A study on identification of youth identity through a gender lens in network buzzwords: A critical discourse analysis

Abstract

As an emerging form of discourse in the Internet era, network buzzwords serve as an indicator of the mentality of the youth, reflecting their identity. However, research on the implementation of network buzzwords in the context of gender formations has been limited. This study fills this research gap by using critical discourse analysis to analyse the use of 11 gender-specific buzzwords listed in the annual list of top-ten network buzzwords published by the magazine Yaowen Jiaozi from 2012 to 2021 on the social media platform, Weibo. It discusses how the gender network buzzwords shape the identity of young groups, what kind of identities were formed, and how young people use gender buzzwords to construct both gender-conforming and patriarchal discourse, as well as gender-nonconforming discourse, from the perspectives of conformity and nonconformity. Additionally, it discusses the cultural significance of network buzzwords and their potential impact on contemporary society.

Introduction

As per the “49th China Statistical Report on Internet Development” published by the China Internet Network Information Centre (CNNIC) in February 2022, there were 1.032 billion Internet users in China as of December 2021, with a 73% penetration rate. With an ever-growing number of Internet users in China, cyberspace has gradually become a symbolic system for the public. The most common linguistic expressions used by online users in a network are referred to as “network buzzwords”. These buzzwords act as the primary medium for the transmission of information, meaning, and ideas in cyberspace, and are also a symbol of individual identity power in the real world. With their fermenting function and special significance, they often have an impact on social reality (Stets et al. 2014).

As communication in cyberspace is characterised by freedom, anonymity, and symbol diversity, it is easier to establish identity attributes and emotional belonging among young groups (Nagarajan 2022). With the rise of the Internet, network buzzwords have become a new form of discourse in the digital era. They are created in popular social events and serve as an essential vehicle for expressing public social opinion, which greatly stimulates young people’s enthusiasm for social participation. Post-subculture scholars argue that the exhibition venues of contemporary youth subculture have shifted from offline to online, meaning they use virtual new tribes in cyberspace to engage in ritual resistance (McCulloch et al. 2006).

Despite the critical importance of analysing online buzzwords pertaining to the construction of youth identity from a gender perspective, only three pertinent studies conducted by Cao (2017), Gong (2016), and Yan (2021) have been identified. However, while these studies have provided valuable insights, they have solely examined one or two buzzwords within a particular domain (e.g., “fan”). This study aims to expand upon the existing literature and body of research by analysing network buzzwords and responding to the following research questions:

Q1: How do young people linguistically construct their identities, in relation to wider discourse and sociocultural contexts/practices, through the use of gender-specific network buzzwords?

Q2: What kinds of youth identity, with a focus on gender, are reflected in these network buzzwords?

Q3: What are the ideological implications of using these gender-specific buzzwords on Weibo?

Examining how young people reinforce or challenge gender norms and stereotypes in online environments using gender-specific buzzwords is of paramount importance, particularly considering the prevalence of gender nonconforming youth in Chinese society as reported by the Chinese news media (Yu et al. 2023a, 2023b). The perpetuation of traditional gender ideologies in the media and popular culture can be confronted by promoting positive portrayals of gender diversity and condemning detrimental gender stereotypes. This may involve highlighting commendable role models, encouraging a wide range of inclusive gender representations in the media, and actively discouraging harmful gender stereotypes. Network buzzwords, as a form of discourse, can be analysed for their textual features, offering valuable insights into how young communities establish group identity through gender perspectives in their written communication.

Literature review

The social identity theory

Identity recognises the commonalities of the group to which an individual belongs, including one’s definition of external uniqueness (such as the body), internal experiences (such as the mind), and certain structural factors that determine social position (such as nationality, class, gender, race, etc.) (Brown 2000). Identity is constructed through language in interactive situations, within social, cultural, and historical contexts, and is a diverse and fluid process (Edwards 2009). Cultural allusions, humour, and intertextuality are all used by social network language to establish identity (Seargeant and Tagg 2014). Language is not only one factor in the process of constructing an identity; the process is also a constructive, active, and dynamic one. In order to achieve individual collectivisation on social media, users actively look for connections and points of commonality with other users through network language (Bamberg et al. 2011). Language acts as a channel for the construction of identity or differentiation, and the act of identification also makes it possible for an inclusive community to emerge.

Personal identity and social identity are the two components of the social identity theory. It describes the part of a person’s identity that stems from their perception of belonging to a significant social group (Turner and Reynolds 2010). The social identity hypothesis was created to use social identity to explain intergroup behaviour. Based on the premise that identities are produced through a process of difference, defined in a relative or flexible manner, depending on the activities in which one engages (Turner and Reynolds 2010), the theory also investigates the “ingroup” and “outgroup” phenomenon. The social identity theory contends that interactions within a group can alter an individual’s behaviour (Turner and Reynolds 2010).

