1. Introduction
Political participation is crucial in democratic countries because it allows people to keep their elected representatives accountable and have a role in how their country is governed. Traditionally, political participation has taken the form of voting, joining political parties, attending political rallies, and contacting elected officials (Ahmad Said 2019). These forms of political participation are considered essential for the functioning of democratic systems, as they ensure that citizens contribute to making critical decisions (Kaskazi and Kitzie 2023). However, recently, traditional forms of political participation have become less popular in many countries, especially among young people. This trend has been explained by a number of factors, such as a lack of trust in political institutions, cynicism toward political parties, and a feeling of disengagement from the political process (Zagidullin et al. 2021). In this context, social media (SM) has been hailed as a new and innovative tool for enabling political participation among young people and mobilizing them to take action (Kenna and Hensley 2019). Social media platforms (SMPs) have allowed young people to communicate with individuals who have same ideas and to share their views on political issues. They have also provided platforms for young people to participate in public debates and to express their opinions, often in ways that were not possible before the arrival of SM (Omotayo and Folorunso 2020). Moreover, SM has the potential to break down traditional barriers to political participation. For instance, young people who may feel excluded from traditional political activities, can utilize SM to express their views and to participate in political discussions on their own way (Moon and Bai 2020). SM has also been invested for mobilizing young people to contribute to protests and demonstrations, especially those that are organized through SMPs. However, while SM has been distinguished as a new tool for enhancing political participation, there are also fears that it may negatively affect political participation (Arshad and Khurram 2020). Some researchers claimed that SM may cause a sense of political apathy, because young people may feel that their political participation is limited to sharing political content on SM, rather than taking real actions to effective change. Others have thought that SM has the potential to contribute to a division of public discourse, as young people may communicate and interact with like-minded individuals on SM, rather than engaging in discussions with people who hold different views (Albanna et al. 2022). Thus, there are complex interactions between SM and political participation. Although SM can be a powerful tool for involving young people in politics, its effects are likely to vary depending on a number of variables, such as the political environment, the nature of the issues at stake, and the demographics of the SM user base (Chu and Yeo 2020). Empirical research is required to better understand the impact of SM on political participation and to specify the factors that affect young people’s usage of SM for political participation (AbuAlRub and Abdulnabi 2020). As a result, social media has altered how individuals communicate with one another, consume news, and participate in public debate. Social networking services like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram have become widespread features of modern life, with billions of people utilizing them to interact with friends, family, and colleagues throughout the world (Al Momani 2020). SM has also developed int an important source of news and information where many people use social networking sites to stay up to date on what happens around the world (Ahmed and Cho 2019). The impact of SM on numerous parts of society has been extensively researched and debated and especially its impact on political participation which has become one of the most challenging topics. Some academics argue that social media has increased political participation and engagement, particularly among young people (Lee 2020). It is said that social media reduces barriers to political participation by facilitating expressed opinions and dialogues with individuals who share your beliefs. On the other hand, there is disagreement about how SM affects political participation; critics believe that it fosters echo chambers, limiting exposure to other ideas. This can result in polarization and can harm the trust in political institutions (Algharabat et al. 2020). Regardless of the current argument, there is mounting evidence that SM has a substantial impact on participation in politics. According to the research conducted by a Pew Research Centre, around 60% of Americans use social media to obtain political news and information, and roughly 40% use it to engage in political discussions or distribute political content (Mitchell et al. 2020). Aday et al. (2012) discovered a favorable association between SM use and political awareness and interest among US teenagers. The effect of social media on political participation varies around the world; it organized people throughout the Arab Spring and brought about political change, but it is also controlled by the Chinese government. Although SM is important in political debates, an empirical study is needed to investigate its effects on political participation amongst young people in the country and to determine the elements that influence young people.
2. Literature Review
2.1. Political Participation
Political participation is an important feature of democratic governance since it involves people participating in the political process through voting, engaging in political debates, joining political parties, and participating in rallies and demonstrations. Political participation is essential for democracy because it allows individuals to express themselves and influence decisions that affect their lives. However, political involvement among Jordan’s young people has historically been low OECD (2021). This is due to people’s lack of interest in politics, limited access to political information, and a sense of exclusion from decision-making processes (Nyberg 2021; Barrett and Pachi 2019). Lack of interest in the subject is one factor for this low level of youth involvement in politics. Only 32% of young Jordanians expressed interest in politics according to the Arab Barometer survey (Arab Barometer 2019), in comparison with 60% of older people. This is brought on by their lack of faith in political institutions, the feeling that taking part in politics will not bring about significant change, and the view that politicians are dishonest and self-interested. Another obstacle to youth political involvement in Jordan is limited access to political information due to its ambiguity (OECD 2021). There is a sense of isolation from the political process among young people because they are less likely to read or watch political news, and they are also less likely to be exposed to political arguments. Another important aspect is a sense of exclusion from decision-making since young people feel their opinions are not heard and they are not represented in politics. Apathy and disengagement from the political process could come from this (Arab Barometer 2019). It is important to increase young people’s political literacy and knowledge in order to promote their involvement in politics. Public awareness campaigns, political outreach programs, and educational initiatives can all help with this. Young people are more likely to participate in politics when they have a better understanding of the importance of political participation, according to Kahne and Bowyer (2019). Political actors should endeavor to meet young people’s expectations and concerns in order to ensure that their perspectives are taken into consideration throughout the decision-making process. Third, efforts should be undertaken to increase the representation of young people in political institutions. This can be achieved by either setting quotas for young candidates in elections or by forming youth councils to offer guidance to decision-makers on issues affecting young people (Stockemer and Sundstorm 2022). Expanding the use of digital technology could therefore have the effect of involving young people in politics. SMPs can be used to spread political knowledge, energize political discourse, and promote youth participation in politics. The evolution of Jordan’s democracy depends, in conclusion, on the participation of young people in politics. However, historically low rates of young people participating have hampered the nation’s development (Al-Anani 2019). Efforts should be taken to promote political education and awareness, foster trust with young people, boost youth representation in political institutions, and use digital technology to involve young people in the political process in order to increase youth engagement in politics. Taking such steps has the potential to help ensure young people’s engagement in the political process and can play an active role in shaping the country’s future.
