ASSESSING ISSUES,, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS OF ETHIOPIA"S DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENTALISM

Abstract

This paper assesses the issues, challenges & prospects of Ethiopia's democratic developmentalism which has been executed since the early 2000s. Despite some argue that the ideology is a threat to democracy and its implementation results in degradation of the constitutional autonomy of regional states, in the last 15 years the country has becomes one of fastest growing economies in the world; increase citizens' per capita income; ranked the second country in Sub-Sahara in attracting FDIs next to South Africa & experienced remarkable expansion of social infrastructures like hydropower, telecom, inter-state-and-cross boarder roads, industrial parks, educational and health centers etc. Despite these, the ideology has been implemented with a number of challenges like: incompetent, politically partial, less-efficient, nonmerit based bureaucracy, corruption, shortage of hard currency, weak media, and political instability. Above all, the internal power strife among sister parties of the ruling front, EPRDF, which results in dissolution of the front in recent months put the future of the ideology at crossroad.

Headnote

Abstract: This paper assesses the issues, challenges & prospects of Ethiopia's democratic developmentalism which has been executed since the early 2000s. Despite some argue that the ideology is a threat to democracy and its implementation results in degradation of the constitutional autonomy of regional states, in the last 15 years the country has becomes one of fastest growing economies in the world; increase citizens' per capita income; ranked the second country in Sub-Sahara in attracting FDIs next to South Africa & experienced remarkable expansion of social infrastructures like hydropower, telecom, inter-state-and-cross boarder roads, industrial parks, educational and health centers etc. Despite these, the ideology has been implemented with a number of challenges like: incompetent, politically partial, less-efficient, nonmerit based bureaucracy, corruption, shortage of hard currency, weak media, and political instability. Above all, the internal power strife among sister parties of the ruling front, EPRDF, which results in dissolution of the front in recent months put the future of the ideology at crossroad.

Keywords: Autonomy, Democracy, Democratic Developmentalism, EPRDF, Internal power strife.

Introduction

Following 2005 electoral shock which resulted in losing the seats of the city council of the capital of the country, Addis Ababa1, to the opposition coalition of four political parties: Ethiopian Democratic League, All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP), United Ethiopian Democratic PartyMedhin Party and Rainbow Ethiopia: Movement for Democracy and Social Justice under the name "Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), commonly known by its Amharic name: 4 ¥Sł/Qinijit L'andinet'na Democracy/Qinijit" led by Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four ethnic political parties: Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) ruling Tigray Regional State since 1991, Oromo People Democratic Organization (OPDO) which later changed its name to Oromo Democratic Party /ODP ruling the most populous state in Ethiopia-the Oromia Regional State since 1991, Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM) ruling the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Regional State, the home to about 56 ethnic groups, and Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) that later changed its name to Amhara Democratic Party/ADP ruling the Amhara Regional State, the second most populous state of the federation, since 1991, led by Meles Zenawi, the long serving chairman of the front and Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) until his death in 2014, in which the EPRDF has been ruling the country for nearly three decades made an ideological shift from its left wing "Revolutionary Democracy" which categorize the peasants as its main social and political base in to a new type of political and economic ideological orientation called "Democratic Developmental State."2

This ideology is a combination/mix of two basic terms/concepts: "Democracy" adopted from the western liberal world, and the other term "Developmentalism" taken from the so called "Asian Tigers."3 The terms indicate two things are a must for Ethiopia to survive as a state i.e. democracy and development as Meles Zenawi, the late Prime Minster of FDRE argues.4'5 In various occasions, economic and political forums at national, regional and international level, Meles boldly argues that neoliberalism is "Dead and finished!" in which it is proved enough that it can't help Least Developing Countries (LDCs) alleviate from poverty, and recommends that LDCs shall adopt the development path of the Asian Tigers which showed the world as there is a shortest possible path to development and industrialization that disproves the narration of neoliberals who argue that liberalism and free market as the only path to economic development.6

A lot of criticisms were forwarded from opposition political parties, academics, and international financial organizations like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other development patterns, and Western-allies of the state, but Ethiopia opted to adopt and execute the ideology. The criticisms have a lot of nature and are forwarded from different scenarios. One is from the very condition of the state in which the state is not in a position to effectively adopt and implement developmental state ideology for the reason that there is no enough, competent, skilled and educated manpower to deliver; the absence of effective, responsive and merit based bureaucracy; bad saving habit of the citizens for which it will affect domestic investments; abundance of corruption and bad governance etc.7'8'9'10 Others forwarded their criticism from the perspective of the very legality and constitutionality of the ideology .i.e since developmental state demands a more centralized policy making and resource mobilization by the central government which Ethiopia is a federal country will significantly degrade the autonomy of regional states as it make them mere recipients and executors of directions and tasks given to them by the central government.11