Three steps are involved in the process of creating a social identity: classification, identification, and comparison (Turner and Reynolds 2010). First, people divide themselves into groups based on social constructs like race and nationality in order to better understand and identify themselves. They refer to people using a category term even though they do not really know who they are. Identification is the second step, and according to Benwell and Stokoe (2006), it is the act, occurrence, or state of being identified. Identification serves to confirm a person’s identity, whereas identity refers to who they are. The final step is social comparison. Once individuals have categorised and identified themselves, they may start comparing themselves with other groups in a favourable way. They do this to maintain their self-esteem, and this concept is critical to understanding prejudice. When two groups identify themselves as separate and rivals, they begin to compete to maintain self-esteem.

Studies of online buzzwords in China

Research investigating online buzzwords in China is available. For instance, Lian (2011) studied the network buzzword yizu (蚁族; ant tribe) and used a questionnaire to measure intra-group preference and external derogation of the term. Additionally, Lian analysed media reports on yizu (蚁族; ant tribe), its social creation, and how to promote its group status in social competition. Lian (2011) discovered that a majority of low-income college graduates identify with the yizu (蚁族; ant tribe) identity, exhibiting “in-group preference” and “out-group derogation” characteristics, while “hukou” (household registration) and media construction significantly impact identity recognition. Guo (2018) used qualitative content analysis to investigate the characteristics and trends of online buzzwords in China from 2003 to 2015. She created a typology of buzzword tendencies, which included “(1) the tendency of labelling, (2) the tendency of framing, (3) the tendency of violence, and (4) the tendency of emptying-out” (Guo 2018: 142).

In addition to these studies on online buzzwords in China, most research has focused on the buzzword diaosi (屌丝; penis thread). This buzzword utilises the practice of combination and opposition to broaden its meanings through homonyms. The term is combined with other words, such as diaosi nixi (屌丝逆袭; penis thread counterattack) and diaosi jingshen (屌丝精神; penis thread spirit), to construct a linguistic identity that differs from real-world identities. Those who identify as diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) use it to challenge the social order that is divided by wealth and to resist this identity in the real world. As the word diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) has spread, its semantics have become more generalised. Huang (2021) takes a critical sociolinguistic approach to examine three texts containing the buzzwords diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) and/or shamate (杀马特; kill horse special). He argues that seemingly grassroots online messaging in China is actually targeted at the urban new poor, consisting of white-collar employees and college students. Similarly, Lin and Zhao (2022) use critical discourse analysis (CDA) to investigate three buzzwords diaosi (屌丝; penis thread), Zhao (赵; surname) and xiaofenhong (小粉紅, little pinkos) – in the Baidu Forum. They contend that online use of these buzzwords is not just a cultural issue, but also a political and governing theme linked to the governance rationality of modern China. However, despite valuable insight from these studies on buzzwords, none of them explore gender-specific buzzwords.

Three studies conducted in China investigate online buzzwords from a gender perspective, as of our investigation. Yan (2021) uses a communication studies approach to explore network buzzwords in Chinese cyberspace since 2010. She analyses the gender phrases “leftover women” and “big heroines”, finding that these buzzwords demonstrate how populism and male chauvinism reinforce unequal gender power structures in Chinese culture. Cao (2017) closely analyses two web series to investigate the significance of diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) masculinity within Chinese youth culture and question the discursive construction of this masculinity in media portrayals. He argues that the notion of diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) masculinity is somewhat unclear in terms of identity, as it seemingly challenges prevalent values by creating distance from them. However, simultaneously, this approach unintentionally reinforces the very discourse it aims to oppose and move away from. Similarly, Gong (2016) uses CDA to investigate 50 online discussions of Chinese Arsenal fans. He finds that these fans reproduced, contested, and racialised the dominant masculine order by using the buzzwords gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich, and handsome) and diaosi (屌丝; penis thread). However, despite the insights brought from these gender studies on buzzwords, they only investigate one to two buzzwords in a particular circle (e.g. fan).

Examining the use of online gender-specific buzzwords to construct youth identity is crucial as it can reveal how young people reinforce or challenge gender norms and stereotypes in online spaces. Encouraging positive representations of gender diversity and critiquing harmful gender stereotypes can serve as effective tools for opposing traditional gender ideologies in the media and popular culture. This may involve promoting a range of inclusive gender representations in the media, highlighting positive role models, and combating damaging gender stereotypes. As network buzzwords are a form of discourse, analysing the textual characteristics of discourse subjects can aid in discussing how young groups construct group identity through texts from a gender perspective.

Data collection and method

For our study, we selected the annual Top-Ten Network Buzzwords list published by this magazine from 2012 to 2021 (see Table 1). This selection enabled us to identify and focus on the most influential buzzwords related to gender. Hu and Hu (2021) categorised six evaluation agencies into three types based on their attributes: media, big data platforms, and search engines. Three media agencies, namely Yaowen Jiaozi (an independent media agency), Zi Meiti (a corporate media agency), and Wei Yan Jiaoyu (a government official media agency), were identified (Hu and Hu 2021). The big data platforms include Qingbo Big Data and Sina Public Opinion, while the search engine agency is Baidu Feidian (Hu and Hu 2021). From these, we selected the magazine Yaowen Jiaozi, as it releases positive, negative, and neutral network buzzwords, which reflect the magazine’s introspection on the current social situation from a media perspective (Luo 2022). Additionally, the network buzzwords announced by this magazine have been consistently released since 2006 and possess a wide influence with a high forwarding rate (as of 2019, the forwarding rate reached one billion times) (Hu and Hu 2021).