2.2. Social Media
Social media has become one of the pillars of modern society that has a significant impact on the political participation among youth in Jordan. Jordan has over than 6.61 million active social media users in January 2023 which forms 58.4% of the population (Jordan News 2023), SMPs like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter have developed into effective tools for political activism, mobilization, and communication (Kidd and McIntosh 2016). This study explores how SM has affected youth engagement in politics in Jordan and its potential implications for the country’s democratic development. SM affects the extent to which youth are engaged in politics in Jordan through its ability to amplify youth voices and provide a platform for political expression (George and Leidner 2019). Young people may now share their thoughts, discuss politics, and rally around causes that are important to them because of SMPs. Also, SM has facilitated building groups of young people around similar interests and problems, which has increased the effectiveness of their activism (González-Bailón and Lelkes 2023). Young people in Jordan are now more politically engaged and educated due to SM. Young people who have access to a variety of information and news sources can keep up with political events and issues. By offering an environment for political discourse and debate, social media facilitates the dissemination of political information and has prompted younger people to participate more actively in politics (Alarqan 2020). Additionally, SM has made it possible for young people to participate in political engagement and advocacy in ways that were before impossible. SMPs have been used, for instance, to plan protests, rallies, and other political activism activities. Furthermore, they have been utilized to start campaigns and appeals, which have assisted in bringing political issues to light and putting pressure on decision-makers to take action (Valenzuela 2013). Despite its benefits, SM has had a negative effect on young people’s participation in politics in Jordan since it may be used to disseminate rumors and false information that undermine political literacy and obscure political concerns (Vaccari and Chadwick 2020). A negative effect on political stability and social cohesion can result from the use of such platforms to promote hate speech and encourage violence (Ogbuoshi et al. 2019). Additionally, they could result in echo chambers where people are only exposed to information and viewpoints that support their preexisting convictions (Alatawi et al. 2021). As a result, there might be more political polarisation and division, which would make it harder to reach agreements and engage in productive debate. As a result, SM significantly influenced Jordan’s youth participation in politics. SMPs have given youth activism, mobilization, and political expression a potent instrument, but they come with risks and difficulties. Efforts should be made to enhance media literacy and critical thinking, boost transparency and accountability, build productive political conversation and compromise, and raise openness and accountability to ensure that SMPs are utilized positively and contribute to the democratic growth of the nation. By implementing these actions, SM may continue to be a strong tool for Jordanian young participation in politics and contribute to the democratic growth of the nation.
2.3. Empirical Literature
Political participation is considered as a key aspect of democratic governance, and it involves inhabitants’ participation in the political process by means of voting, joining political parties, engaging in political debates, and engaging in rallies and demonstrations. Young people’s political engagement is an important issue in Jordan, as it is in many other Middle Eastern nations. Jordan is a young nation with more than half of its inhabitants under the age of 25. This younger generation is connecting more through social media, which may have an impact on their political attitudes and actions. Numerous studies have been done in Jordan to examine the factors that influence young people’s political participation. One of the most crucial aspects is education where higher-educated people are more likely to engage in political activity, according to research. Higher levels of education were found to be positively correlated with political involvement among Jordanian youth by Tahat et al. (2022). Another factor that affects young Jordanians’ political participation is their gender. In political activities, women are reportedly less likely than men to engage (Coffé and Bolzendahl 2010). According to Tahat et al. (2022), gender has a significant impact on the political participation of Jordanian youth, with males being more likely than females to take part in political activities. SM has become a prominent factor affecting young people’s political participation in Jordan. Al-Mohammad (2017) found a favorable correlation between SM use and political involvement among Jordanian youth. According to the survey, teenagers who utilized social media were more likely to participate in political activities than those who did not use social media. According to the authors, SM is an excellent instrument for youth to share their political beliefs and take part in political debates. Nevertheless, increased political participation does not necessarily result from the use of SM. According to Chen and Stilinovic (2020) research, although using social media had effect on young people’s political participation, the precise relationship is still up for debate, and young participation in politics online is debatable, leaving up the possibility of studying how social media might inspire youths to become politically active. Furthermore, the effect of socioeconomic issues on young people’s political engagement in Jordan has been investigated. Alelaimat (2019) demonstrated that socioeconomic factors like money are highly influencing young people’s political participation in Jordan. According to this research, youth from wealthy backgrounds were more likely to get involved in politics than youth from poor backgrounds. In addition, this research found that young people who believed they had a high social position were more motivated to engage and participate in political activities. To summarize, education, gender, use of social media, socioeconomic level, and political opinions are the main factors that affect youth political participation in Jordan. Given the widespread adoption of SM among Jordanian youth, the role of SM in stimulating political participation among youth in that country is particularly crucial. However, the usage of SM alone is insufficient to boost the political participation of young people in Jordan. The underlying socioeconomic variables that may affect young people’s ability and tendency to participate in politics should be taken into account when talking about