GENDER INEQUALITY IN AFRICA: A RE-EXAMINATION OF CULTURAL VALUES

Abstract

Most African societies operate a patriarchal system of male headship and female submission in social relations and marriage. This means male headship and women submission are both cultural and religious values within African society. Since these values define the position and role of sexes within African societies, they also present challenges to the gender equality championed by modernity. This paper attempts to show how some cultural and religious values in Africa contribute to the problem of gender inequality. This paper maintains that these values should be critically assessed, and those found to be inimical to the well-being and holistic development of society, be discarded. In such a way, African culture and values can have their relevance established and sustained in order to give credence to authentic African identity. The paper adopts a philosophical method of critical analysis and exposition.

Headnote

Abstract: Most African societies operate a patriarchal system of male headship and female submission in social relations and marriage. This means male headship and women submission are both cultural and religious values within African society. Since these values define the position and role of sexes within African societies, they also present challenges to the gender equality championed by modernity. This paper attempts to show how some cultural and religious values in Africa contribute to the problem of gender inequality. This paper maintains that these values should be critically assessed, and those found to be inimical to the well-being and holistic development of society, be discarded. In such a way, African culture and values can have their relevance established and sustained in order to give credence to authentic African identity. The paper adopts a philosophical method of critical analysis and exposition.

Keywords: Values, African Culture, African Women, African Values, Gender Inequality.

Introduction

Pilcher and Whelehan state that today's concept of gender came into common usage during the early 1970s1. They further opined that it was used as an analytical category to draw a line between biological sex differences and the way these are used to inform behaviours and competencies, which are then assigned as either "masculine" or "feminine". The term gender is also applied to refer to social, cultural and psychological aspects of masculinity and femininity. Gender is defined as

[a] constitutive element of social relationships based on perceived differences between the sexes, the knowledge that establishes meanings for bodily difference ... This extract emphasizes the social differences between female and male and it is this difference that prevents women and men from participating equally in social, political, economic and cultural life2.

Gender is used as a group, and once people decide what you are, they infer everything you do in the light of that. Gender also means the socially defined attributes and capacities assigned to people on the basis of sexual characteristics. These gender attributions form the basis for understanding other aspects of gender such as gender roles (behaving like a male or female) and gender identity (feeling like a male or female)3.

The motivation for this study emanates from the persistent inequality regarding women's gender, particularly their statuses, roles, achievements, predicaments, and even well-being, in Africa. Until recently, owing to the gender role distinction in African traditional values, girls were kept away from school in the belief that education would become a hindrance to their ability to achieve "status" in society as wife and mother. So, traditional African values share the blame for keeping African women away from the type of education which makes the acquisition of skills for formal writing as a craft possible. Also, because of their role as 'submissive' as well as a 'weaker' gender, women are been looked down on.

Despite these considerable difficulties, African women, especially writers, are becoming a force to reckon with in their societies. They have always played significant roles as storytellers, warriors, nurturers, and healers besides the obvious ones as wife, mother, daughter, and sister. The fact that women writers like Flora Nwapa, Ama Ata Aidoo, Buchi Emecheta, Mariama Ba, Bessie Head, and Tsitsi Dangarembga have been writing and reflecting women's special concerns makes a case for gender equality in Africa. The works of these women offer insight into various dimensions of African women's perception of themselves, their roles, and communities. This research joins the voice of these women to challenge the stereotypical image and inequalities expressed towards African women in African societies through the values held within the society.

African cultural values

The culture of a people is what marks them out distinctively from other human societies4. The study of culture in all its vastness and dimensions belongs to the discipline known as anthropology, which studies human beings and takes time to examine their characteristics and their relationship to their environments. Culture, as it is usually understood, entails a totality of traits and characters that are peculiar to a people to the extent that it marks them out from other peoples or societies. According to Bassey and Okpe, these peculiar traits go on to include the people's language, dressing, music, work, arts, religion, dancing and so on. It also goes on to include people's social norms, taboos, and values5. Values here are to be understood as beliefs that are held about what is right and wrong and what is important in life. This is why, a philosophical assessment of African values and culture is not only timely and apt but also proper. Moreover, the centrality of the place of values in African culture as a heritage that is passed down from one generation should be a matter of concern. This paper will try to show some values and cultural practices Africans hold in high esteem and how they contribute to gender inequalities. Having identified some of these values, this research avers that negative dimensions of African culture values have to be dropped in order to promote a more progressive and dynamic society.

