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Many scholars have called attention to the need for more studies of the fundraising campaigns of small southern black industrial schools during the early twentieth century. Here, Mbajekwe details the fundraising experience of Emma J. Wilson, founding principal of the Mayesville Educational and Industrial Institute in Sumter County SC. He explores the challenges Wilson faced while soliciting northern financial support for her struggling school, the methods and techniques she employed to obtain funds, and the effect her fundraising activities had on the institutional development of Mayesville.
Many scholars have called attention to the need for more studies of the fundraising campaigns of small southern black industrial schools during the early twentieth century. As these scholars point out, the existing historical literature on fundraising and black education focuses almost exclusively on the labors and experiences of the leaders of large institutions, especially Booker T. Washington and Tuskegee Institute agents and administrators, leaving the history of their smaller counterparts badly neglected (Enck, 1976; Anderson, 1988). While a great deal of progress has been made in recent years to address this historiographical shortcoming, the history of fundraising for the smaller black industrial schools remains a severely understudied area. This essay seeks to fill this void.
In order to understand the peculiar challenges associated with fundraising for small industrial schools, this paper uses the northern fundraising experience of Emma J. Wilson, founding principal of the Mayesville Educational and Industrial Institute (established 1882) in Sumter County, South Carolina, as a case study. The paper explores the challenges Wilson faced while soliciting northern financial support for her struggling school, the methods and techniques she employed to obtain funds, and the effect her fundraising activities had on the institutional development of Mayesville. Tracing Wilson's activities clearly illuminates the problems, concerns, and the tremendous obstacles that confronted the African American leaders of the lesser-known industrial schools-the men and women overshadowed by Hampton, Tuskegee, and Booker T. Washington-on the fundraising circuit. The Emma J. Wilson story also enhances our knowledge and understanding of the impact of northern philanthropy on the development of black education in the South; the place of the black school in African American community life; the role of African American teachers in the struggle for black equality; and black self-help in the Progressive Era. Most importantly, it provides a biographical sketch of the life and work of an important early twentieth century race and educational leader whose contributions to black education in the South has not been fully recognized by historians.
Emma Wilson was born a mulatto slave in the mid-1850s in Mayesville, South Carolina, a settlement that grew up along the Atlantic Coast Railroad, about ten miles north of Sumter and thirty miles south of Florence. She secured a secondary education at the Goodwill Mission School, an institute sponsored by the Presbyterian Board of Missions for Freedmen in a town near Mayesville, before entering Scotia Seminary in Concord, North Carolina (General Education Board Papers, Box 123). Scotia was founded by the Presbyterians in 1867 to train African American women to work as teachers, missionaries, and social workers in church and school communities sponsored by the organization throughout the southern United States and Africa (Roebuck and Komanduri, 1993, p. 64). Like many educated African American women of her generation Wilson wanted to serve in the Presbyterian African mission. But the worsening conditions of life among blacks in her hometown Mayesville-the vast majority of African Americans labored as landless share and tenant croppers, the illiteracy rate was high, and there was no public school for black children-convinced her of the great need to apply her skills and training toward the uplifting of her own people. As a school publication described it, Wilson "found her Africa at her own door" (GEB Papers, Box 123). She immediately made plans to return home after graduation and establish a school for the black children of the community.
When Wilson returned to Mayesville in 1882 she started her school in an old cotton gin house with ten children of the neighborhood and borrowed books. After the school outgrew the gin house she moved around, teaching in any place that could be found free of rent, before settling into one location. By 1896 the state chartered the school as the Mayesville Educational and Industrial Institute (GEB Papers, Box 123).
While building her school, Wilson encountered numerous hardships and difficulties. First, she established Mayesville Institute during the period historian Rayford Logan called the "nadir" of race relations in America. Working within this environment she had to contend with a culture of racial injustice that manifested itself in social, economic, and political inequities against African Americans, coupled with an intense loathing of the very idea of black education. The South Carolina Constitution disfranchised African Americans in 1895, blacks were denied access to land even when they had the money for purchase, the state refused to fund black and white schools on an equal basis, and lynching and other forms of racial violence were prevalent (Anderson, 1988; Logan, 1954, 1965; Olsen, 1980; Tindall, 1952; Williamson, 1984). In an infamous incident in Lake City, South Carolina (a community 30 miles east of Mayesvile) in 1898, a white mob firebombed the home of Frazier B. Baker, an African American the federal government appointed postmaster of the town, and shot and killed Baker and his infant daughter, and seriously injured Baker's wife, three other daughters, and two sons as they ran from the house. The scholarship of historian David Carter conclusively demonstrates that Baker was killed for no other reason than "race...and his elevation to a position of authority in the town." In other words, Baker had gotten out of the Negro's "place" (Carter, 1998).