political participation among Jordanian youth. While socioeconomic factors like wealth, employment, and access to resources may be considerably more relevant, political attitudes and gender-related aspects are undoubtedly important as well. Particularly low-income families may encounter major obstacles to political involvement. Due to employment or family obligations, they might have restricted access to knowledge about political issues and candidates, be less likely to have smartphones or internet access, and have less free time to engage in political activities. Furthermore, youth from low-income families might not have the financial means to support political campaigns or attend political events, which could make them feel less empowered to participate in politics. Policymakers and political players in Jordan must endeavor to promote more fair possibilities for young people from all backgrounds to participate in the political process in order to overcome these underlying socioeconomic concerns. This can involve increasing the availability of political information and materials, including political education manuals or community centers where young people may gather and talk about politics. Establishing laws and policies to increase the involvement of low-income families, such as programs for affordable housing, healthcare access, and job training might reduce some of the financial obstacles to political participation. Also, political actors in Jordan need to engage with young people from all socioeconomic backgrounds more actively. This may require reaching out to young people directly via social media or other online platforms, setting up gatherings and conversations in places with a large number of young people, and giving them the chance to participate in making political choices. Political actors might attempt to build more diverse and inclusive political arenas to motivate young people’s political participation from different backgrounds.
To sum up, while SM and other individual-level characteristics may influence how young people participate in politics in Jordan, policymakers and political players must also discuss the underlying socio-economic challenges that may limit young people’s ability to participate. By providing more equitable chances for young people from various backgrounds to participate in the political process, policymakers and political players may help Jordan’s democracy grow to be more inclusive and representative.
2.4. Theories
A number of theories can be useful for understanding the effect of SM on political participation, such as the spiral of silence theory, the mobilization theory, and the reinforcement theory.
2.4.1. Mobilization Theory
Mobilization theory stated that SM has the potential to be an influential tool for encouraging participation in political activities (Dunu and Uzochukwu 2015). It asserts that SM gives political activists the exceptional chance to network with potential supporters and share news about political events and activities (Casteltrione 2016). Thus, they may convince individuals to participate in these events who otherwise might not have known about them. The theory is especially applicable to Jordan’s youth participation. In this setting, social media (SM) can be used to propagate political gatherings like rallies or protests and to link young people with like-minded political ideologies (Mandrysz 2016). As a result, SM can encourage young people to engage in political activities by fostering a sense of belonging and common purpose. Social media platforms include tools that can make it easier to communicate and share ideas. Furthermore, tools like liking, sharing, and commenting on Facebook postings, for instance, may be helpful for expressing support or opposition to a particular political stance or contentious subject. Such SMP functions, for instance, could help a political party ascertain whether the supporters of the political party are in favor of or against an idea. SMPs networked billions of people around the world, and changed how individuals participate in politics by giving activists new ways to reach a larger audience, to express their opinions, share news, and organize social movements (Agojo et al. 2023). SM has the ability to help young people interact with their peers and locate and join already-existing social movements. Additionally, SM provides a forum for people to talk about their experiences and hear from others about their own. This can help young people to develop a deeper understanding of political issues, as well as to become more informed and engaged citizens (Vraga and Tully 2021). Generally, mobilization theory contends that SM can be a useful instrument for boosting young people’s political participation. SM can help to organize youth and inspire them to become more politically active by giving political activists a platform to connect with potential supporters and broadcast information about political events and activities.
2.4.2. Reinforcement Theory
Reinforcement theory advocates that SM might support existing political attitudes and behaviors among individuals instead of mobilizing them to participate in new activities (Grishin 2021). Based on this theory, individuals are more likely to be exposed to information and ideas that fit with their pre-existing beliefs because they are expected to seek out and participate in content that supports their pre-existing views (Cheong et al. 2022). This has the potential to result in people becoming more rooted in their existing beliefs and less willing to consider alternative perspectives. In terms of political participation among young people in Jordan, reinforcement theory shows that SM may have both good and bad consequences on political activity. On the one hand, social media may provide a venue for young people to communicate with others who share their political beliefs. Individuals who are currently politically active may become more engaged as a result of this (Diou et al. 2018). However, SM may also cause political polarization and a fragmentation of the public discourse. This is due to people’s increased willingness to interact with others who share their present political beliefs and a decreased tendency to interact with those whose values are in opposition to their own (Lin et al. 2023). As a result, SM may reinforce current political attitudes and practices rather than allow young people to connect with new ideas and become more politically conscious and active. According to reinforcement theory, SM can have both favorable and unfavorable consequences on young people’s political participation (Oser and Boulianne 2020). Young people can use technology to connect with others who share their political beliefs, but it can also polarize political views and divide the public conversation. In order to advance a broader and more varied political discourse around SM, efforts should be made to raise awareness of these possible downsides.