The Patriarchal Nature of African Societies.

According to Jewkes, African societies are patriarchal. Patriarchy is a hierarchical social system in which dominant males have controls over females, children and other "weaker" and marginalized people6 (1423). In a patriarchal society, this kind of social control penetrates all levels of society and all social institutions, including the institution of marriage. The control of males over females specifically has been linked to one major social issue, namely gender-based violence. In this regard, most African governments have passed laws in an attempt to curb gender-based violence. According to Ngena, in 2006, for example, the government of Zimbabwe passed the Domestic Violence Act (DVA). A newspaper, the Herald, reports that the purpose of the DVA is "to allow maximum protection for survivors of domestic violence, provide relief to survivors and long-term measures for the prevention of domestic violence"7. The introduction of the DVA draws attention to the reality and effect of power imbalances in African marriages. According to Mungwini, surprisingly, The Domestic Violence Act of 2007 was even opposed by a group of married Shona Christian women. This they did through the media8. Mungwini further claimed that these Christian women aimed at "protecting their marriages" against those "who claimed to champion women's rights" but "were not genuine at all but wanted to destroy families and marriages"9.

Attitudes such as these serve to reinforce patriarchy in society. It illustrates how women are socialized into accepting "the way things are", namely that men are superior to women and are entitled to total freedom and to women's dedicated unquestioning service. These socialized views contribute to women not daring to challenge men and their behaviour, irrespective of how damaging and unjust that may be. The reason for this is articulated by Baloyi as that the "headship of man in the house has been of greater importance"10 than fairness or the well-being of women. The man's role is to be honoured and supported as it is. This affects African Christians as well and due to culturally defined customs and principles that govern male-female relations, some Christian men and women find it aberrant to challenge the status quo. Even in some Christian homes, marital relationships are defined mostly by culture. To oppose these roles is to oppose culture and cultural structures. That, for many, is unthinkable.

It is important to state that cultural elements that impinge on people's lives in the way that patriarchy imposes on the relationship between the sexes, are essentialist. Outcalt avers that: "Essentialism refers to the existence of fixed characteristics, given attributes and ahistorical functions that limit the possibilities of change and of social organisation"11. According to Bourdillon, a renowned researcher of African culture, "a man's character to an extent lies in the traditions in which he was brought up and the experiences he has undergone, but anyone can change, especially under the influences of outside pressures"12. Two noteworthy aspects are, firstly, that people's character is, to a great extent, affected by the way in which they were raised and, secondly, that a different environment can lead to a new paradigm since people can become detached from the customs learned in childhood. With regard to African Christians, both of these aspects are relevant. Also, some Africans live and work in urban areas, while at the same time they also possess a home in a rural area where they have relatives with whom they have close ties. Even though this group of persons has often become urbanized, a close association with relatives who adhere to traditional culture can lead to the perpetuation of a cultural mindset and cultural customs.

The sexes in the African context: From early childhood to adulthood

Traditional African culture values have specific perceptions regarding headship and submission in marriage. Owomoyela puts it as follows: "In traditional African society, and in those across Africa as a whole, men and women had well-defined roles and obligations that were specific and exclusive to their respective genders"13. This means that there are clear boundaries with regard to male and female roles and tasks. A transgression of the boundaries is taboo and people who do not adhere to the rules would face serious consequences. This perceived "proper way" is taught to children from an early age by means of the oral tradition, which is the way in which important information is passed on from generation to generation.

Owomoyela avers that African societies socialize boys and girls in the gender roles expected of them. This is done by means of, for example, circumcision and other initiation ceremonies, as well as fire-stories14 (89). Regarding this, Mutasa, Nyota and Mapara put it as follows:

folktale has been used and is still being used for didactic purposes ... [It] contain[s] lessons for life, which are applicable to real life situations that are not lesson specific, but like proverbs, they are general and can be applied to most themes as long as the storyteller picks an appropriate Ngano for the situation15 (36).