Above and beyond this some scholars used to come up with a more serious criticism even from the very name of the ideology-Democratic Developmental State. In other words, though as its name seems to be indicating the government in power adopting it has a commitment to bring democracy, for the utmost priority of developmental state, naturally, is to bring a fastest and sustainable economic growth that changes the economic life of citizens so that it will transform the base of the economy from agriculture in to industrial led in a very short period of time as the Asian Tigers do.12 As the political history of the Asian Tigers shows us the governments that lead developmental states which bring "economic miracle" in the world were all undemocratic and oppressive governments.13,14 Since, primarily developmental states are concerned with the economy, and, thus, their human right record is bad, and give little or no attention to democracy.15

Despite all these and other criticisms the adoption and execution of the ideology bears fruits to Ethiopia and its people16. Among others: the country has able to witness a continuous and fastest (double digit though it is questionable about the exact figure) economic growth for more than a decade in its economic history; decrease income inequality between the have and haven't sections of its people; increase per capita income; expand social infrastructure like road, railways, telecom, public health centers, water supply, higher education institutions and so forth. Thus, this paper address some of the issues raised by different scholars and assessing the challenges of Ethiopia's democratic developmentalism so that its prospect will be indicated.

Understanding the meaning and features of Developmental State: An Overview

The term "developmental state" is among the new terms which is becoming so popular among scholars of political economy and development literatures. Though the term seems to have been getting new momentum and popularity following the economic miracle of the Asian Tigers, the practice of developmental state was there for so long and practiced by different states in different time and parts of the world. For example, since the 16th century, a number of countries in Europe like Germany, Britain, Sweden and Norway have executed the ideology.17 But in a more coined and defined way, the term was used by Professor Chalmers Johnson to explain the successful state led development path of Japan following the shocking defeat and destruction it faced in the World War II.18 As Johnson (1982) stated Japan able to recover from the economic trauma of the WWII in a very successful way and becomes one of the biggest economies in the world next to the USA for so many year before it lost its place to China.

Following the successful and 'miraculous' economic transformation of the East Asian countries commonly known as the "Asian Tigers," a collective name for four countries, namely: Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong and South Korea to applauded their economic miracle, the concept 'developmental state' becomes so popular in the global development and political economy discourses.19 And, the ideology has later emerged and proved itself as there is and it is probably the shortest possible path to development for the third world countries apart from what is consistently narrated by the neo-liberal western powers and their financial institutions mainly the WB and IMF arguing that only free market, where the government role is almost non-existent in the market and replaced its role by the fair and rational competitions of the private sector ruled by the rule of 'supply and demand' so that it brings successful and sustainable economic development through which the social, physical and economic conditions of citizens will be positively changed.20

Wherever we go, government have their own social, political and economic objectives or goals aimed to meet by establishing institutions, mobilizing resources, introducing various policies and so on. But, the priority and utmost goal of developmental states is something different from neo-liberal states in such a way that developmental states categorize and label "poverty as the utmost enemy of the state and their people,21 and the main threat for their peace and stability" so that "governments work to establish strong institutions, equip themselves with technocrats, and invest huge capital in building social infrastructure where the private sector failed to address.22 This indicates that the government is an active actor in the market which is not the case in neo-liberalism.

In developmental states both the private sector and state have their own respective irreplaceable economic role to play, and they don't have an overlapping roles that the state is not expected to do and can't do what the private sector can do. Rather, the main reference to what the government can do in the market is not the ability and the interest of the state but the capacity of the private sector.23 In other words, the state is there to fill the market gap left by the private sectors that can't be filled by their capacity, and the state will not be there forever in the market. Through course of time when the private sector become technologically and economically capable, competitive, strong and independent, the place that the state have in the market will be handover to the private sector in which at the end the market will be in the hands of the private sector, thus capitalism as the late Prime Mister of Ethiopia Meles Zenawi noted.24 From this one can understand that the end of developmental state is capitalism, and the question is which way is the shortest possible way to reach at that end.

In developmental state, the state selectively engage in areas of long term investments that have huge economic impact where domestic private sector in emerging economies can't do which demand huge capital and human resource investment like building social infrastructures like Hydropower, trans national and inter-state roads, railways, higher education institutions, Hospital, industrial parks etc.25 This indicates that "the existence of state-led macro-economic planning where the state has independent economic, political and policy making autonomy or freedom as well as a clear power to control the economy.26

Though various scholars sort-out a number peculiar features of developmental states the most common across the literatures of developmental state are the following as clearly discussed below.