2.4.3. The Spiral of Silence Theory
According to the spiral of silence theory, people are more inclined to openly express their thoughts if they believe that such opinions are shared by the majority of people and less likely to do so if they believe that same opinions are held only by a small number of people (Matthes et al. 2018). According to this theory, individuals are influenced by those around them and may be reluctant to voice their own beliefs if they fear negative repercussions or potential social exclusion (Chen 2018). According to the spiral of silence theory, (Neubaum and Krämer 2017) stated that social media may have a major impact on young people’s views of public opinion and willingness to voice their political convictions. For instance, if young people see their friends engaging in politics and speaking out publicly on social media, they may be more motivated to do the same themselves. However, if young people believe their beliefs are in the minority, they could be less inclined to speak up and engage in political activities (Norris 2023). Fear of social rejection or unfavorable consequences for expressing opinions that differ from the majority may be the cause of this. Individuals may be less eager to communicate with those who hold opposing political ideas, which can lead to the polarization of political beliefs and fragmentation of public debate (Hoffmann and Lutz 2017). According to the spiral of silence theory, SM can have a substantial impact on young people’s desire to express their political beliefs and participate in political activities. By influencing public opinion perceptions and creating a sense of societal obligation to conform to the majority’s opinions, SM can either encourage or prevent young people from participating in political debates and actions. Recognizing these possible outcomes is crucial, and efforts should be made to foster a more inclusive and diverse political conversation on SM.
To put it simply, the three theories offer distinct perspectives on the relationship between SM and political participation among Jordanian youth. Each theory provides a unique perspective on the impact of SM on political involvement among young people and outlines the potential benefits and drawbacks of SM in this setting. A deeper understanding of the relationship between SM and political involvement can be created by evaluating these theories together. The potential strengths and weaknesses of SM in encouraging young people’s political engagement in Jordan and other contexts are definable. This understanding can guide efforts to increase young people’s political engagement through social media. For instance, according to mobilization theory, social media (SM) can be utilized to promote political events and activities among young people and link them with like-minded individuals. SMPs can therefore be used to raise awareness of politics and encourage young people to engage in political activities. On the other hand, the reinforcement theory contends that SM might support current political beliefs and actions. To overcome this, efforts might be made to encourage participation from young people by providing them with information that contradicts their preconceived notions and fosters critical thought. The spiral of silence theory, in addition, contends that SM may have an impact on the interest of young people to publicly share their political opinions. To overcome this, methods might be created to build an online community that is more welcoming and accepting of differing viewpoints and civil conversation. We can create a more thorough and nuanced strategy for utilizing SM to encourage political participation among young people in Jordan and other contexts by taking into account these various perspectives.
3. Model
This paper employs a diagrammatic representation to demonstrate the research framework, which is based on the relationships between research structures and their impact sequence (Figure 1). SM use includes the frequency of SM use (FSU), the types of social media platforms used (TSPU), and the purpose of SM use (PSU). The third section measures political participation (PP), including the voting behavior (VB), involvement in political organizations or campaigns (IPC), and participation in protests or demonstrations (PD).
4. Methodology
Understanding the effect of social media on youth political participation is one of the key methodologies used within this paper. Moreover, it tries to identify the key factors that influence this relationship. The paper invested research design that is quantitative and correlational in nature: A questionnaire was made use of for collecting primary data. A cross-sectional research design was implemented. Data were collected from a sample of Jordanian youth aged 18–30 years. The study uses convenience sampling to select participants. Participants were recruited through SMPs such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. A sample of 334 participants is used, data were gathered using an online questionnaire which consisted of three sections. The first section collects demographic information, the second section measures social media use, FSU, TSPU, and the PSU, and the third section measures political participation (PP), including the VB, IPC, and PD. Each indicator was assessed using a rating scale which spanned from 1 (representing strong disagreement) to 5 (indicating strong agreement). Data analyses were performed using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) using SmartPLS 4 software. PLS-SEM is a powerful multivariate statistical analysis technique used to analyze complex relationships between latent variables. PLS-SEM is particularly useful for analyzing relationships with small sample sizes.
5. Results and Discussion
The questionnaire administered in this research yielded 334 valid responses, which formed the basis for the subsequent analysis. The findings presented were aligned with the research objectives, which included the results of a structural equation model. Missing data occurred if the respondents did not answer one or more survey items. Frequency and missing values analyses were carried out for each measurement goal, to ensure all data were complete. However, it revealed that only a minimal amount of missing data was missing, which was replaced with median variable responses for each measurement item. Outliers are observations that exhibit exceptional values for a single variable (Hair et al. 2020). To identify outlier cases, each variable was assessed for a standardized (z) value, in addition to analyzing histograms and box plots. A case was considered an outlier if its standard score was ±4.0 or higher, following the approach by Hair et al. (2016). Therefore, any Z-score greater than 4 or less than −4 was deemed an outlier.