'Ngano' in Shona culture can therefore be referred to as a "curriculum for life," which teaches children morality and socially acceptable behaviour, thus preparing them for adult life. Gelfand posits that Africans value these teachings and this training since they ensure that children grow up "well trained and ... ready to accept responsibilities of marriage"16.

Gelfand describes the value of stories as follows: "Stories go before us, to get us ready for the journey that is about to come into our lives"17. According to Otiso these stories functioned to socialize young people into a certain mindset in how they "glorified desirable behaviours or moral traits and disparaged the undesirable ones"18. The result is that, within the traditional African context, boys and girls grow up knowing clearly what is expected of them and how to perform their duties. There is no possibility of role confusion or encroaching on the other's role. Otiso further puts it as follows: "Grandparents were integral and effective agents because they combined personal life experiences and heroics with freedom to broach sensitive subjects such as sex"19. Life lessons are learnt in this way.

Gender Status and Roles. Son Preference as a Tradition in African Cultures

This is one of the values Africans hold in high esteem. In many African societies, the birth of a baby boy is received with great joy. According to Baloyi, the rituals are more elaborate with the mother receiving compliments for producing a male child. The father enjoys great delight and pride with the reassurance of continuity of the family line and the protection of his property. The birth of a girl, however, has less ritual with the reduced value attributed to the mother. The reception ceremony is minimal and less colorful20.

Socialization into gender roles

The way in which young people are trained for their respective gender roles in traditional African societies shows that a clear distinction is made between the sexes. Boys and girls perform different roles in the home and outside. In the South African cultural context, for example, young girls are specifically taught to perform motherly roles whereas young boys taught to herd cattle, sheep and goats, and later on as adults, to provide security for their aged parents. Salm and Falola point out those roles in the family "are determined in large by age, gender, and status. Traditional household relationships revolve around rules of family etiquette that demand certain patterns of interaction and determine behaviour models"21. The assumption is that such a scenario eliminates all confusion. African boys and girls know exactly what roles and responsibilities await them later in life when (not "if") they get married. According to Chapman, the idea that a couple should take time before marriage "to discuss and agree upon responsibilities"22 (77) is a Western approach, which is largely rejected by African people.

African males and females are taught their duties, roles, responsibilities, and positions, both in the home and in society. These are prescribed by cultural values in which women are known to be second class citizens. Accordingly, African men and women's experiences and perceptions of headship and submission in marriage are influenced by their social values in their cultural society. All of this has to be taken into account if gender inequality is to be effectively be eradicated in African societies.

Status and roles of males

According to Mukonyora, in African societies, males are the official guardians of the land and lineage23 (277). African societies in sub-Saharan Africa are patrilineal, in other words, according to Bourdillon "kinship through males is stressed over kinship through females"24. It is therefore customary that the wife adopts the husband's surname and belongs with his family rather than with her own biological family of origin. This is viewed as a sign of her submitting to his leadership. Should she not do so, it would be regarded with suspicion in the culture. As part of his duty as the head of his wife and family, the man fosters discipline, not only to his children but also to his wife. Holleman describes it as follows:

A husband is entitled to beat his wife moderately when circumstances warrant such a punishment. Occasional disciplinary actions of this kind are, in fact regarded as normal incidents of married life to which a woman will not seriously object25 (277).

Since husbands in the traditional African cultures are generally allowed to beat their wives, according to Tevoedjre "violence is seen as an acceptable way to settle disputes and exercise control within marriage"26. Females within the traditional African culture are therefore vulnerable to abuse and violence. This cultural justification of force and violence against women is a facet of the subjugation of African women in marriage, including Christian women in Christian marriages.