Table 1. The annual list of Top-Ten Network Buzzwords published by Yaowen Jiaozi from 2012 to 2021.

Year	Network Buzzwords
2012	接地气 (jie diqi) - “touch the ground atmosphere” or “down-to-earth” X风格 (X style) - “X style” (note that this term doesn’t have a direct translation) 正能量 (zheng nengliang) - “positive energy” 屌丝 (diaosi) - “penis thread” (a slang term used to describe someone who is a loser or a plebeian) 最美 (zuimei) - “the most beautiful” 赞 (zan) - “praise” or “thumbs up” 舌尖上 (she jianshang) - “on the tip of the tongue” (referring to a popular Chinese documentary called “A Bite of China”) 压力山大 (ya li shan da) - “mountainous pressure” (originating from a homonym of Alexander) 躺着也中枪 (tangzhe ye zhongqiang) - “getting shot while lying down” 中国式 (zhongguo shi) - “Chinese style” 高富帅 (gao fu shuai) - “tall, rich, and handsome” 白富美 (bai fu mei) - “fair-skinned, rich, and beautiful” 土肥圆 (tu fei yuan) - “earthy, chubby, and round” (used to describe someone who is fat and unfashionably dressed)
2013	奇葩 (qipa) - “strange flower” (used to describe something or someone bizarre, eccentric, or weird) 杀马特 (sha ma te) - “kill horse special” (originating from the word “smart”, this term refers to people who think themselves fashionable but are considered stupid by others) 文艺青年 (wenyi qingnian) - “literary and artistic youth” 2B青年 (2B qingnian) - “2B youth” (a slang term used to describe someone who is stupid or foolish) 中国梦 (zhongguo meng) - “Chinese dream” 中国大妈 (zhongguo dama) - “Chinese auntie” (originated from the mockery of American media towards middle-aged Chinese women who have been buying large amounts of gold, causing fluctuations in the world gold price) 大V (da V) - “big V” (referring to an Internet celebrity or verified account on social media platforms) 光盘 (guang pan) - “clean plate” (referring to the Chinese government’s campaign to reduce food waste) 绿茶婊 (lücha biao) - “green tea bitch” (used to describe a woman who is manipulative or fake, especially in social situations) 点赞 (dianzan) - “like” or “thumbs up” 逆袭 (nixi) - “counterattack” (used to describe a successful outcome that was unexpected or should have been a failure) 土豪 (tuhao) - “earthy rich” (referring to a person with a lot of money, especially a nouveau riche) 女汉子 (nü hanzi) - “female man” (used to describe a girl or woman who has masculine traits or behaviour) 你为何放弃治疗 (ni wei he fang qi zhi liao) - “Why did you give up treatment?” (used ironically to imply that someone’s behaviour or actions are irrational or unreasonable, similar to calling them sick, crazy, or insane) 人艰不拆 (ren jian bu chai) - “Life is hard, don’t make it harder” (used to suggest that in difficult situations, it’s better to keep things simple and not overcomplicate matters) 摊上大事了 (tan shang da shi le) - “Got into a big mess” or “in trouble” (used to describe a situation where someone is facing serious problems or difficulties)
2014	我读书少,你可别骗我 (wo dushu shao, ni ke bie pian wo) - “I have read few books, don’t deceive me” (used as a humorous way to express that one does not have much knowledge or experience and should not be taken advantage of) 也是蛮拼的 (yeshi man pin de) - “also quite hardworking” (used to describe someone who is working extremely hard) 整个人都不好了 (zhenggeren dou buhao le) - “the entire person is not good” (used to describe someone who is not in a good state physically, emotionally, or mentally) 买买买 (mai mai mai) - “buy, buy, buy” (used to express enthusiasm for shopping or consumerism) 萌萌哒 (mengmeng da) - “so adorable” or “so cute” (used to describe someone or something that is cute or endearing) 小鲜肉 (xiao xianrou) - “little fresh meat” (used to describe handsome young boys, often in the entertainment industry) 也是醉了 (yeshi zuile) - “also drunk” (used as a mild expression of frustration, depression, or silence, similar to “I don’t know what to say” or “I give up”) 保证不打死你 (bao zheng bu da si ni) - “I guarantee not to beat you to death” (used to imply that the speaker wants to threaten someone, but not to the point of causing serious harm) 有钱就是任性 (you qian jiu shi ren xing) - “With money, one can be wilful” or “Money can buy anything” (used to suggest that wealth can give someone the power to do what they want, regardless of consequences or social norms)