Wilson's primary strategy for building her school in this tense racial environment was to cultivate relationships with local whites. Her first white patron was Dr. Mays, a large-scale landowner whom the town was named after. Mays served on the Mayesville Institute Board of Trustees and other prominent whites later joined, including the town postmaster and the cashier of the local bank (GEB Papers, Box 123). Their patronage provided Wilson the security necessary to build her school in such a racially hostile climate.
In addition to the volatile nature of race relations in late nineteenth century South Carolina, pressing financial problems further complicated the building of Mayesville. By 1895 when the enlarged student population outgrew the temporary schoolroom, Wilson faced the necessity of acquiring a permanent structure. She desperately wanted to purchase a building to use for classroom instruction and she wanted to hire a teaching assistant. She also envisioned expanding the curriculum to include more industrial courses, and she envisioned dormitory facilities to accommodate students the school attracted from outlying communities (GEB Papers, Box 123).
Finding the financial resources to underwrite these projects proved a daunting task. Mayesville's tuition was low and there was no endowment. Although prominent local whites served on the Mayesville Institute Board of Trustees, they did not financially support the school. Besides $45 a year Dr. Mays helped Wilson secure from The Board of the County Free School, no further financial assistance was known to have come from the local white community. Local blacks, less than one generation removed from slavery, were financially strapped and thus their support limited. Their contributions consisted primarily of loaned books, food items that were sold for the benefit of Wilson's work, and farm products and provisions such as eggs and chickens that were given in exchange for tuition (GEB Papers, Box 123).
There was evidence of Presbyterian influence at Mayesville Institute but records do not indicate financial support from the Presbyterians. Moreover, in all of Wilson's correspondence with the Rockefeller General Education Board between 1902 and 1919 she did not mention having received Presbyterian funds. With no sustained financial support from her local constituency, Wilson was compelled to look elsewhere for funds. Like many African American educators of her day, she looked to the northern United States. And it was here, in the North, through years of solicitations and appeals among benevolent white people, that Wilson obtained funds to run Mayesville.
Wilson began her solicitation travels in the North in the summer of 1895. Philanthropy in the North reached a historic peak in the years between 1890 and 1915, as Americans who had amassed wealth as speculators in the nation's emerging industries became interested in the improvement of conditions among their fellow citizens. Among the various causes that benefited substantially from this increased concern for social justice was black education in the South. The various philanthropic agencies and organizations established to support education during this period include the Rockefeller General Education Board in 1902; the Anna T. Jeanes Fund in 1905; and the Phelps-Stokes Fund in 1910 (Anderson, 1978; Anderson & Moss, 1999; Fosdick, 1962). Wilson first traveled to Philadelphia, and then to New York and Boston; from 1896 to her death in 1924, her fundraising activities above the Mason-Dixon Line were based in these cities.
Given Wilson's status as the relatively unknown leader of a small industrial school, the fundraising task she faced was Herculean in nature. First and foremost, soliciting funds in the North was an expensive venture. As solicitors were required to travel from place to place in search of funds, remaining for extended periods of time away from kith and kin, fundraising required a certain amount of money for food, lodging, and travel fare. Wilson did not have adequate financial resources to cover these overhead expenses. Another factor that worked against Wilson was the fact that Mayesville Institute lacked proper fund-raising infrastructure. Unlike larger affluent schools such as Hampton and Tuskegee, Wilson did not have the resources to hire a corps of professional agents to coordinate the various and often tedious components of fundraising such as identifying individuals of means and cultivating relationships with potential donors. This meant that Wilson had to single-handedly bear the enormous burdens associated with raising money.