6. Measurements Model
By testing the composite reliability values, the reliability was evaluated using the internal consistency process. All variables showed reliability for composites (values greater than 0.7) (Hair et al. 2020), as shown in Table 1. Moreover, if the reliability of the indicators (squaring of external loadings) was less than 0.7 but the composite reliability and AVE were appropriate for measurement, then the indicators were maintained as clarification indicators. The convergent validity was assessed by calculating AVE values that would surpass ‘0.5’ (Table 1), while the discriminant validity was evaluated by the Fornell–Larcker test (Table 2). The criterion of discriminant validity is that for each latent variable, the square root of AVE should be greater than the correlation between latent variables. The variables follow, as can be seen from Table 3, the criteria for discriminant validity. An HTMT value greater than 0.90, on average, suggested a possible issue with discriminant validity (Hair et al. 2017). All HTMT values in this sample were far below the threshold level of 0.90, indicating that discriminant validity was not a concern (see Table 4).
7. Common Method Bias
In this study, the potential for Common Method Bias (CMB) in the data was assessed (Table 5), which can arise when the variance in survey responses is influenced by a common factor unrelated to the variables being measured. To do this, both Harman’s single factor and Common Latent Factor (CLF) analyses were used, which are commonly used methods to detect CMB. Harman’s single-factor analysis involves obtaining a single factor from all of the survey items and analyzing the proportion of variance explained by that factor. If a single factor explains a significant percentage of the variance, this may suggest the presence of CMB. If, on the other hand, the first factor explains a maximum of fifty percent of the whole variance, the results indicate that no single factor dominates the data, and the risk of CMB is regarded as minimal. Harman’s single-factor test findings in this study showed that the first factor explained only 45.37% of the total variance, which is less than the 50% benchmark, indicating that CMB is not there. To take into account any potential CMB, the CLF analysis includes the inclusion of a latent variable in the model. The CLF analysis revealed that including the latent variable did not significantly enhance model fit, supporting the conclusion that there is no meaningful CMB in the data. As a whole, the researchers assessed the potential for CMB in their data using numerous methodologies and found no evidence of considerable bias. This boosts their trust in the accuracy of their findings and amplifies the conclusions they can make from their research.
8. Goodness of Fit (GoF)
Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) is a popular tool for analyzing complex iinteractions between elements. Yet, unlike standard SEM and other statistical approaches, PLS-SEM is unable to offer an overall Goodness of Fit (GoF) index to assess how well the model fits the data. As a result, researchers employ several ways to evaluate model fit. Tenenhaus et al. (2005) established the Goodness of Fit (GoF) metric, which is widely used to assess model fit in PLS-SEM. To determine the model’s fit, the GoF index takes the geometric mean of the average communality score (AVE values) and the average R-squared values for endogenous constructs. The GoF index is computed using the formula GoF = square root of (AVE x R-squared). While Tenenhaus et al. (2005) gave no precise cut-off values for the GoF index, Wetzels et al. (2009) proposed the following values for evaluating the GoF research results: GoFmedium equals 0.25; GoFlarge equals 0.36; GoFsmall equals 0.1; GoFmedium equals 0.25; and GoFlarge equals 0.36. A higher GoF index suggests that the model and data are more closely aligned. To construct the GoF index for their model, the researchers used the principles of Tenenhaus et al. (2005) and Henseler et al. (2016). The findings demonstrated that the proposed theoretical model was both predictive and explanatory. That is, the model accurately depicts the underlying relationships between the variables and may be used to make reasonable predictions about future outcomes. Overall, the researchers used the GoF index and other diagnostic tools to assess the model fit and determined that the model was accurate and had good predictive power. These findings add to the robustness and credibility of the study’s results and conclusions.
9. The Results of the Structural Model Analysis
A PLS analysis does not rely on data normality, but this may cause t-values to be inflated or deflated, resulting in type one errors. To avoid this, Wong (2013) recommends using the bootstrapping technique. This technique involves calculating bootstrap standard errors on a large number of subsamples (e.g., 5000) from the original sample with replacement, which may then be used to estimate approximate t-values for assessing the significance of the structural route (Wong 2013). Table 6 and Figure 2 show that the FSU has a positive and substantial influence on political participation in Jordan, implying that there is a link between how frequently people use social media and their degree of political activity in Jordan. In this situation, the table is most likely presenting the findings of a statistical analysis that reveals a significant correlation between both of these variables. A positive consequence suggests that as the FSU expands, so does the degree of political participation. This shows that SM could be a useful platform for engaging citizens in political debate and encouraging them to join in political activities. As a result, individuals who use social media more frequently are more likely to engage in political activities such as voting, attending political events, or expressing their views on political matters. This association may exist because SM makes it easier for people to participate in political issues and communicate their perspectives with others. Furthermore, SM may enable increased diffusion of political information and the establishment of online communities with common political interests and aims. The magnitude of the effect suggests that the association between the FSU and political participation is unlikely to be coincidental. To evaluate if the observed association is statistically significant, the statistical analysis most likely utilized a significance threshold, such as 0.05. This suggests that the association between SM use and political participation is less than 5% likely to be due to random fluctuation in the data. As a result, it is possible to conclude that the relationship is genuine and significant. As a whole, the results indicate that social media might be an effective instrument for increasing political engagement and involvement in Jordan. Policymakers and political players can use social media to reach a larger audience, rally support, and urge citizens to participate in democratic processes. Furthermore, Table 6 shows that TSPU has a good and significant impact on Jordanian political engagement. This finding implies that there is a link between the sort of social media people use and their level of political participation in Jordan. The table most likely displays the results of a statistical analysis, which reveals a significant correlation between these two variables. A positive effect suggests that as the quantity and TSPU of individuals increases, so does their level of political involvement. This implies that people who use a variety of SMPs are more