A) Ideological Orientation, Vision, Mission and Objective:

The utmost number one priority and objective of developmental states is to bring a fastest, sustainable and transformative economic development that changes the very base of the economy and the livelihood of the public that will alleviate them from poverty in a very short possible period of time.27, 28, 29 ,30

In doing that the state shall have an ideological hegemony to manage the macro-economy through its economic policies in which the government shall be, thus, free from the influence and control of the private sector. This can be possible by controlling the main sectors in the economy by the states as the Asian Tigers do so that the government can have the ability to easily direct and define the role of the private sector to play in the economy, and mobilize resources easily for the mega investments the state is going to do.31

B) Role of the State and Private Sector in the Market:

In developmental state, the market is not left and exclusively given to a single actor, neither to the state nor to the private sector. Both, the private sector and the state have crucial impact in transforming the economy. In this regard, the government and the private sector are the two actors in the economy in which the private sector has its own respective role to play in the economy, and the government/state make selective intervention in the economy where the private sector can't do, thus, don't have an overlapping role unlike in socialism.32

Some scholars argue that leaving the market exclusively to the state or the private sector is not a right decision and will definitely results what they called "market failure".33 To avoid this market gap, those in favor of developmental state strongly recommend effective but selective state intervention in the market at grand and macro-level not at minor and economically less impactful areas where the private sector can easily intervene, handle and fix them.34'35'36 Thus, the private sector and the state are there to effectively and efficiently to fill each other's market gap left not to replace each other's respective role. This is against the beliefs and ideological orientation of neo-liberalism which calls for little, if possible no government intervention, in the market which consider government intervention in the market as it has disruptive effect.37

C)"Enemy of the State," Source of Legitimacy and Popular Support

This is highly related to the Ideological Orientation, Vision, Mission and Objective of Developmental States. Government of such kind of states mobilize the public and its attention towards bringing a fastest, sustainable and transformative economy which will basically change the base of the economy and the livelihood of the people, and this will be the only means to gain popular support and legitimacy from the people they rule, and, thus, to rule.38

Developmental States never portray a physical enemy to face and defeat. Rather, they unequivocally categorize "poverty" as the number one enemy of the state and their people, and the utmost threat of the country's survival, stability and vulnerability to foreign intervention and aggression.39 Governments use historical narrations of their glorified past to mobilize the public and its resources to fight poverty and illiteracy as it has been doing in Ethiopia, for example, after the second millennium of the country. The government in power propagated a motto states: "sometime in our history, we were great [referring to the Axumite Empire existed between 100-940 AD which was the most powerful in Africa, and third most power empire in the world next to Byzantine and Persian empire in the world (https://liikaha.fi/0o7k/svp9x1.php?mhs=axumempire-technology accessed on December 26, 2019], and we shall be great again!" following which the EPRDF led government introduced a number of grand investment projects like the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, Addis Ababa light Railway project, Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway project, Industrial Park development projects, ten sugar projects and so forth to realize Ethiopia's 'renaissance.' Besides, the late Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi stressed that:

"...Narrating that our fore fathers able to create the obelisks of Axum, the rock-hewn churches of Lalibela, the castle of Fasilades of Gonder doesn't have any meaning if we use them to cover our [current] problem [i.e. poverty], but have a meaning if we use them as a great lessons from which we can learn and motivate us that like our fore fathers who do history in their time to which we are talking about these days we shall also do our parts that the coming generations can talk about us- alleviating our people from poverty." (Researchers' translation).

D)Effective, Competent, Merit-based and Non-political Bureaucracy

The other peculiar feature of developmental states is that recruiting for and assuming public position is necessarily and mainly not based on the political affiliation of someone to the government in power, but merely and mainly based on merit, capacity and ability of someone to deliver what is expected from him/her.40,41 Thus, the entire leadership is expected to a patriot having a strong love to his state and his people, and committed and determined to change the bad economic history and status of the state so that he/she will end the economic sufferings of his/her people from which he/she is, and the institutions in the state are expected to be built based on this mission, objective and attitude.42,43 Thus, such kind of political leadership is probably less corrupt, well trained and educated.