In the African traditional culture, the husband is seen as the sole provider of his family and the head of the household. This is an aspect taught and ingrained in every male child. It affects their behaviour, and how they view themselves. If an African man fails to provide for his family, he feels inferior or insignificant and insecure as the authority figure in the household. On the other hand, being a provider makes the man feel superior and conscious of the fact that his wife is dependent on him. The extent to which this patriarchal order of control affects females and limits them to the domestic sphere manifests in the attitudes of most African women after their husband has died or after a divorce. A group of African women who were seeking government grants was asked why they should be given the grants. As documented by Charvet, their reasons were: "My husband died so I have no-one to look after me" or "I was deserted by my husband", or "I do not have a husband"27. This shows how the idea that an African man is the head and sole provider of the family results in "controlling" and disempowering women even after the man is gone.

Status and role of females

European colonialism only reinforced a system of patriarchal control that was already in place within African culture. In African cultures, male dominance and female subordination still prevail to this day. Females have traditionally played a passive role. Females were regarded as the keepers of the home and their roles and responsibilities mainly centered on the home. According to Charvet women in traditional African society are "taught to be obedient and submissive housekeepers"28. The common notion is that women belong in the kitchen, which expresses that their domain does not go beyond household responsibilities, especially cooking and providing food. Women are therefore not in any way involved in crucial decision making. Furthermore, the failure on the part of women to perform their prescribed duties in the home, including performing conjugal duties, taking care of children and doing the cooking, can result in their being punished by the husband. In some cases, it is culturally sanctioned that the husband could beat his wife if he deems her inadequate in her role as wife and mother. Also, Messer avers that, with regard to sex, women are at all times expected to satisfy the sexual desires of the husband29. When a man demands sex, the wife must comply without fail. The Zimbabwe Ministry of Education describes the historical situation as follows:

Under the pure African law, a woman was under perpetual tutelage. Before marriage, she belonged to her father or guardian. Upon her marriage, the guardianship passed to her husband and upon dissolution of her marriage, the guardianship passed back to her father30.

The message from culture to women is that they are inadequate as separate human beings and never come of age. They remain dependent as children and are punished as children for "unseemly" behaviour. Traditional African females are socialized to find true meaning for their lives only as people dependent on and subordinate to males. This results in their defining themselves only in relation to men.

Traditional African marriage. Bride Price

In African societies, marriage is considered of the utmost social importance for a number of reasons. According to Salm and Falola, one reason is that marriage serves to establish alliances between families and between communities31. Therefore, extended families are involved from the beginning when marriage is initiated. They preside over the Bride Price negotiations. This has an impact on the conduct of the wife. According to Auret, "she is still regarded as being subordinate to all her husband's relatives"32. Female submission is not only about her deferring to the husband, but also to the husband's relatives. Though there are various forms of marriage contract in African cultures, a marriage contract only comes into effect after the bride-exchange (Bride Price) has been done. According to Mvududu Bride Price refers to the custom of a man paying some form of property, such as for example cattle of goods, for the right or privilege to marry a woman33.

Today, money is commonly used to pay Bride Price. Radcliffe-Brown views the custom of Bride Price as some form of compensation given by the bridegroom and his family to the bride's family for the "loss" of their daughter and the investment they had already made in her. After the Bride Price has been paid and blessings received from both families, the couple is regarded as married34. It is only after having paid Bride Price that the man can claim possession of the wife. According to Mahara, the wife then becomes subject not only to him, but also to his entire family35. The paying of Bride Price for her implies that by right she is obligated to meet her husband's needs and to take care of the children. Household tasks, including cooking for the husband, are now her responsibility. Bourdillon describes it as follows: "An inability to cook on the part of a wife is a serious shortcoming, which may lead to the break-up of the marriage ... if she cannot cook she is useless to him"36. In this case, the husband has the right to divorce her, or to send her back to her family to be taught how to cook well.