In addition to these problems Wilson lacked philanthropic connections in the North. When Wilson embarked on her first fundraising outing in the northern United States she was unknown outside of South Carolina. Her foray into the field of fundraising coincided with the rise of Booker T. Washington and the wide acceptance of his message of industrial education, black self-help, and cooperation with southern whites as a solution to the region's race problem. Washington's educational and political ideology immediately earned him the hearts and dollars of the nation's leading financial and industrial figures, including the Rockefellers and Andrew Carnegie (Harlan, 1972, 1983; Lewis, 1993; Meier, 1963). Wilson's constituency, in contradistinction, was local and of minimal means. And unlike the schools established by Tuskegee graduates, the Tuskegee "off-shoots," Wilson was not positioned to obtain letters of introduction or recommendation from Washington which could open doors for her to approach monied whites in the North.
Fundraising for the Mayesville Institute was further complicated by intense competition among African American educators. In his study of black education and fundraising historian Henry Enck argues that this particular problem weighed heavily on the leaders of small black industrial schools (Enck, 1976). In the case of Emma Wilson, this problem presented a major obstacle. The eagerness with which African Americans embraced education in the aftermath of the Civil War resulted in a proliferation of black schools in the South at the turn of the century and consequently the free flowing philanthropy that attracted Emma Wilson to the northern United States drew the leaders of these schools as well. This phenomenon has been well documented in numerous studies of northern philanthropy and black education in the early twentieth century and general researches on American society during the Progressive Era (Anderson, 1988; Bond, 1934; Bullock, 1967). The black educators who flocked to the North in search of funds for their schools represented every state in the South. In South Carolina Mayesville Institute faced rival, and often better-known schools such as the Voorhees Normal and Industrial School in Denmark; the Port Royal Agricultural and Industrial School at Beaufort; The Schofield Normal and Industrial School in Aiken; the Penn School at St. Helena's Island; and the Harbison Agricultural College in Irmo. Moreover, the State Agricultural and Mechanical College and Claflin College at Orangeburg, as well as Benedict College and Alien University in Columbia, all offered industrial programs. In addition to these statewide competitors, Wilson also vied with several schools in Sumter County and environs. Wilson's own alma mater, the Goodwill Mission School, was in close proximity to Mayesville; as was the Kendall Institute in nearby Sumter and the Browning School in Camden (GEB Papers, Boxes 122-125; 127). The representatives of these schools and several others flooded the North with charitable appeals on behalf of their schools.
As a result of these particular problems Wilson joined the fundraising circuit from a point of great disadvantage. In order to surmount these formidable obstacles she developed and employed a variety of fundraising strategies and tactics. While in some instances she emulated the practices of the larger institutions such as Hampton and Tuskegee, in others she tailored her methods and techniques to fit the needs of her own specific situation.
Wilson's first priority was to gain entrée into northern philanthropic circles. She accomplished this by seeking out southern-born men and women, black and white, living in the North, sympathetic to the black cause and knowledgeable of northern whites interested in contributing to black education in the South. In New York, a southern-born minister Dr. A.C. Dixon introduced Wilson to Louis Klopsch, editor of the widely read Christian Herald. Klopsch became so interested in Wilson's story that he profiled Wilson and the Mayesville Institute in his paper. This was the first recognition of her work in a widely read publication (GEB Papers, Box 123). In Boston, at the urging of an African American man from South Carolina Wilson sought out and received the endorsement of prominent Bostonians including, William Lloyd Garrison, renowned abolitionist and former editor of The Liberator, the chief newspaper of the anti-slavery movement, and Richard H. Dana, a prominent lawyer, political reformer, and son of the legendary writer of the same name (GEB Papers, Box 123).
Armed with these introductions Wilson went about telling the story of the Mayesville Institute and eliciting support for her work. Wilson's most common method of appeal was door-to-door solicitation-canvassing neighborhoods and knocking on doors. She also asked for and received numerous opportunities to speak for her school. She spoke in black and white churches, ladies aid societies, and to philanthropic officials (GEB Papers, Box 123).