2015	我想静静 (wo xiang jingjing) - “I want to be quiet” or “leave me alone” (used to express a desire for solitude or to be left alone) 获得感 (huo de gan) - “sense of achievement” or “feeling of accomplishment” (used to describe the satisfaction or fulfilment that comes from achieving a goal or completing a task) 吓死宝宝了 (xiasi baobao le) - “scared me to death, baby” (used to express being startled or frightened) 网红 (wanghong) - “Internet celebrity” (used to describe someone who has gained fame or popularity through the wanghong) 互联网+ (hulianwang +) - “Internet plus” (a term coined by the Chinese government to describe the integration of the hulianwang and traditional industries) 世界那么大, 我想去看看 (shijie name da, wo xiang qu kankan) - “the world is big, I want to go and take a look” (used to express a desire to travel and explore the world) 小公举 (xiao gongju) - “little princess” (used as a cutesy way of referring to a little princess with a sweet and affectionate tone. It later developed into a term that netizens used to refer to particular males. The biggest characteristic of these males is that they possess a “girl’s heart” and exhibit some girlish behaviours) 剁手党 (duoshou dang) - “chop hands party” (a slang term used to describe people who are addicted to online shopping and spend a lot of money) 颜值 (yanzhi) - “face value” or “index of beauty” (used to describe someone’s physical attractiveness) 任性 (ren xing) - “wilful” or “capricious” (used to describe someone who acts according to their own wishes or desires) 宝宝 (baobao) - “baby” or “babe” (used as a term of endearment) 傻白甜 (shabaitian) - “silly, white, and sweet” (used to describe a woman who is beautiful but perceived as naive or stupid) 创客 (chuangke) - “maker” or “creator” (originally from the term “Maker Space”, used to describe someone who creates or makes things, often in a DIY or amateur context) Duang (only in alphabetical form) - “Refers to an action effect, imitation of a special effect dubbing” (originally created through a viral video featuring martial arts star Jackie Chan. Chan produced a noise that sounded like “duang” while performing a voiceover for a commercial in the video. The sound gained popularity online and was applied to videos or memes to underline a moment of impact.) Wuli (only in alphabetical form) – “Our” (used as a pronoun for reference to a community or a collection of people, showing a sense of solidarity or unity. The phrase is frequently spoken in a lighthearted or self-deprecating manner to make fun of oneself or to convey a feeling of kinship with those who have similar interests or abilities.)
2016	蓝瘦香菇 (lanshou xiangku) - “blue, thin, fragrant mushroom” (a phrase used to express feeling awful or in a bad state) 我的天 (OMG) - “my heavens” or “Oh My God” (used to express surprise or shock) 洪荒之力 (honghuang zhi li) - “prehistorical power” (used to describe an immense or extraordinary amount of strength or power) 套路 (taolu) - “routine” or “trap” (used to describe a predictable or formulaic approach, or a trap or scheme designed to deceive someone) 老司机 (lao siji) - “experienced driver” (used to describe someone who is experienced or knowledgeable in a particular field or activity, often in a humorous or ironic way) 吃瓜群众 (chigua qunzhong) - “melon-eating masses” or “onlookers” (used to describe bystanders or spectators who are observing a situation without actively participating) 工匠精神 (gongjiang jingshen) - “craftsman spirit” (used to describe the dedication, attention to detail, and pride in workmanship that is characteristic of a skilled craftsman) 小目标 (xiao mubiao) - “small target” (originally from a Chinese billionaire who suggested that young people should set small financial goals, such as earning 100 million Yuan) 狗带 (gou dai) - “dog belt” (a slang term used to express frustration or disappointment, similar to “go to hell” or “screwed over”) 供给侧 (gongjice) - “supply-side” (used to describe economic policies aimed at increasing the supply of goods and services, often through measures such as deregulation and tax cuts) 撩 (liao) - “Flirt” (often used to describe flirting or teasing behaviour that is used to attract someone’s attention or to show interest in them in a playful or provocative way) 葛优躺 (ge you tang) - “Ge You lying down” (refers to a scene in a Chinese movie where actor Ge You is seen lying down and taking a nap in a very casual and relaxed manner. The term is now used to represent the decadent life of many modern people who are seen as lazy, unproductive, or lacking motivation) 辣眼睛 (la yan jing) - “Spicy to the eyes” or “Eye-popping” (often used to describe something that is visually unpleasant or offensive, or something that is too bright, garish, or flashy for the eyes)