exposed to political content and discussions, which may boost their interest and participation in political activities. The positive effect also implies that political actors and organizations may benefit from using various SMPs to engage a broader spectrum of citizens and potentially enhance political participation. Furthermore, Table 6 and Figure 2 show that the PSU has a favorable and considerable impact on Jordanian political participation. The findings imply that there is a link between the PSU and the amount of political participation in Jordan. The table likely presents the results of a statistical analysis, which shows that there is a statistically significant correlation between these two variables. A positive effect means that as the PSU becomes more geared towards political activities, the level of political participation also increases. This finding implies that SM can be an effective tool for political engagement and mobilization in Jordan. The positive and significant effect of PSU on political participation implies that social media users in Jordan who primarily use these platforms for political purposes are more likely to participate in political activities, such as attending political rallies, voting, and engaging in political discussions. The results shown in Table 6 indicate that social media, especially when used purposefully and effectively for political activities, can play a significant role in encouraging political involvement and participation in Jordan. These findings may be useful for policymakers and political actors in Jordan seeking to engage with citizens and promote democratic participation. Table 6 and Figure 2 reveal that gender positively and significantly moderates the effect of FSU on political participation in Jordan. The analysis indicates that gender has a significant moderating effect on the relationship between FSU and political participation. In other words, the relationship between FSU and political participation varies depending on an individual’s gender. The results indicate that gender has a positive and significant effect on this relationship. This finding suggests that the relationship between FSU and political participation is stronger for certain genders than others. Further analysis is required to determine the underlying reasons for this effect. Overall, the findings suggest that the impact of SM use on political participation in Jordan is complex and influenced by several factors, including gender. This suggests that the relationship between the FSU and political participation in Jordan varies depending on an individual’s gender. The findings show that gender significantly modifies this relationship with some genders having a higher relationship between SM usage and political activity than others. According to the statement, the effect of using social media on political participation in Jordan may vary based on several demographic parameters. The result that gender significantly impacts the correlation between the usage of social media and political participation emphasizes the need of taking demographic factors into account when analyzing the effect of social media on political participation. The fundamental causes of the observed gender variations in the link between SM usage and political participation warrant more investigation. This research might make it easier to pinpoint the elements that affect how well SM engages people in political dialogue. The statement’s conclusion stresses the nuanced nature of the connection between SM use and political participation as well as the significance of taking demographic characteristics like gender into account when analyzing this link. The results presented in Table 6 and Figure 2 indicate that gender has a significant moderating effect on the relationship between the PSU and political participation in Jordan. Specifically, the relationship between PSU and political participation varies depending on an individual’s gender. The results show that gender has a negative and significant effect on this relationship, which suggests that the relationship between PSU and political participation is weaker for certain genders than others. Further analysis is required to determine the underlying reasons for this effect. Therefore, these findings imply that a number of variables, including gender and the particular aims of SM use, have an impact on how SM use affects political engagement in Jordan. When creating interventions aimed at boosting political involvement through the use of SM, it is crucial for researchers and policymakers to take these issues into account.
10. Conclusions
The findings of this study show that the FSU, TSPU, and PSU have a positive effect on Jordanian political engagement. Similar results in other studies suggested that gender had an impact on the relationship between social media use and political engagement. The results ensure the value of SM in engaging young people into Jordanian politics. This result is consistent with earlier studies in which the effectiveness of SM in inspiring young people to engage in politics is proved. Additionally, it is consistent with the findings of past studies that highlighted the contribution of SM to promoting political participation. The study also found that the relationship between using social media and engaging in politics is moderated by gender. According to the findings, there is a greater relationship between FSU and political participation for some genders than for others. This demonstrates that the effect of SM on political activity depends on a number of factors including gender. The results of this study should be considered by academics, political activists, and policymakers who are targeting increasing young people’s political interest and participation. While SM can be an effective tool for involving young people in politics, its efficacy is not always guaranteed because it can be influenced by a number of factors, including gender. Politicians and policymakers should consider the function of social media. Politicians and activists should consider how social media might engage young people in political action and design initiatives that specifically target particular groups based on their gender and SM use (purpose and frequency). The findings have important ramifications for upcoming studies on how social media affects political activity. A more extensive investigation of the complex relationships between SM usage, gender, and political participation was made possible by the use of PLS-SEM. Future studies should use cutting-edge statistical techniques to examine the complex relationships between SM usage, gender, and political activity. Future studies should investigate the underlying mechanisms that explain the connection between the use of social media, gender, and political participation. Why, for instance, does gender affect the relationship between the FSU and political participation? Is it a result of differences in gender-specific SM usage or content? Are there any additional social, cultural, or economic elements that may be affecting the relationship? Overall, this study contributes to the growing body of research on how social media affects young people’s political participation in developing countries. The results show that SM can be a powerful tool for encouraging young people to engage in politics, but its effects are not always consistent and may depend on a number of factors, including gender. Policymakers, political activists, and scholars interested in increasing young involvement and engagement in politics should assess SM’s role and its nuanced relationship to gender.