In addition to speaking and door-to-door soliciting, Wilson also published and distributed in the north written appeals for assistance to Mayesville Institute. The major goal of these publications, primarily booklets and leaflets, was to put forth convincing reasons for supporting Mayesville. In doing so, the publications emphasized Booker T. Washington's philosophy of rural uplift, self-help, industrial education, and the ways in which Mayesville Institute modeled this paradigm. A representative leaflet circulated in 1912 describes the purpose of the Mayesville Institute as seeking to enable the African Americans to obtain livelihoods in rural areas so that they did not have to move to large towns (GEB Papers, Box 123). This mission statement spoke to both Washington's rural uplift ideology and the widespread fear among southern whites that their supply of cheap, black labor would migrate from the South. To keep blacks in the South and peaceful relations between the races, the leaflet seemed to say, it was critical to support the Mayesville Institute.
Another extant fundraising publication of the Mayesville Institute is a booklet published in 1916. The booklet was written and disseminated during a period when the school was in the midst of a profound financial crisis, and its sole purpose was to draw support for Mayesville from people all over the country. The cover shows a photograph of Emma Wilson with the words "Let us help those who help themselves" and "Found her Africa at Her Own Door." At the heart of the message are the twin themes of self-help and industrial education. Telling the story of Wilson's background in slavery and how she started out penniless and built the Mayesville Institute, the booklet details Wilson's work to "uplift her race" and her "self-sacrifice for her race." The writing also carries a religious tone, stating that Wilson regularly prayed for the money to run her school and makes reference to her unwavering faith. The booklet also includes a quote by Emma Wilson in which she declared: "It (the Mayesville Institute) is the Lord's work and belongs to all." With regard to industrial education, the narrative emphasizes Wilson's Tuskegee connection-the fact that a Tuskegee graduate recommended by Booker T. Washington supervised Mayesville's Industrial Department. The pamphlet also highlights the school's curriculum. The Mayesville Institute, according to the publication, taught boys "to be farmers, carpenters, shoemakers, tailors, and bricklayers," and girls "to do house work, sewing, cooking, nursing, and also farm work." That the students made bricks on campus and the male students built several campus buildings is also mentioned. The book ends with an outline of the school's annual budget and a list of urgent financial needs (GEB Papers, Box 123). White northern readers of this booklet were probably struck by the parallels between Wilson's life and that of Booker T. Washington's, as told in Up from Slavery, as well as the vibrant spirit of Tuskegee that resonated at Mayesville.
Written appeals such as the leaflet and the booklet were important fundraising tools for several reasons. First, they could be distributed in parts of the country that were inaccessible to Wilson because of great distance. Given that Wilson confined her in-person solicitations to the northeast, it is quite feasible that written solicitations were sent out to the other regions of the country. This would have allowed the story of Emma Wilson and Mayesville Institute to reach a wider audience. second, whereas door-to-door appeals only gave the solicitor a small amount of time to make the case for support of a respective school, written appeals provided a medium for the agent to tell the story of an institution fully and in vivid, in-depth detail. Soliciting via booklets, pamphlets, and leaflets constituted a key component of fundraising for the leaders of small southern black schools.
In addition to fundraising in the North, Wilson also lobbied to recruit influential whites to the Mayesville Institute Board of Trustees. A sampling of the Mayesville Board in 1907 reveals a highly diversified group. They were white and black; northern and southern; male and female. Among the northern whites were Louis Klopsch of New York; Alice Bowker of Massachusetts, wife of R.R. Bowker, editor of the Glendale Outlook; Mrs. Paul Revere Frothingham of Boston, wife of the eminent theologian; Mrs. Quincy A. Shaw of Boston; and Richard Dana of Boston. Dana served as treasurer for eighteen years and was the most influential board member during his tenure. These northern whites served along side Wilson's southern white contingent consisting of Peter R. Wilson and J. Rembert Mayes. Joining this group was John C. Simmons, a local black minister (GEB Papers, Box 123).