Ethiopia and Democratic Developmentalism: Rationale and Successes

In the early 2000s following the 2005 national electoral shock that the ruling EPRDF never expected of losing the capital, Addis Ababa, to the opposition CUD forced it to aggressively engage in a lot of state sponsored development projects across the state to get public support once again through the political and economic U-turn done by ignoring and categorizing the dominant neo-liberal thought as "Dead and finished!" that can't and will not help Ethiopia and other developing countries lift and alleviate from their bad economic and social conditions as usually argued by its leader Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, and (he) argued on the other hand for the adoption and contextualization of developmental state ideology from the economic history of the Asian Tigers that experienced a miraculous economic development that changed their status in the world, become one of the most industrialized states in the world in a very short period of time and exemplary to the LDCs.44,45

Unlike in capitalism where it allows the private sector to be the major, if possible the only actor, in the market nor in socialism which allows for the state to be the major actor in the market, developmental state recognizes and calls for the very importance of both the state's and the private sector's to have respective non-overlapping role in the market to avoid "market failure" that results from leaving the market exclusively to either the actors.46 Thus, the state and the private sectors are active actors in the market in which the government is there to make very selective intervention in the market in areas where the private sector can't handle.47

But, while Ethiopia adopts developmental state from the Asian Tigers, mainly from Taiwan and South Korea, it never installed and executed as the Asian Tigers do. Rather, it contextualized it and implement it in a different scenario called "Democratic Developmental State".48 In other words, Ethiopia takes the concept "Democracy" from the neo-liberal Western World and "Developmental State" from the Asian Tigers which is so exclusive to Ethiopia's developmental state that makes it different from others.49

The context that Ethiopia is and the Asian Tigers were while introducing developmental state is quite different. The Asian Tigers execute the ideology for mere economic objectives/goals under undemocratic rule while in Ethiopia though economic and development questions are so crucial, democracy is equally important to the state and its people as Prime Minister Meles Zenawi noted.50 To solidify this, Meles in an interview with a state owned national TV, Ethiopian Television (ETV), now Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation (EBC), noted that:

"Democracy is the founding block of the country's existence. In its absence, the country would end up in civil war, and the substance of the state as a state would be jeopardized. Thus, democracy is nonnegotiable. However, realizing democracy is not an end in itself. These days, our greatest enemy is poverty, not any other. And, poverty could be reduced, and if possible eliminated, so long as we adopt a good policy that organizes its people to work. Neoliberalism has been delivered to poor countries like Ethiopia as if there is no other way to development, and we adopted it. But, it failed to help us and our people tackle poverty. And, now we look for another ideology from the East, 'Development State.' This new ideology works in our context. [Though, the utmost priority of a developmental state is to realize economic development] Democracy is also vital to our existence. Thus, we are a Democratic Developmental State.51

Meles persistently argued that given what the economic history of the Least Developing Countries (LDCs) looks like after they implement what the neo-liberals lecture them (i.e. LDCs) on the way to development, none of the countries are able to alleviate their people from poverty and underdevelopment. That ideology creates a system of unequals-North and South or Developed and Undeveloped countries, where the gap has and will never be narrowed, and only benefit the developed countries, and thus exploitative.52 That's why Meles categorically conclude that "Neo-liberalism is Dead, and just finished!" and, argued that it is developmental state that can help LDCs to transform their economy and change the life condition of their people in a very short period of time as the Asians Tigers do.53 But, at the same time Meles, while arguing about the how to adopt developmental state in Ethiopian context, it is good if it is adopted with sort of democratic element as only economic development can't save the country from disintegration and political stability.54

Following the adoption of developmental state ideology, Ethiopia has able to experience great successes mainly in the economic front. For example, the country has become one of the fastest growing economies in the world with an average annual rate of growth of about 9.9% for more than a decade,55 significantly decrease the number of people living under absolute poverty from 41.9% in 2005 to 29.6% in 2011, significance improvement in Human Development Index (HDI) by about 16% in 2011 from what it was in 2005, the country has become the first in East Africa Region and the second in sub-Sahara to attract Foreign Direct Investment, for instance in 2016 it attracts about US$2.2 billion, encouraging improvement in various social infrastructures like road, railway (e.g Addis Ababa light railway and Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway projects), building dozens of public universities, hospitals, Technic and Vocational Education and Trainings (TVETs) across the country, hydropower projects like Gil gel-Gibe III, Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, Industrial Parks.56,57 Above all, as IMF reports, following the adoption of developmentalism. Ethiopia has become the biggest economy in the East Africa Region overtaking Kenya in 2017 and one of the top 10 economies in Africa with overall Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of US$78 billion.58