11. Managerial Implication
Important management implications for policymakers, political parties, and other organizations trying to involve youth in the political process can be drawn from the study on gender’s moderating effect on the impact of SM on political participation in Jordan. The study highlighted the significance of SM in boosting political involvement among young Jordanians. Policymakers may use such information to develop and carry out SM programs that encourage young people to participate in political activities including voting, joining political parties, and protesting. This could increase the nation’s low rates of youth participation in politics and help create a more vibrant and inclusive democracy. Second, the study emphasizes how gender affects how social media use and political participation are related. Policy makers and political parties should be aware of this influence of gender and should take action to make sure that their outreach efforts and campaigns are interesting to both sexes. Creating gender-specific messages and using particular SM channels have the potential to help in speaking and communicating with different genders. This can increase the efficiency of their efforts and ensure that all segments of the youth population are involved. Third, the study emphasizes the importance of comprehending the various reasons why Jordanian youth use SM. Political parties and policymakers must pay attention to these results so that they can adjust their communication efforts. For example, politicians may need to create more engaging and interactive campaigns to grab the attention of young people who use social media primarily for entertainment. On the other hand, those young people who use social media primarily for news and information require focusing on providing them with reliable and timely information. Fourth, the study emphasizes the importance of developing a secure and inclusive online environment for young people to participate and engage in political dialogue. Policymakers and political parties must take action to combat online abuse and hate speech, which might discourage young people from engaging in politics. This includes creating online behavior rules, offering online services for reporting harassment and hate speech, and encouraging pleasant and courteous online interactions. Finally, this study emphasizes the importance of further research into the impact of SM on political involvement among Jordanian youth. While this study sheds light on the moderating effect of gender, much remains unknown regarding the mechanisms by which SM usage influences political engagement. These findings can be used by policymakers and political parties to direct future research efforts and build more successful outreach programs. Finally, this study on the moderating influence of gender on the impact of SM on political engagement in Jordan has important managerial implications for policymakers, political parties, and other organizations looking to engage young people in the political process. Policymakers may develop more effective outreach programs and contribute to a more vibrant and inclusive democracy by recognizing the role of SM in shaping political involvement and the gendered structure of this relationship.
12. Limitations and Future Research
In spite of its substantial contribution, this study has some limitations that must be documented. Firstly, the sample was collected from a single country and the sample size is relatively small. As such, generalizing the results to other countries or populations is not possible. This study should be replicated in other countries with larger sample sizes to generalize the results. Second, the focus of the study is only on youth engagement in political activities in Jordan. Future research could develop this study to include other age groups and to examine the impact of SM on political participation across different generations. Third, the study only considered the effect of SM use on political participation, but it did not inspect other factors that may influence political engagement, such as socio-economic status, education, and political efficacy. Future studies could consider these factors as potential moderators or mediators of the relationship between SM use and political participation. Fourth, the study depends on on self-reported measures, which may be subject to social desirability bias and inaccuracies. Future studies could use objective measures of SM use, such as tracking users’ online activity, to mitigate this limitation. Based on the results of this study, there are many potential directions for further research. First, future studies may examine the connection between the use of social media and political participation in a variety of categories, including women, minorities, and those from varying socioeconomic backgrounds. Second, future research may examine how social media use affects different political activities like voting, political activity, and political knowledge. An understanding of the mechanisms by which SM influences political engagement could be gained from this kind of research. Third, future studies may examine the underlying factors that account for gender’s moderating effect on the link between social media use and political engagement. This may involve looking into the discrepancies between men’s and women’s online habits and political viewpoints. Fourth, additional research might look at the potential adverse effects of social media use on political engagement, such as the propagation of false information and the amplification of divisive viewpoints. Such studies could help policymakers to develop strategies to mitigate these negative effects. Finally, future research may examine the processes used by the platforms to direct political mobilization and participation as well as propose adding unique functions to social media platforms that might help to foster and encourage political participation.
Conceptualization, A.M.A., L.F.A.-Q. and M.A.H.; Methodology, A.M.A. and M.A.H.; Validation, A.M.A., L.F.A.-Q. and M.A.H.; Formal analysis, A.M.A., L.F.A.-Q. and M.A.H.; Data curation, A.M.A., L.F.A.-Q. and M.A.H.; Writing—original draft, A.M.A.; Writing—review & editing, A.M.A. and L.F.A.-Q. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
The study was approved by the ethics committee of Philadelphia University on 15th February 2023.
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Questionnaire questions are available upon request from the corresponding author.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Footnotes
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Enlarge this image.Figure 2. Factors that influence the effectiveness of SM in engaging individuals in political participation.