2017	打 call (da call) - “hit the call” or “speak up in support of somebody/something” (used to express support or encouragement for someone or something) 老哥 (laoge) - “old brother” 不忘初心 (bu wang chuxin) - “never forget why you started” (used to encourage someone to stay true to their original intentions or goals) 扎心了, 老铁 (zhaxin le laotie) - “my heart is broken, bro” (used to express being deeply hurt or affected by something) 怼 (dui) - “to diss” or “to argue with” (used to describe a confrontational or argumentative interaction) 砥砺奋进 (dili fenjin) - “forge ahead” or “keep pushing forward” (used to encourage someone to persevere and make progress) 尬 (ga) - “awkward” or “cringe” (used to describe an uncomfortable or embarrassing situation or interaction) 共享 (gongxiang) - “shared” or “sharing” (used to describe a sharing economy or sharing culture) 油腻 (youni) - greasy (used to describe a person who is cheesy) 有温度 (you wendu) - “has warmth” or “heartwarming” (used to describe something that is emotionally touching or sincere) 流量 (liuliang) - “flow rate” or “traffic” (used to describe liuliang traffic or the number of views or clicks on a website or social media platform) 贫穷限制了我的想象 (pinqiong xianzhi le wo de xiangxiang) - “poverty limits my imagination” (used to express the idea that poverty can limit one’s opportunities and creative potential) 你尽管XX, XX了算我输! (ni jin guan XX, XX le suan wo shu) - “You can XX all you want, if you end up XXing, then I’ll admit defeat!” (used to express confidence that the other person won’t be able to do something) 尬聊 (galiao) - “Awkward chat” (refers to a conversation that is forced, uncomfortable, or lacking in chemistry, often used in a humorous or self-deprecating way to acknowledge a social situation that is uncomfortable or difficult) 请开始你的表演 (qing kaishi nide biaoyan) - “Please begin your performance” (often used in a sarcastic or critical way to suggest that someone is being insincere or putting on a show, or to challenge someone to prove themselves)
2018	杠精 (gangjing) - “pole expert” or “devil’s advocate” (used to describe someone who likes to argue or debate, often taking the opposite side) 安排 (anpai) - “arrange” or “plan” (used to describe making plans or arrangements) 凉凉 (liangliang) - “cool, cool” (used to describe feeling desperate or in a bad state) 命运共同体 (mingyun gongtongti) - “community of shared destiny” or “community of shared future” (used to describe the idea of a collective destiny or fate) 巨婴 (juying) - “giant baby” or “man-child” (used to describe a person who is an adult but acts immaturely or childishly) 锦鲤 (jinli) - “golden carp” or “lucky dog” (used to describe someone who is lucky or fortunate) 真香 (zhenxiang) - “so fragrant” or “so delicious” (used to describe something that is really good or enjoyable) 佛系 (foxi) - “Buddha-like” or “peaceful” (used to describe a relaxed or laid-back attitude towards life) 小哥哥 (xiao gege) - “little big brother” (used as a term of address for a young man or boy) 小姐姐 (xiao jiejie) - “little big sister” (used as a term of address for a young woman or girl) 店小二 (dian xiaoer) - “shop little second” or “shop owner’s assistant” (used to describe an employee who works in a small shop or restaurant) C位 (C wei) - “C position” or “central position” (used to describe someone who plays a central role or occupies a prominent position) 土味情话 (tuwei qinghua) - “rustic love words” or “cheesy love lines” (used to describe sentimental or clichéd expressions of love) 官宣 (guanxuan) - “official announcement” (used to describe an official statement or announcement, often from a company or organisation) 菊外人 (juwairen) - “Chrysanthemum outsiders” (refers to people who do not know who Wang Ju is or have not watched the talent show Creation 101, but have been bombarded with messages about voting for Wang Ju. The term “ju” (菊) is a homophone for “vote” (举), and the term “outsider” (外人) is used to describe someone who is not part of a particular group or community.) skr (only in alphabetical form) - “The sound of spinning car tires” (often used to describe the sound made by car tires when spinning rapidly, especially in the context of car racing or drifting. The phrase has also been used to refer to an energising or powerful mood in music and popular culture.)
2019	霸凌主义 (baling zhuyi) - “bullying hegemony” or “hegemony” (used to describe a dominant power that exercises control or influence over others) 雨女无瓜 (yünü wugua) - “rain woman, no melon” or “none of your business” (used to dismiss someone’s concern or involvement in a matter) 文明互鉴 (wenming hujian) - “mutual learning among civilisations” (used to describe the exchange and sharing of cultural values and practices between different civilisations) 14亿护旗手 (14 yi huqishou) - “1.4 billion flag-escort” (used to describe the Chinese people as guardians of the nation’s flag and symbols) 区块链 (qükuai lian) - “blockchain” (used to describe a decentralised digital ledger technology) 我酸了 (wo suan le) - “I’m sour” or “I’m jealous” (used to express feeling envious or jealous) 我太难/南了 (wo tai nan le) - “my life is too hard” or “my life is too sour” (used to express feeling overwhelmed or frustrated with life) 硬核 (yinghe) - “hardcore” (used to describe something that is intense, extreme, or uncompromising) 996 (996) - “996” (used to describe the overtime work culture of Chinese tech companies, in which employees work from 9am to 9 pm, six days a week) 柠檬精 (ningmeng jing) - “lemon spirit” or “someone who likes to envy others” (used to describe someone who enjoys seeing others fail or who is envious of others) 断舍离 (duan she li) - “cut off, give away, and abandon” (used to describe decluttering and simplifying one’s life by getting rid of unnecessary possessions and attachments) 令人头秃 (lingren toutu) - “Makes one’s head bald” (used to describe a situation or problem that is so frustrating, stressful, or anxiety-inducing that it causes hair loss or baldness. In place of the original idiom, the expression “rat’s tail juice” is hilariously used and has gained popularity online in China.) 