According to Ngundu, Bride Price plays a significant role within the African cultures. Without Bride Price a marriage does not officially exist37. According to Stoneman and Cliff, nearly all traditional marriages in Zimbabwe were and are still expected to involve the ritual with regard to Bride Price, "a traditional custom that has endured for centuries"38. This custom has both a positive and negative effect on male-female relations. From an Afro-centric perspective, Bride Price is perceived positively according to Gelfand as "an outward manifestation of a young man's love for his wife and it is a safeguard for groundless divorce"39. Gelfand's also expresses a positive regard for Bride Price and its effect on the people involved: "I personally would look on the payment of bride wealth as having the effect of giving the woman a value in the eyes of all especially the man. Here is a person who has value; someone who cannot just be taken"40. According to Gelfand, the involvement of this custom signifies how couples and families take marriage seriously and also provides protection for the rights of both men and women41. More so, Bride Price unifies the family of the wife and family of the husband42. Bride Price furthermore conveys appreciation to the bride's family for having brought her up well43. The payment of Bride Price can be seen as the guarantee for the woman and the children of their right to resources in the husband's kin group and a place in the kinship structure44. This gives women and children a sense of belonging in both the husband's family and the woman's father's family.

Wiley avers that, on the negative side the practice of Bride Price is considered by others to be oppressive to women for various reasons. The payment of Bride Price is equated with "buying a wife"45. Gelfand elaborates as follows: "The fact that a man has paid Bride Price for his wife bestows upon him the right to regard her and his children as his property and she knows this"46. Bourdillon sees it as the foundation for the husband's sense of entitlement: "The husband feels that, after all his sacrifices, he has a right to everything that the wife produces"47. The result is that the payment of Bride Price can be seen as rendering the wife powerless and giving the husband the right to do as he wishes. He paid for her, which means that she is his property, which he can keep or dispose of as he sees fit. It is but a short step to various forms of abuse. According to Ashraf the escalation of violence against women has to do with the large sums of money African men pay for Bride Price48. The assumption is that this contributes overtly to the control over women by their husbands. Should he judge her to be "under- performing" considering the amount of money he had paid for her Bride Price, he has the right to punish or discard her49.

From "discipline" and "punishment" to abuse and sexual abuse, is another short step. Married men's absolute control over all matters sexual does not only infringe women rights and human dignity, but also exposes them to HIV infection. Chabata puts it as follows: "Some married women find it very hard to negotiate safe sex since their husbands simply say 'Dzakaenda dzakapfeka macondom here? (Did the cattle we paid go with condoms on?)"50. Again the perception is that if Bride Price has been paid, a woman has been bought and could therefore be used as the husband wishes. The implication is that if Bride Price had not been paid, the woman would be free to walk away should conflict ensue in the marriage. If there were no Bride Price, the woman would not be bound by anything. In other words, her commitment to marriage is determined and controlled by the payment or non-payment of Bride Price. This affects the power relationship of headship and submission in the marriage. Without payment she would owe an abusive husband nothing.

African women, for whom Bride Price has been paid, face exceptional challenges with regard to solving marital conflict as well as with how to deal with oppressive and abusive husbands. When faced with conflict, African married women in general approach their aunts (usually the father's sisters) for advice. According to Chabata the kind of cultural advice the aunts generally give amount to: "Chingotsungirira mwana wehanzvadzi yangu, yeuka kuti murume wako akabvisa pfuma. Kana ukamuramba tinoiwanepi mari yekumudzorera?"51 (You just have to endure my niece, remember your husband paid Bride Price. If you divorce him, how are we going to repay the Bride Price he has paid?).52 As a result, African women tend to endure marriage, not because they love the husband but because they protect their family of origin from shame and ridicule for failing to repay the Bride Price. Should the husband choose to use excessive force, she has to bear it.

In spite of the negative impact of Bride Price payment, the custom is still held as essential to the solemnization of African marriages and as an essential aspect of cultural value. It is a value to which both men and women adhere. For women, Possel, Rudwick and Casale posit that it could represent "a sense of commitment and love for the man"53. Christian churches in Zimbabwe tend to support the custom of Bride Price without being critical of the possible negatives aspects and abuses that could accompany it. Cultural customs, including Bride Price, should be scrutinized critically in the light of the Gospel message of love. No amount of money or wealth can be equated with the value of a human being. As such women should be treated with human dignity at all times, regardless of whether Bride Price was paid or not.