Issues, Challenges and Prospects of Ethiopia's Democratic Developmentalism

Despite there are a lot of success stories of Ethiopia's developemntalism, there are also some issues and concerns raised by a number of scholars. Among the concerns raised by so many scholars which many people share is that the very term of "Democracy" in developmental states.59 In other words, there is no such a thing called democracy in a developmental states for the reason that the utmost attention of the governments in such kind of states is bringing a fastest and sustainable development60, and as the history of the so called successful economies of the Asian Tigers show us that they grow under dictatorship61, thus states can't be developmental and democratic at the same time.62

Besides, governments in developmental states rationalize assuming state power for so long to meet their long term economic objectives at the expense of democracy which is impossible to meet in one or two election periods.63 Meles also argued and disclosed to the members of the parliament of House of Peoples Representative (HPR) of Ethiopia in one of his speech in 2014 in favor of and the need for establishing a vanguard or main party in Ethiopia that can assume state power for so long with little or no challenges from the opposition political parties that could help the state meet its economic objectives which was making Ethiopia to be among the middle income countries by 2025 in this case.64

The other important concern related to Ethiopia's democratic developmentalism is that the very constitutionality of adopting the ideology to Ethiopia's federal structure.65,66 By the same token, since Ethiopia is a federal state as of 1995 constitutionally by the 1995 FDRE constitution where regional government and federal government have their own respective roles and responsibilities and are constitutionally guaranteed and autonomous on their own affairs, and the federal government can't just intervene in the affairs of regional states unconstitutionally, and the very existence of the regional states is constituently assured. But, since the very nature of developmental states demand planning and designing development policies and programs by the central government, and regional states are expected to act in accordance to the direction given to them by the central government, they will have very little autonomy and become mere recipients of orders and executers of policies of the central government, and, thus, the ideology and its practice contradicts with the federal constitution accordingly.67,68 Besides, the execution of developmental states in federal states can results in vertical fiscal imbalance on the side of regional governments for the fact that their fascial autonomy will be endangered.69

Apart from the issues raised above a number of challenges have been there in the time while Ethiopia adopts and executes the ideology that hinder the ideology from meeting its objectives as planned and intended. Among others, the first one is that ethnic federalism where the way that state members of the federation are structured and arranged is a problem by itself.70 He argued that "establishing highly competent bureaucracy due to the ethno-language criteria for recruitment and appointment of bureaucrats and their patron client arrangement" affects the successful implementation and execution of the ideology, and creates difficulty to have and reach at a common national consensus where the country failed to addresses access to education across all ethnic groups and regions equally.71

The other challenges was the absence of legitimate and confident political leader in mobilizing and persuading the public to execute the ideology which was not there after the death of Meles than just recalling Meles's vison and programs.72 Besides, rampant corruption, bad governance, political instability during the last three years of Prime Minster Hailemariam, the successor of Meles, from 2015-2018, weak and partial media, weak, inefficient, incompetent, non-adaptive and non-autonomous technocrats and bureaucracy, inflation, public grievance as peasants and poor urban dwellers displaced from their lands in the name of investment, restrict freedom of speech and movement of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs).73'74

Furthermore, many of the state sponsored and led mega projects like Yayu Chemical and Fertilizer Industry, ten Sugar projects, Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam among others are not completed on the planned time schedule where they forced the state to incur additional money which is a loss to the country in which some are transferred to other contactors where the state owned METEC (Metal and engineering corporation) was the winner of the projects and the main contractor to empower by the government where unable to handover any project at his hand to the government on time which was an issues in recent years and some of its officials like Brigadier General Kinfe Dagnew, former Director of METEC, and many other of his associates are in jail for suspect of grand corruption.

Beyond the stated challenges above, the ideology is under a clear threat from the side of the ruling party in which following the coming of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to power in April 2018 as the new EPRDF leader, he boldly criticized the way developmental state executed as a loss to the country in which the state just invested a lot of public money gaining nothing in return, exacerbate corruption and rent-seeking, results the country to be under timely unpaid foreign loan where his government just gave attention to finish the projects underway, not to start any new.

Above all, the internal power strife among EPRDF sister parties which finally results in the dissolution of three parties namely: Oromo Democratic Party/ODP, former OPDO; Amhara Democratic party/ADP, former ANDM & Southern Ethiopia People's Democratic Movement /SEPDM and formed a new political party named "Prosperity Party/PP" in recent months with other five dissolved political parties ruling other five regions of the federation namely: Harari National League (HNL) ruling Harari Regional State , Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP) ruling Afar Regional State, Ethiopian Somali People Democratic Party (ESDP) ruling Somali Regional State, Gambella People's Democratic Movement (GPDM) ruling Gambella Regional State and Benishangul-Gumuz Peoples Democratic Party (BGPDP) ruling Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State. PP is formed with entirely different ideology from its predecessor, EPRDF, called "inclusive capitalism75" which leave developmental state in to the hands of Tigray People's Liberation Front/TPLF as the only supporter of the ideology in the dissolved front, EPRDF. Thus, unless TPLF able to form a strong and competitive front/coalition and win a majority seat in the coming national election, which is less probable, developmental state still will no longer the ideology of the government assuming federal power.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Primarily developmental state is adopted by the EPRDF led government in the early 2000s to fight poverty and realize a fastest and sustainable economic growth that shakes the base of the economy from agricultural based in to industrial led economy as indicated in the country's two consecutive year plans, Growth and Transformation Plan I/GTP I (2010/11-2014/15) (Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED) of The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, 2010) and Growth and Transformation Plan II/GTPII (2015/162019/20).76