是个狠人 (shige henren) - “Is a tough person” (used to define a person who is knowledgeable, skilful, or experienced in a certain subject or profession or a person who is hard, cunning, or unyielding in their behaviour) 盘它 (panta) - “Tease it” (used to express playing a practical joke on someone or fooling them. The phrase can also be used more generally to refer to the process of controlling a circumstance.)
2020	凡尔赛文学 (fanersai wenxue) - “Versailles literature” (used to describe literature that is ostentatious, pretentious, or showy) 人民至上 (renmin zhishang) - “people first” or “putting the people first” (used to prioritise the needs and interests of the people) 集美 (jimei) - “gathered beauty” (used to describe a group of women who are attractive or stylish) 内卷 (neijuan) - “inward fold” or “involution” (used to describe a phenomenon in which competition and pressure become so intense that individuals become trapped in a self-destructive cycle of overwork and overconsumption) 逆行者 (nixing zhe) - “reverse walker” or “retrograde” (used to describe someone who goes against the norm or defies expectations) 打工人 (dagong ren) - “worker” or “labourer who work diligently” (used to describe someone who works hard to make a living) 后浪 (houlang) - “rear wave” or “young generation” (used to describe the younger generation that follows behind the older generation) 抗疫 (kangyi) - “anti-pandemic” or “fighting against the pandemic” (used to describe measures and actions taken to combat and control a pandemic) 双循环 (shuang xunhuan) - “double cycle” (used to describe an economic policy that emphasises both domestic and international circulation of goods and capital) 飒 (sa) - “valiant” or “brave” (used to describe someone who is bold and courageous) 直播带货 (zhibo daihuo) - “live-streaming sales” or “sell goods through live-streaming” (used to describe a marketing strategy that uses live-streaming technology to promote and sell products) 神兽 (shenshou) - “mythical animal” or “naughty child” (used to describe someone who is mischievous or playful) 耗子尾汁 (hao zi wei zhi) - “Rat’s tail juice” (a homophonic popular phrase of the idiom “好自为之” (hao zi wei zhi), which means “good for oneself” or “do what is best for oneself”. In place of the original idiom, the expression “rat’s tail juice” is hilariously used and has gained popularity online in China.)
2021	元宇宙 (yuan yuzhou) - “element universe” or “metaverse” (used to describe a virtual world where users can interact with each other and digital objects) 强国有我 (qiangguo you wo) - “we are ready to make China strong” (used to express a sense of patriotism and commitment to building a strong and prosperous China) 躺平 (tangping) - “lying flat” or “an attitude of inaction and lack of effort” (used to describe a phenomenon where young people reject the pressure to conform to societal expectations and instead choose to live a simple and relaxed life) 永远的神 (YYDS) - “eternal god” or “someone who is marvellous” (used as a compliment to someone who is talented or skilled) 小康 (xiaokang) - “moderately prosperous society” (used to describe a stage of economic development where people’s basic needs are met and they enjoy a comfortable standard of living) 鸡娃 (jiwa) - “chicken baby” or “overloaded kids” (used to describe children who are under immense pressure to excel academically and in extracurricular activities) 破防 (pofang) - “break the defence” or “break down the defences” (used to describe a situation where someone manages to overcome obstacles or barriers) 野性消费 (yexing xiaofei) - “wild consumption” or “crazy consumption” (used to describe excessive or impulsive spending on luxury goods and experiences) 碳中和 (tan zhonghe) - “carbon neutrality” (used to describe a state where carbon emissions are balanced out by carbon removal or reductions in emissions) 绝绝子 (jue jue zi) is a Chinese slang term that can have two opposite meanings, depending on the context: Very good – When used in a positive context, 绝绝子 can mean “excellent”, “awesome”, or “amazing”. For instance, someone might remark, “This singer is singing very well”, which is written as “这个歌手唱歌很好听” (zhege geshou changge hen haoting); Very horrible – When used negatively, the word can be translated as “awful” or “very bad”. For example, someone might say “这酒店的服务绝绝子” (zhe jia jiudian de fuwu jue jue zi), which translates to “The service at this hotel is very awful”.

