and complete, and as a result more impressive. In a word, this book is important and deserves very careful attention. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

There is a global language system that is a neglected part of the overall international system, according to Abram de Swaan, chairman of the Amsterdam School of Social Science Research at the University of Amsterdam. This book analyzes the nature of that global system in the first three chapters, followed by five chapters of case studies and ending with a chapter of "Conclusions and considerations." The concept of a global language system has been articulated by the author in some previous articles, but the treatment here is much more systematic and complete, and as a result more impressive. In a word, this book is important and deserves very careful attention.

The book's ambitious topic successfully integrates the social sciences with language, making the author a leader in the political sociology of language. The first three chapters develop this interdisciplinary approach by shaping a theoretical framework to guide the five case studies in subsequent chapters. The first chapter elaborates the concept of the global language system by identifying and ranking major linguistic groups in a hierarchy of global languages, which together constitute the global language constellation. At the top of the global language hierarchy is a "hypercentral" language, English, which allegedly holds the entire world language system together. Next in the hierarchy are about a dozen "supercentral" languages. Below and subordinate to the hypercentral language and the supercentral languages are "peripheral" languages, which are linked to the former through multilingualism. This language constellation is inherently unstable, especially because the language at the top, English, tends to expand at the expense of lesser languages. Yet although language diversity can be a casualty of such rivalry, the spread of central languages increases communication possibilities.

Chap. 2 adds the perspective of the political economy of language by elaborating the concept of the "Q-value" of languages. The Q-value provides a comparative yardstick to distinguish between rising and declining languages by identifying, first, the proportion of total speakers of a language in the global language constellation, and second, the proportion of multilingual speakers who speak that language out of all multilingual speakers in the constellation. A language with a greater Q-value by each measurement will tend to be favored by people because it provides them with greater communication advantages. It follows that gains or losses of speakers of a language very much depend on its relative position within the global language constellation.

Chap. 3 adds the concept of "collective cultural capital" to the general theoretical approach, which refers to conservation of the cultural heritage embedded in a language. Efforts to conserve languages face a dilemma. Support of a local language may help to preserve a cultural heritage but may entail the cost of limiting communication beyond the particular language community.

The theoretical approach developed in the first part of the book is applied to each of five case studies, and comparisons are made on this basis between the cases within each chapter as well as across chapters. The five case studies are nicely balanced to include languages at different positions in the language hierarchy in different parts of the world. Chap. 4 assesses the rivalry between Hindi and English in India; chap. 5 describes the triumph of Bahasa Indonesia; the persistence of colonial languages in Africa is the topic of chap. 6, and the survival of the old language regime in South Africa is analyzed in chap. 7. Chap. 8 describes how English continues to rise in the European Union even as new members increase the number of languages in the community.

The case study analysis is interesting, but it is necessarily summary in nature, since the case studies average around 20 pages. In addition, since the focus of each case study is on applying the theoretical framework, other factors relevant for the language dynamics in question but not for the theory are given short shrift. What is done in the case studies is done well and piques the curiosity of the reader, but doubt remains as to how well the theory would apply were the cases more comprehensive in scope. At the same time, de Swaan is correct in emphasizing that cross-regional comparisons pose different questions than do specialized monographs, so that the two approaches can be complementary. However, doubts remain, since the theory aspires to be comprehensive.

The final chapter integrates previous material, thereby constituting a strong, convincing argument for the main theses of the book. From a macro perspective, the present globalizing process includes the global integration of the language system, with the attendant rise of English. From a micro perspective, the theory systematically assesses the rise and decline of languages through reference to choices of individuals about particular languages that cumulatively either acquire momentum or contract. English enjoys pride of place by linking the system together from the top down and constantly attracting new recruits from the bottom up.

The importance of this book goes beyond the chapters reviewed above by suggesting how research about the political sociology of language can pose new kinds of questions and yield innovative results. Accordingly, how solid a foundation is laid here for the future of the political sociology of language? First, the book is of high quality, and the demands of an interdisciplinary approach are met. Yet although the future of lines of analysis laid out in the book benefits from its overall high quality, the question remains of how well theory fits reality. Here there are numerous uncertainties.