Following the adoption of the ideology, Ethiopia, the home to about 109 million people, second most populous in Africa next to Nigeria, and home to about 80 ethnic groups which strives to be among the lowermiddle-income status by 2025 as indicated in its GTPI& GTPII, has able to experience a lot of economic achievements.77 Millions of Ethiopians are lifted out of poverty, the gap in income inequality decreased, per capita income of citizens increased which now about $790 USD (Ibid), which was around 163 in 1992, increased expansion of social infrastructures like road, hydro powers, railways, schools and health centers and so on.78

Despite the successes, there have been a lot of issues like the legality of the ideology from the perspective of the FDRE constitution in which the practice of the ideology will significantly regard regional states autonomy as the regional states will be mere executors of plans and programs and strategies of the central government, impossible to be democratic while states are developmental, and will pave a way for a given government to stay in power in a very undemocratic way to meet its long term economic objectives and so on.

Besides, Ethiopia's trend of democratic developmentalism has been implemented under a number of challenges like lack well trained, competent and merit based technocrat, weak media, oppressive government which restrict freedom of speech, bad governance, less efficient, unresponsive and incompetent bureaucracy that negatively affect the ideology not to meet its objectives as intended and planned.

Finally, since the proclaimed main vanguard of ideology, EPRDF, is pronounced as 'Dead' where three of the sister parties which constitute the front namely: Oromo Democratic Party/ODP, former OPDO; Amhara Democratic party/ADP, former ANDM & Southern Ethiopia People's Democratic Movement /SEPDM, except Tigray People's Liberation Front/TPLF, decided to dissolve themselves and merge with other five dissolved political parties ruling other five regions of the federation namely: Harari National League (HNL) ruling Harari Regional State , Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP) ruling Afar Regional State, Ethiopian Somali People Democratic Party (ESDP) ruling Somali Regional State, Gambella People's Democratic Movement (GPDM) ruling Gambella Regional State and Benishangul-Gumuz Peoples Democratic Party (BGPDP) ruling Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State and formed a new political party called "prosperity party/PP with new ideology called "inclusive capitalism." The newly formed party, Prosperity Party/PP, has basically a different structure and ideology from EPRDF which signals developmental state is dead at the center, and it is recommended that in a very less probable way TPLF, the only sister party in the ruling front, EPRDF, that didn't dissolve itself and not willing to join newly formed national political party, Prosperity Party/PP, is the only vanguard of developmental state can rescue the ideology and will bring to the center once again if it wins majority seats in the federal parliament at the upcoming national election by creating a competitive front with other political parties under the ideology, which seems less likely, and rescue the ideology from being forgotten from the national political and economy forum and dialogue.

Footnote

1 In 2005 national election, CUD won 137 seats out of 138 seats while EPRDF won only 1 seat for Addis Ababa city council. And, for Regional States' council, CUD won 33 seat out of 537 seats in Oromoa, 39 seats out of 348 in SNNPR, 106 out of 294 in Amhara region, in the regional State of Benishangul-Gumuz out of 99 seat won 11, in Gambella Regional stnate won 1 seat out of 82 seats, in Harari out of 3 out of 36 seats, and won nothing from 182 seats in Somali and 152 in Tigray. (Accessed from: http://africanelections.tripod.com/et_2005state.html on December 28/2019).

2 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2(Vol 14): 23-35.

3 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

4 Daba, B., & Mulu, F. Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

5 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2(Vol 14): 23-35.

6 Negash, M., In Defence of Meles Zenawi: No Direct Relation Between Democracy and Development. Horn Affairs. Retrieved on January ist/2020 from URL: http://hornaffairs.com/2013/01/13/in-defence-of-meles-zenawi-no-direct relationbetween-democracy-and-development/, 2013, January 13.