According to previous studies, the content orientation of network catchwords can be divided into six categories: criticism of current problems, emotional expression, specific language, identity groups, zeitgeist, and pure entertainment (Dong 2021). The classification of identity-related network buzzwords is based on the following definition: identity is a product of social structure and social construction. From the perspective of social structure, identity is essential, including elements such as race, class, gender, etc. From the perspective of social construction, identity is the product of one’s active construction through lifestyle, culture, etc. (Kasperiuniene and Zydziunaite 2019). Combining these two perspectives, identity-related network buzzwords can be divided into three categories: class, gender, and lifestyle. To be specific, class is divided according to the possession of means of production; gender is divided into men and women; lifestyle is a behaviour pattern closely related to the concept of life. We categorised the annual list of Top-Ten Network Buzzwords with the software QSR International’s NVivo 12 Pro, and coding results were tested. The inter-rater reliability (0.98) shows a strong level of consistency (Cohen 1960). All the differences in coding were solved after our discussion, and the results are shown in Table 2.

Table 2. Identity-related network buzzwords of 2012–2021.

Category	Network Buzzwords
CLASS	屌丝 (diaosi) - “penis thread” (a slang term used to describe someone who is a loser or a plebeian) 白富美 (bai fu mei) - “white rich beautiful” (used to describe young women who are attractive, wealthy, and well-educated) 高富帅 (gao fu shuai) - “tall, rich, and handsome” 土豪 (tuhao) - “local tyrant” (used to describe someone who flaunts their wealth and enjoys luxurious lifestyles) 有钱就是任性 (you qian jiu shi ren xing) - “With money, one can be wilful” or “Money can buy anything” (used to suggest that wealth can give someone the power to do what they want, regardless of consequences or social norms) 小目标 (xiao mubiao) - “small target” (used to describe setting small, achievable goals instead of big, ambitious ones) 贫穷限制了我的想象 (pinqiong xianzhi le wo de xiangxiang) - “poverty limits my imagination” (used to express the idea that a lack of financial resources can restrict one’s opportunities and aspirations)
GENDER	白富美 (bai fu mei) - “white rich beautiful” (used to describe young women who are attractive, wealthy, and well-educated) 高富帅 (gao fu shuai) - “tall, rich, and handsome” 女汉子 (nü hanzi) - “female man” (used to describe a girl or woman who has masculine traits or behaviour) 绿茶婊 (lücha biao) - “green tea bitch” (used to describe a woman who is manipulative or fake, especially in social situations) 小鲜肉 (xiao xianrou) - “little fresh meat” (used to describe handsome young boys, often in the entertainment industry) 傻白甜 (shabaitian) - “silly, white, and sweet” (used to describe a woman who is beautiful but perceived as naive or stupid) 小公举 (xiao gongju) - “little princess” (used as a cutesy way of referring to a little princess with a sweet and affectionate tone. Later on, it gradually evolved into a nickname used by netizens to refer to certain males. The biggest characteristic of these males is that they possess a “girl’s heart” and exhibit some girlish behaviours) 小哥哥 (xiao gege) - “little big brother” (used as a term of address for a young man or boy) 小姐姐 (xiao jiejie) - “little big sister” (used as a term of address for a young woman or girl) 老哥 (laoge) - “old brother” 集美 (jimei) - “gathered beauty” (used to describe a group of women who are attractive or stylish)
LIFESTYLE	吃瓜群众 (chigua qunzhong) - “melon-eating masses” (used to describe people who are bystanders and enjoy watching drama or scandals unfold) 店小二 (dian xiaoer) - “shop second” (used to describe a waiter or server in a restaurant or teahouse) 巨婴 (juying) - “giant baby” (used to describe an adult who behaves in an immature or childish manner) 钢精 (gangjing) - “steel spirit” (used to describe a person who is tough and determined, often in the face of adversity) 多手党 (duoshou dang) - “pickpocket gang” (used to describe a group of people who work together to commit theft or pickpocketing) 佛系 (foxi) - “Buddhist style” (used to describe a relaxed and laid-back attitude towards life, similar to the philosophy of Buddhism) 温艺青年 (wenyi qingnian) - “literary and artistic youth” (used to describe young people who are interested in literature, art, and culture) 2B青年 (2B qingnian) - “2B youth” (used to describe young people who are lazy, unambitious, or lack a clear direction in life) 卖爱麦 (maim ai mai) - “sell love wheat” (used to describe a person who sells their body or engages in prostitution) 野性消费 (yexing xiaofei) - “wild consumption” or “crazy consumption” (used to describe excessive or impulsive spending on luxury goods and experiences) 躺平 (tangping) - “lying flat” or “an attitude of inaction and lack of effort” (used to describe a phenomenon where young people reject the pressure to conform to societal expectations and instead choose to live a simple and relaxed life)

For this study, we employed purposive sampling to consider the entire dataset of interest (Li et al. 2023). As Matthiessen (2006: 108) indicates, the chosen articles must be “highly valued in the community or […] [have] special significance in some domain such as history or politics [and, thus, can be treated] as artefacts – objects of study in their own right”. Additionally, influential posts on social media can “inspire courageous deeds, change the course of history, and give hope in sad times” (Li et al. 2023: 4). Given the objective of investigating youth identity from a gender perspective in relation to text, discourse practice, sociocultural practice, and their ideological implications, the article selection criteria are as follows: Firstly, the selected articles must hold significant influence among the youth. Secondly, they should reflect youth identity from a gender standpoint. To achieve this, we utilised Weibo (a major Chinese social media platform) to analyse how young people employ these buzzwords to construct their youth identity. We selected a post from the most recent three months of our analysis, up until 17th April 2023, that received the highest number of likes, indicating significant influence.1 While examining the data in its original Chinese form, we employed back-translation techniques to translate it into English for our writing.