Conclusion

Michel Foucault had seen power not necessarily as domination or coercion, but rather as dispersed and pervasive, being everywhere and coming from everywhere54, however, in this case, the findings show that the power of males over females in African society, more often than not, is the power of domination and coercion. Due to this, violence and abuse are prevalent. This kind of systemically entrenched power imbalances can be termed "structural evil". Its effects are seen in the oppressive attitudes and behaviour towards women who are forced into submissive roles and denied the opportunity of personhood and to develop and grow as a person. These rights are generally limited to males. There was a time when it was generally believed in African society that women education endeavor is useless because a woman ultimately ends in a Man's kitchen. Even though this kind of mindset has now been relaxed, many Africans still hold that despite a woman's educational exploit she possesses no much significance without a man, or if she is not married. Foucault, in his analysis of power, sees the functions of power among others as fulfilling society's need for discipline and control in order that people will conform to set rules and norms throughout society. African cultures, as all other cultures and societies have such set norms and rules. In the case of men and women, these norms and rules include the idea of male headship and female submission in marriage. Women are forced to abide by these norms and rules. In this case, the power is coercive and negative because it serves the interests of one group at the expense of the other. Though the oppressive nature of the power of males over females in marriage seems clear and unmistakable, however, many women endorse the practice of male headship and female submission because they have been indoctrinated through childhood as such it is difficult to curtail this "structural evil". Also, most African women find themselves in a position where they are dependent on their husbands. Their economic position, their status in society, their quality of life and ability to support themselves and their children are affected, sometimes severely, when the husband leaves, dies or divorces them. This is a result of the mindset of the husband as the sole provider.

Due to this, most African women fear being divorced by their husbands, and would rather remain in and defend their oppressive marriages in order to enjoy the pretentious securities and ostensible benefits thereof. The costs with regard to their human dignity and freedom tend to be either overlooked or dismissed because the price that will have to be paid is seen as too high. By means of structural consensus theory, the study has demonstrated that both African males and females find it difficult, even as Christians, to go against the dictates of the culture.

The study however concludes that traditional African marital practices are similar to patriarchal practices reflected in Scripture, but they do not intersect with love, which is the very spirit of the gospel. The study therefore suggests that if a power balance in social relations as well as marriage can be attained, the word of the God who is love, should be allowed to speak into the lives of the African men and women in order to transform their lives. A transformed life will comprehend that humanity was not created so that people should oppress one another but to love one another. The African husband will understand that women are not to be treated with contempt but should be loved and treated as treasured creation - that they should do unto the other as they would want to be done unto them. African culture, as all cultures and cultural practices, can and should be transformed in the light of the gospel.

Footnote

1 Jane Pilcher & Imelda Whelehan, Fifty key concepts in gender studies, Los Angeles: SAGE Publications, 2011, p. 56

2 Ruspini, Elisabetta, "Gender, Defined." Encyclopedia of Women in Today's World. N.p., 2013. Web.

3 Ibid, p.31.

4 Akpan, Bassey Samuel, and Timothy Adie. "Eco-Communitarianism: An African Perspective." Research & Reviews: Journal of Ecology 7.3, 2019, p.15.

5 Samuel, Bassey And Okpe Adie, Eco-Communitarianism: An African Perspective. Research & Reviews: Journal Of Ecology, 7(3), 2019, p. 16.

6 Rachel Jewkes, "Intimate Partner Violence: Causes and Prevention. Violence Against Women" Iii. The Lancet, 359, 2002.

7 Usdin, Shereen, Nicola Christofides, Lebo Malepe, And Aadielah Maker, 'The Value of Advocacy in Promoting Social Change: Implementing The New Domestic Violence Act In South Africa', Reproductive Health Matters, 8 (2000), pp.55-65

8 Ibid p. 53.

9 Ibid p. 59.

10 Elijah, Baloyi, Patriarchal Structures: A Hindrance To Women's Rights. Unpublished Master's Dissertation, University Of Pretoria, 2007, p.107.

11 Outcalt, Linda, 'Book Review: The Becoming of Age: Cinematic Visions of Mind, Body and Identity in Later Life', Canadian Journal on Aging, 34 (2015), p.22.