Languages around the world obviously interact with one another to varying degrees, and this interaction no doubt has tended to increase as globalization has acquired momentum. However, de Swaan's theory goes well beyond this in arguing that global language interaction is so intense and systematic that it constitutes a global language system, and that the entire system is held together by one global language, English. This foundational element of the theory is repeatedly asserted, but is never really demonstrated in empirical terms. It is not clear, for example, that the concept of a global language system is anything more than a handy way of identifying and distinguishing rising from stagnant or declining languages. There is assuredly a global language hierarchy , and de Swaan's theory relies on this to analyze case studies in multiple regions, but this falls well short of demonstrating a global language system . Since a language hierarchy always seems to have existed and simply reflects one aspect of ongoing interstate competition and power politics, this does not suffice to constitute an allegedly new global language system. As a touchstone of what is required in terms of evidence, the case studies certainly demonstrate that language hierarchy varies from region to region, but they neither demonstrate the existence of a system within nor across regions.

The concept of system itself poses problems. The global language system is presented as a subset of the international system, yet the latter is notoriously vague and lacking in operational importance. Just as globalization does not suffice to constitute an international system, so too mere interaction among languages cannot itself suffice to constitute a global language system (or subsystem). Should both system and subsystem really exist, the data that are presented constitute no more than a bare framework that would need to be elaborated as more data become available. Though no fault of his own, de Swaan's theory suffers from the lack of global language data. In the meantime, the assertion that there is an international system as well as a language subsystem is a slender reed on which to base future research. What we have here is a set of partially supported hypotheses that future research needs to test and verify. For example, how do system and subsystem interact? What is distinctive about each? How important is the language subsystem in the overall system? Is the language subsystem ascending or declining in importance?

Let us accept for the moment the assertion of both system and subsystem. The evolving global language system and its accompanying global language hierarchy still may be considerably more complex than is suggested by de Swaan's theory. The number of native speakers and multilingual speakers of a language captures one aspect of the importance of a language but omits numerous other determinants. For example, the evolution of state and regional varieties of nationalism can greatly influence the relative importance of languages over time, as in the cases of the Middle East and Latin America. In both regions, English may be regarded as very influential at present, while at the same time facing formidable limits to further extension of influence. The rise and fall of nations can likewise be a major variable influencing the importance of different languages. Just as the decline of Russia has led to a declining position of Russian in the world, the rise of China is likely to promote the importance of Chinese. As de Swaan himself recognizes, the body of native English speakers is not large in global terms, and nonnative speakers of the language may soon outnumber them. This could mean, according to de Swaan, that the language will gain further momentum as its roots become more global in nature. Yet an opposite conclusion is just as plausible. Inasmuch as nation-states continue to be the principal vehicles for the spread of influence, including influence in the linguistic sphere, the relatively small size of the so-called inner circle of English-speaking countries by no means ensures the continued spread of the language in an increasingly competitive world. Individual choices of English as a second language have gained momentum in what might be considered a systematic way, yet over time this momentum could be reversed as the global balance of power becomes more multipolar. As it stands, the theory appears to be crafted too narrowly to accommodate such political realities.

If there really is a global language system, which moreover has been neglected, as de Swaan contends, it is imperative to determine its distinctive characteristics and how it will continue to evolve. De Swaan's book does address this question in a rudimentary way, but future research needs to fill in and verify the sketchy framework presented. What additional variables need to be integrated into de Swaan's theory? How can the importance of the global language system relative to other components of the international system be determined? Is the importance of the global language system in fact on the rise? Why? Is the global language system in fact becoming more interrelated and integrated over time? What does this augur?

Similarly, it is unclear how English holds together a global language system, since for many the expansion of English reflects an assault on local languages and cultures. This would not reflect a global language system as much as the latest installment of the longstanding game of power politics being played out in the linguistic arena. If a global language system indeed exists, it would need to be shown, among other things, that there is global linguistic interdependence and not just interaction, and that English benefits systematically from this interdependence. Of course, these propositions are debatable. It is not at all clear, for example, how different global regions with different languages are linked linguistically, except through the intrusion of English, which itself is highly uneven. Language dynamics are so different among these regions that it is unclear how all are part of a single global language system.

The concept of a language sub-system is closely related to the categorization of English as the hypercentral language of the world, which allocates to it a character of ongoing momentum that will gradually overwhelm other languages. However, this may not be the case over coming decades. Data about the rise of other languages in electronic media as well as the rising status of various countries around the world point toward a more multipolar world, including the linguistic sphere. Moreover, the current importance of English varies considerably from region to region, and may continue to do so, with ongoing ascendancy in some regions and decline in others. A related point is that English currently may be at the apex of its influence because of a long historical curve that is now beginning to decline.

In no way are these questions and concerns meant to diminish the contribution of de Swaan's book. The book clearly opens up new avenues of research, and they should be vigorously pursued.