Although critical to the success of the Mayesville Institute, Wilson's fundraising efforts exacted a heavy personal toll. A perusal of her papers and school publications reveals the great hardships and difficulties she faced while struggling to garner support for Mayesville. As she often traveled without adequate funds to secure accommodation, travel fare, and meals, she was forced to support herself by engaging in "day work" such as washing, ironing, and cleaning. It was in this manner of working from place to place that she traveled through the northern United States (GEB Papers, Box 123). When Wilson first traveled north in 1895, for instance, she arrived in Philadelphia with thirty cents in her pocket. She found accommodation at a black boarding house and when asked for advanced payment she promised to pay the following day. Her meal on that evening consisted of a loaf of bread, as did her breakfast the following morning (GEB Papers, Box 123). Wilson gave account of a similar experience in Boston: "One Friday, after an unsuccessful canvass all day, for no one seemed to care to hear my story, I returned to my room about dark. Soon after I went out and bought a loaf of bread with the last five cents I possessed. I had that night for supper bread and water, and the next morning the remainder of the bread and water for breakfast" (GEB Papers, Box 123). On another occasion in Springfield, she had to walk to a black church as she did not have money for transportation. Then as Wilson often solicited blindly, without prior knowledge of the political bent of a potential donor, she often encountered people who were very hostile to the idea of black education, and who verbally expressed their opposition. Lastly, the time consuming nature of fundraising forced Wilson to stay in the North for long periods of time, distracting her from the day-to-day responsibilities of running her school. Describing her predicament in 1902 Wilson wrote: "For.. .years I have been traveling and soliciting funds to carry on the Mayesville Educational and Industrial Institute . . . going North every year begging for money to run the Institute when I ought to be at the school which needs my presence at all times" (GEB Papers, Box 123).
How successful was Emma Wilson's fundraising in the northern United States? By 1915 the cost of running Mayesville was $6,000 a year. Of this amount, Wilson collected $3,000 to $4,000 annually in the North (GEB Papers, Box 123). This money was invested in ways that further helped the school become self-sufficient. For example, it was used to acquire and maintain a 70-acre farm that served not only as a laboratory for student training in practical agriculture, but also as a profit generating enterprise. The farm provided most of the meat and vegetables for the school and funds derived from the sale of its produce paid the salary of the head of the agriculture department as well as other operating expenses. In addition to cash donations, Wilson also obtained in the North funds to underwrite specific projects. She received money marked for tuition scholarships, teacher salaries, building construction and maintenance, and equipment purchase (GEB Papers, Box 123)). In 1914, Mrs. Harriet E. Joslyn of Boston donated $15,000 for the construction of a brick building in memory of her husband, Charles Swift Joslyn. Joslyn during his lifetime had exhibited great "interest in the uplifting by their own efforts of the colored people of the South" (GEB Papers, Box 123). Richard H. Dana, Jr. of New York, an architect described in 1913 as having a "solid reputation in the New York and Connecticut region," and the son of trustee Dana, designed and supervised the construction of Joslyn Hall (GEB Papers, Box 123; Cody, 1996, p. 7). Other whites living in the North sent barrels of clothing to Mayesville, which Wilson sold in her salesroom. Mayesville's northern white trustees also served faithfully over the years. They signed their names to Wilson's written appeals, wrote letters of recommendation on her behalf, and introduced Wilson to their influential and affluent friends (GEB Papers, Box 123).
How did Wilson's fundraising impact the institutional development of Mayesville? As a result of Wilson's efforts, the Mayesville Institute experienced tremendous growth in the years between 1882 and 1915. Wilson started teaching in 1882 in an abandoned cotton gin house with 10 children and borrowed books. By 1902, twenty years later, the student population had grown to 275 and there were 5 teachers on staff. The school also owned 67 acres of land and operated a 70-acre farm. By 1915 the land on which the school was situated had decreased from 67 acres to 52 acres, but the student population had nearly doubled to 500 and the number of teachers employed totaled 12, more than double the number on staff in 1902. In addition, the school owned six buildings, used for classrooms, dormitories, kitchen and dining, and trade shops. Mayesville also continued maintenance of its 70-acre farm (GEB Papers, Box 123).