7 Gebretensae, M., The Challenges and Prospects of Building a Developmental State in Africa: A Comparative Study of Botswana and Ethiopia (Unpublished Master's Thesis). Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015.

8 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

9 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

10 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B.D. The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2(Vol 14): 23-35.

11 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

12 Matfess, H., Rwanda and Ethiopia: Developmental Authoritarianism and the New Politics of African Strong Men. African Studies Review, 2015, 58(2), 181-204.

13 Gebretensae, M., The Challenges and Prospects of Building a Developmental State in Africa: A Comparative Study of Botswana and Ethiopia (Unpublished Master's Thesis). Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015.

14 Yesigat, Z., Subnational Fiscal Autonomy in a Developmental State: The Case of Ethiopia. Beijing Law Review, 2016,7, 42-50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/blr.2016.71005

15 Mulu, B. The move towards developmental state in FDRE: The role of Intergovernmental Relation (IGR) for its implementation preserving the Autonomy of regional states (Unpublished Master's Thesis). Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015.

16 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

17 Öniş, Z., The Logic of the Developmental State. Comparative Politics, 1991, 24(1), 109-126.

18 Meyns, P., and Musamba, C. (eds), The Developmental State in Africa: Problems and Prospects. Institute for Development and Peace, University of Duisburg-Essen (INEF-Report, 101/2010), 2010.

19 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

20 Bonda, S., Impact of Ethnic Federalism in Building Developmental State of Ethiopia (Unpublished Master's Thesis). International Institute of Social Studies (ISS), The Hague, The Netherlands, 2011.

21 Bagchi, A.K., The Past and the Future of the Developmental State. Journal of World Systems Research, 2000, 5(2), 398-442.

22 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

23 Leftwich, A., States of Development. On the Primacy of Politics in Development. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000.

24 Zenawi, M., "State and markets: neoliberal limitations and the case for a developmental state," In Noman, A., Botchwey, K., Stein, H., & Stiglitz, J. (Eds.), Good growth and governance in Africa: rethinking development strategies. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012, 140-169.

25 Routley, L., Developmental States in Africa? A Review of Ongoing Debates and Buzzwords. Development Policy Review, 2014, 32(2), 159-177.

26 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2(Vol 14): 23-35.

27 Ibidem.

28 Sehen, B., & Tsegaye R., Democratization in a Developmental State: The Case of Ethiopia- Issues, Challenges, and Prospects. UNDP-Ethiopia No.1/2012, 2012.

29 Mkandawire, T., Thinking about developmental states in Africa. (Cambridge Journal of Economics; 2001, Vol. 25, No. 3.

30 Johnson, C., MITI and the Japanese economic miracle: The growth of industrial policy, 1925-1975. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982.

31 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2(Vol 14): 23-35.

32 Alemayehu, T., The Ethiopian developmental state: requirements and perquisites. Journal of Business & Economics Research, 2009, 7(8), 11-18.

33 Leftwich, A., Developmental states, effective states and poverty reduction: The primacy of politics. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Project on Poverty Reduction and Policy Regimes. Geneva, Switzerland, 2008.

34 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2 (Vol 14): 23-35.

35 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

36 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

37 Ibidem.

38 Johnson, C., MITI and the Japanese economic miracle: The growth of industrial policy, 1925-1975. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982.

39 Bekele, S., & Regassa, T., Democratization in a Developmental State: The Case of Ethiopia Issues, Challenges, and Prospects. UNDP Ethiopia No 1/2012. Governance and Human Rights Unit, UNDP Ethiopia.

40 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

41 Leftwich, A., Developmental states, effective states and poverty reduction: The primacy of politics. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Project on Poverty Reduction and Policy Regimes. Geneva, Switzerland, 2008.

42 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

43 Gebremariam, F.M, & Feyisa, B. D. The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2(Vol 14): 23-35.

44 Zenawi, M., "State and markets: neoliberal limitations and the case for a developmental state," In Noman, A., Botchwey, K., Stein, H., & Stiglitz, J. (Eds.), Good growth and governance in Africa: rethinking development strategies. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012, 140-169.

45 Gebretensae, M., The Challenges and Prospects of Building a Developmental State in Africa: A Comparative Study of Botswana and Ethiopia (Unpublished Master's Thesis). Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015.

46 Yesigat, Z., Subnational Fiscal Autonomy in a Developmental State: The Case of Ethiopia. Beijing Law Review, 2016,7, 42-50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/blr.2016.71005

47 Alemayehu, T., The Ethiopian developmental state: requirements and perquisites. Journal of Business & Economics Research, 2009, 7(8), 11-18.