12 Michael, Bourdillon, The Shona people, Revised Edition. Gweru: Mambo Press. 2004, p.3.

13 Oyekan Owomoyela, Culture and Customs of Zimbabwe. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002, p.9

14 Mutasa et al. Ngano: Teaching environmental education using the Shona folktale. The Journal of Pan African Studies 2,3, 2008, p.89

15 Mutasa et al, Ngano: Teaching environmental education using the Shona folktale. The Journal of Pan African Studies 2, 3, 2008, p.35.

16 Gelfand, Michael, Ukama, reflections on Shona and western cultures in Zimbabwe Gweru: Mambo Press, 1981, p.313.

17 Ibid p. p.274.

18 Kefa, Otiso, Culture and customs of Uganda. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006, p. 96.

19 Ibid p.96.

20 Elijah, Baloyi, Patriarchal Structures: A Hindrance To Women's Rights p. 54.

21 Salm et al, Culture and customs of Ghana. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002, p.138.

22 Gary, Chapman, The marriage you've always wanted. (Chicago, IL: Moody) 2005, p.77.

23 Isabel, Mukonyora, Wandering a gendered wilderness: Suffering and healing in an African initiated church. New York: Peter Lang, 2007, p.2.

24 Michael, Bourdillon, The Shona people, p.2.

25 Johan, Holleman, Shona customary law. Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1952, p.277.

26 Tevoedjre, Isabelle, "Violence and the Child in the Adult World in Africa." Child Abuse and Neglect 5.4 (1981), p. 498

27 John Charvet, Modern ideologies: Feminism. London: J.M. Dent and Sons Limited, 1982, p.2.

28 Idem, p. 73.

29 Messer, D.E., Breaking the conspiracy of silence: Christian churches and the global AIDS crisis. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress, 2004. p.4

30 Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, The man and his ways. Harare: Government Printers, 1970, p.41.

31 Salm, S.T. and T. Falola, Culture and customs of Ghana. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002, p.138.

32 Auret, D., Females among rural Shona: An anthropological study with reference to kinship and economy. Pretoria: University of South Africa Press, 1985, p. 164.

33 Mvududu, S., Lobola: It's implications for women's reproductive rights. Harare: Weaver Press, 2002, p.32.

34 Alfred Radcliffe-Brown, Social sanction, in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences Vol 13, 1934 p.531.

35 Mary Mahara, Equality in marriage, in Verryn, T.D. (ed.), Church and marriage in modern Africa, 158-199. Johannesburg: Zenith Printers. 2001, p.162.

36 Michael Bourdillon, The Shona people, p. 49.

37 Onesimus Ngundu, Mission churches and African customary marriage. Saarbrücken: LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, 2010, p.42.

38 Stoneman Colin and Cliffe Lione, Zimbabwe politics, economics and society. London: Printer Publishers, 1989, p.3.

39 Gelfand, Michael, Ukama, reflections on Shona and western cultures in Zimbabwe p.28.

40 Gelfand, Michael, Ukama, reflections on Shona and western cultures in Zimbabwe p.28.

41 Ibid p.140.

42 Ibid p.94.

43 Ibid p.130.

44 Ibid p.121.

45 Ibid p.363.

46 Ibid p.14.

47 Michael, Bourdillon, The Shona people p.39.

48 Ashraf, Nava et al. "Bride Price and Female Education." Journal of Political Economy (2019): n. pag. http://doi.org/10.1086/704572.

49 Ibid.

50 ibid

51 Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Wives at the Market Place: Commercialisation of Lobola and Commodification of Womens Bodies in Zimbabwe." The Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-Annual International Journal of the Science of Man, vol. 16, no. 2, 2016, p.222.

52 Ibid p.13.

53 Possel et al. Is marriage a dying institution in South Africa? Exploring changes in marriage in the context of ilobolo payments. Agenda 25(1), 2011, p.102.

54 Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. "Wives at the Market Place: Commercialisation of Lobola and Commodification of Womens Bodies in Zimbabwe," p.23.

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