Factor Loading.
| FSU | Gender | IPC | PD | PP | PSU | TPSU | VB | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| FSU1 | 0.747 | |||||||
| FSU2 | 0.732 | |||||||
| FSU3 | 0.776 | |||||||
| FSU4 | 0.743 | |||||||
| FSU5 | 0.802 | |||||||
| FSU6 | 0.827 | |||||||
| FSU7 | 0.835 | |||||||
| FSU8 | 0.703 | |||||||
| FSU9 | 0.777 | |||||||
| IPC1 | 0.716 | |||||||
| IPC1 | 0.849 | |||||||
| IPC2 | 0.915 | |||||||
| IPC2 | 0.788 | |||||||
| IPC3 | 0.705 | |||||||
| IPC3 | 0.644 | |||||||
| IPC4 | 0.745 | |||||||
| IPC4 | 0.743 | |||||||
| PD1 | 0.658 | |||||||
| PD1 | 0.809 | |||||||
| PD2 | 0.854 | |||||||
| PD2 | 0.683 | |||||||
| PD3 | 0.849 | |||||||
| PD3 | 0.707 | |||||||
| PD4 | 0.871 | |||||||
| PD4 | 0.762 | |||||||
| PSU1 | 0.683 | |||||||
| PSU2 | 0.765 | |||||||
| PSU3 | 0.756 | |||||||
| PSU4 | 0.645 | |||||||
| PSU5 | 0.739 | |||||||
| PSU6 | 0.721 | |||||||
| PSU7 | 0.685 | |||||||
| PSU8 | 0.683 | |||||||
| PSU9 | 0.643 | |||||||
| TPSU1 | 0.841 | |||||||
| TPSU2 | 0.806 | |||||||
| TPSU3 | 0.842 | |||||||
| TPSU4 | 0.877 | |||||||
| TPSU5 | 0.784 | |||||||
| TPSU6 | 0.784 | |||||||
| TPSU7 | 0.841 | |||||||
| TPSU8 | 0.833 | |||||||
| VB1 | 0.802 | |||||||
| VB1 | 0.863 | |||||||
| VB2 | 0.781 | |||||||
| VB2 | 0.907 | |||||||
| VB3 | 0.896 | |||||||
| VB3 | 0.778 | |||||||
| VB4 | 0.702 | |||||||
| VB4 | 0.670 |
Discriminants Validity—Fornell–Larcker test.
| FSU | IPC | PD | PP | PSU | TPSU | VB | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| FSU | 0.772 | ||||||
| IPC | 0.528 | 0.795 | |||||
| PD | 0.613 | 0.562 | 0.846 | ||||
| PP | 0.668 | 0.579 | 0.532 | 0.723 | |||
| PSU | 0.555 | 0.538 | 0.559 | 0.539 | 0.703 | ||
| TPSU | 0.681 | 0.571 | 0.593 | 0.430 | 0.520 | 0.827 | |
| VB | 0.446 | 0.657 | 0.632 | 0.516 | 0.647 | 0.614 | 0.839 |
Construct Reliability and Validity.
| Cronbach’s Alpha | Composite Reliability (rho_a) | Composite Reliability (rho_c) | Average Variance Extracted (AVE) | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| FSU | 0.915 | 0.915 | 0.93 | 0.597 |
| IPC | 0.8 | 0.825 | 0.871 | 0.632 |
| PD | 0.867 | 0.87 | 0.91 | 0.715 |
| PP | 0.915 | 0.920 | 0.928 | 0.623 |
| PSU | 0.886 | 0.908 | 0.898 | 0.495 |
| TPSU | 0.934 | 0.935 | 0.945 | 0.683 |
| VB | 0.854 | 0.861 | 0.904 | 0.705 |
Discriminants Validity—HTMT.
| FSU | IPC | PD | PP | PSU | TPSU | VB | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| FSU | - | ||||||
| IPC | 0.661 | ||||||
| PD | 0.796 | 0.660 | |||||
| PP | 0.550 | 0.721 | 0.540 | ||||
| PSU | 0.724 | 0.764 | 0.550 | 0.701 | |||
| TPSU | 0.442 | 0.584 | 0.654 | 0.692 | 0.693 | ||
| VB | 0.749 | 0.612 | 0.732 | 0.629 | 0.615 | 0.707 | - |
Common Method Bias.
| Component | Initial Eigenvalues | Extraction Sums of Squared Loadings | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Total | % of Variance | Cumulative % | Total | % of Variance | Cumulative % | |
| 1 | 22.666 | 46.257 | 46.257 | 22.666 | 46.257 | 46.257 |
Results.
| Coefficients | Standard Deviation | T Statistics | p Values | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| FSU -> PP | 0.441 | 0.059 | 7.477 | 0.000 |
| PSU -> PP | 0.142 | 0.057 | 2.51 | 0.012 |
| TPSU -> PP | 0.401 | 0.057 | 6.999 | 0.000 |
| Gender x FSU -> PP | 0.234 | 0.105 | 2.234 | 0.026 |
| Gender x TPSU -> PP | −0.100 | 0.089 | 1.128 | 0.260 |
| Gender x PSU -> PP | −0.187 | 0.095 | 1.974 | 0.048 |
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; Lamis F Al-Qora’n 2
; Muwafaq Abu Hamoud 1 1 Department of Development Studies, Philadelphia University, Amman 19392, Jordan
2 Department of Software Engineering, Philadelphia University, Amman 19392, Jordan;