48 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

49 Negash, M., In Defence of Meles Zenawi: No Direct Relation Between Democracy and Development. Horn Affairs. Retrieved on January 1st/2020 from URL: http://hornaffairs.com/2013/01/13/in-defence-of-meles-zenawi-no-direct relationbetween-democracy-and-development/, 2013, January 13.

50 Gebretensae, M., The Challenges and Prospects of Building a Developmental State in Africa: A Comparative Study of Botswana and Ethiopia (Unpublished Master's Thesis). Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015.

51 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

52 Ibidem.

53 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

54 Ibidem.

55 World Bank. https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/ethiopia/overview , 2019.

56 Mulu, F., Daba, B., In defense of Ethiopia's adoption of "Democratic Developmental State"- Issues and Challenges. Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(2), 66-73.

57 Daba, B., & Mulu, F. Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

58 Shaban, A.R.A., Ethiopia overtakes Kenya as economic giant of East Africa. Africa News. (URL:<http://www.africanews.com/2017/05/29/ethiopiaovertakes-kenya as-economic-giant-of-east-africa//>, 2017, May 29. Retrieved on January 2nd/2020).

59 Asnake, K., Narratives of Developmentalism and Development in Ethiopia: Some preliminary explorations, 2011. Available on:<http://www.nai.uu.se/ecas-4/panels/41 60/panel-57/AsnakeKefale-Full-paper.pdf>. Accessed on 03/01/2020.

60 Prado, M.M., Schapiro, M. & Coutinho, D.R., The Dilemmas of the Developmental State: Democracy and Economic Development in Brazil, Law Dev Rev, 2016; 9(2): 369 410.

61 List-Jensen, A.S., Economic Development and Authoritarianism: A Case Study on the Korean Developmental State. Aalborg University: Department of History, International and Social Studies, Aalborg University, 2008.

62 Matfess, H., Rwanda and Ethiopia: Developmental Authoritarianism and the New Politics of African Strong Men. African Studies Review, 2015, 58(2), 181-204.

63 Ibidem.

64 Capital. The Late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Issue of State, Democracy and Development. Capital. Retrieved from http://capitalethiopia.com/2012/09/17/the late-prime-minister-meles-zenawi-andthe-issue-of-state-democracy-and development/#.WjyjAreWbZs, 2012, September 17.

65 Daba, B., & Mulu, F., Incorporating "Democratic Developmental State Ideology" into Ethiopia's Ethnic Federalism - A Contradiction? Üniversitepark Bülten, 2017, 6(1), 109-117.

66 Jebena, B.A., Ethnic Federalism and Democratic Developmental State in Ethiopia: Some Points of Contradiction. International Journal of Political Science and Development, 2015, 3(7), 291-300.

67 Ibidem

68 Mulu, B., The move towards developmental state in FDRE: The role of Intergovernmental Relation (IGR) for its implementation preserving the Autonomy of regional states (Unpublished Master's Thesis). Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 2015.

69 Yesigat, Z., Subnational Fiscal Autonomy in a Developmental State: The Case of Ethiopia. Beijing Law Review, 2016,7, 42-50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/blr.2016.71005

70 Bonda, S., Impact of Ethnic Federalism in Building Developmental State of Ethiopia (Unpublished Master's Thesis). International Institute of Social Studies (ISS), The Hague, The Netherlands, 2011.

71 Ibidem.

72 Fantini, E., Developmental state, economic transformation and social diversification in Ethiopia, ISPI Analysis No. 163, 2013. Accessed on 12th of January, 2020 from URL: https://www.ispionline.it/en/pubblicazione/developmental-state economictransformation-and-social-diversification-ethiopia-7650

73 Kiros, T., Participatory democracy, an alternative to the developmental state and constitutional monarchy. Ethiosun. Retrieved on December 24th/2019 from URL: http://www.ethiosun.com/archives/27324, 2011, July 22.

74 Kefale, A., "Narratives of Developmentalism and Development in Ethiopia: Some preliminary explorations", 2011.

75 "Inclusive Capitalism is a global movement to engage leaders across business, government, and civil sectors and encourage them to practice and invest in ways that extend the opportunities and benefits of our economic system to everyone." (URL: https://www.inc-cap.com/ accessed on 21/01/2020).

76 Gebremariam, F.M., & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2 (Vol. 14): 23-35.

77 World Bank. (URL link:

https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/ethiopia/overview, 2019).

78 Gebremariam, F.M., & Feyisa, B.D., The Role of Democratic Developmental State Ideology for National Integration: An Assessment from the Perspective of the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution. Research and Science Today (RST), 2017, No 2 (Vol. 14): 23-35.

References

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