Likewise, the curriculum experienced significant growth in the years under investigation. Mayesville Institute was established to serve the purpose of an elementary school and later expanded to offer additional high school and industrial training to advanced students. In 1902, academic course offerings included reading, writing, arithmetic, and history. Students received additional instruction in music and the school day included a morning chapel service. The industrial program consisted of training in shoemaking, sewing, mechanical drawing, shop work, carpentry, blacksmithing, laundering, farming, and cooking (GEB Papers, Box 123). By 1915, the Mayesville Institute curriculum had greatly broadened, and although Wilson continued to advertise the school as an institution devoted primarily to industrial education, an evaluation of school records reflects a more comprehensive course of study. The school maintained its basic academic fare of reading, writing, arithmetic, and history, but in addition offered advanced courses in Rhetoric, Bible, Literature, Physical and Commercial Geography, Business Methods and Bookkeeping, Chemistry, Algebra and Arithmetic, Psychology, and Practice Teaching. The industrial department taught sewing, cooking, laundering, gardening, farming, carpentry, tailoring, and bricklaying (GEB Papers, Box 123).
Over the years Mayesville employed teachers from some of the best black colleges in the nation, including Tuskegee Institute, Scotia Seminary, the Agricultural and Mechanical Institute in Greensboro, North Carolina, Biddie Institute, and Benedict College. Moreover, the school sponsored numerous extra-curricular programs, including an Annual Farmer's Conference and a summer school for African American teachers (GEB Papers, Box 123).
Wilson's greatest shortcoming was her inability to obtain northern organized philanthropic support for Mayesville Institute. In the years between 1902 and 1919 Wilson and her trustees continuously appealed to the General Education Board on behalf of the school. With the exception of a $1,000 donation to Mayesville in 1916, the GEB denied all their requests (GEB Papers, Box 123). GEB inspectors who visited Mayesville were extremely critical of the school's industrial program. The industrial work, they complained, was "merely in its beginning" and "elementary." They further reasoned that as the school did not attract many students beyond Sumter County it was primarily a "local school" (GEB Papers, Box 123). As far as the GEB was concerned, the Mayesville Institute was not strategically positioned to spread the message of industrial education throughout the black South.
How should we assess the legacy and contributions of Emma J. Wilson? The magnitude of what Emma Wilson accomplished through the building and stewardship of the Mayesville Educational and Industrial Institute is best appreciated when one considers the great distance between the prosperous future the freedmen envisioned for themselves and their children and the reality of the neglected and deprived state in which they found themselves in the aftermath of slavery. African Americans viewed the acquisition of education as the solution to their problems, as knowledge and enlightenment were considered the foremost means to equality and prosperity. But a major obstacle blocked the pathway. At the time of Emancipation at least 81% of all African Americans above 10 years old were illiterate. Miraculously, sixty years later only 16% were incapable of reading or writing (Anderson, 1988). By building schools for members of their race, African American teachers such as Emma Wilson played a key role in reducing the illiteracy rate among blacks. In doing so, they moved the race closer to freedom and equality.
The accomplishments of Emma Wilson are all the more extraordinary when one considers the circumstances under which she lived and worked. She faced racial prejudice and financial hardship at every turn. But with unyielding courage and a visionary spirit she surmounted these daunting obstacles to make the dream of education and achievement a reality for African Americans. She trained a generation of teachers who went out into black communities throughout the South spreading the gospel of education and civilization. Among her more prominent students was Mary McLeod Bethune, the founder of Bethune-Cookman College, presidential advisor, and the most influential African American of the New Deal Era. Describing Wilson's accomplishments in 1902, a northern white trustee of Mayesville commented: "I have known of all the details of her work, and I know of no one who has accomplished more, alone and single-handed, than she has, not even Booker T. Washington" (GEB Papers, Box 123). The work of Emma Wilson played a critical role in uplifting the race.
Raising funds for small southern black industrial schools proved a most difficult task. The African American leaders of these institutions faced obstacles and challenges that set them apart from the leaders of the larger, more widely known schools. The men and women who founded and led the small institutions lacked sufficient fundraising infrastructure, were without philanthropic ties in the North, faced vigorous competition from their peer institutions, and subjected themselves to personal hardships and difficulties while seeking support for their schools. Only by developing and employing innovative strategies and techniques, and reaching into the depths of their inner spirit and character, were they able to navigate these challenges. Their experiences help us understand the bigger picture of fundraising for small industrial schools and its place in the historiography of African American education.
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Carolyn Wilson Mbajekwe
Emory University
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