Since the network buzzword is an emerging discourse form in the Internet era, CDA can provide theoretical support for studying it. Considering that Fairclough’s (2013) dialectical relational approach is highly consistent with this study, we adopted this approach, which has three dimensions: text, discourse practice, and sociocultural practice. From the dimension of textual analysis, young groups classify themselves and others through the selection of vocabulary and rhetoric of buzzwords to express their established value demands. From the dimension of discourse practice, since young groups are rooted in the integrated context of social reality and cyberspace, they express their identity distinction in the form of circle talk to realise personal and social identities. From the dimension of sociocultural practice, network buzzwords are integrated with various types of discourses, such as popular, official, and elite discourses. Through network buzzwords, young groups could resolve conflicts in social structure, class, and culture in a moderate and consulting way.

For textual analysis, other critical discourse analysts have offered a wide variety of discursive strategies to supplement Fairclough’s (2013) approach in the “methodological toolbox”. Here, discursive strategies refer to “a more or less intentional plan of practices (including discursive practices), adopted in order to achieve a particular social, political, psychological, or linguistic goal. Discursive strategies are located at different levels of linguistic organisation and complexity” (Wodak 2015: 287). We found that the discursive strategy of nomination is particularly useful in our analysis of the Weibo posts where the chosen gender-specific buzzwords were situated. Nomination is the “discursive construction of social actors, objects/phenomena/events, and processes/actions” by using different rhetorical means, such as metaphors and oxymorons (Wodak 2015: 283).

Findings and discussion

Analysis of the texts: Linguistic construction of youth identity from a gender perspective

Weibo users often utilise the nomination strategy (Wodak 2015) to create separation and distinction of identity. Through the selection and application of vocabulary, discourse subjects structure discourse order in the external world. Nomination, whereby the discourse subject distinguishes themselves from others through contrast and labelling, serves to realise the function of categorisation (Turner and Reynolds 2010). Our analysis of Chinese gender-specific network buzzwords from 2014 to 2021 reveals that buzzwords containing nomination (Wodak 2015), such as bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) and gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome), project a preferred identity as a means of expressing the preferences and aspirations of young people (Duriez et al. 2013). This discourse mode constructs others through nomination (Wodak 2015), reflecting the attitude of the discourse subject in their choice of appellation (see Extracts 1 and 2).

1. Being close to outstanding gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome) means being close to a high-level energy field, which can bring a sense of relaxation and rejuvenation. Good men can nourish women and make them radiant and beautiful.

2. The man has proposed to a bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) who also has her own career. They have only been publicly dating for just over half a year, but when it comes to touching his own interests, a man will never compromise himself. Even a loser is striving to find a beautiful and wealthy partner. Women can really learn from this kind of male thinking.

   Extracts 1 and 2 describe the ideal type of partner for a heterosexual relationship in contemporary Chinese society. Weibo users view these identities as desirable and strive to achieve them. However, these nominations reduce people to only their physical characteristics (attractiveness) and social status (financial success), objectifying them and suggesting that their worth is solely based on their looks and wealth. Extract 1 even bases women’s worth on their proximity to attractive and wealthy men, implying that they should associate more with gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome). These are stereotypes that do not accurately represent all men and reinforce harmful gender norms. The notion that women are reliant on men for their well-being and that males can “nourish” them and “make them radiant and beautiful” is also perpetuated. Extract 2 implies that a young woman’s success is defined by her acceptance of a marriage proposal, rather than her own career accomplishments. It suggests that other women should aspire to follow her example. It is worth noting that the youth identity constructed by these Weibo users perpetuates heteronormative norms and erases the experiences of LGBTQ+ people by assuming that the only ideal relationships are those between men and women.

   The nomination strategy employs various linguistic mechanisms and rhetorical devices, such as specialised vocabulary, syntactical alterations, and metaphors, to formulate identity (Wodak 2015). Rhetoric is not only a symbolic act but also a communicative act in which people use words to encourage others to adopt a certain attitude or behaviour (Alvesson and Karreman 2000). The emotional attitude about youth identity in network buzzwords can be reflected through rhetoric (Prinsen et al. 2015). It is through different rhetorical techniques that young Internet users create distance between network language and the real world. Metaphors and other rhetorical devices are not only different forms of discourse, but their ultimate purpose is to describe social reality through metaphor, establish group identity, and convey common emotions through implication. The buzzwords lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch), xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat), and xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) are typical examples of metaphorical realisation of perceived identity (see Extracts 3, 4, and 5).

3. When it comes to relationships, the emotional aspect definitely takes the lead. If you weigh the pros and cons too rationally, then where is the emotion? That’s called valuing practical benefits, and that’s where the term lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) comes from.

4. At Weibo Night, when the popular male celebrities stand together, their height differences are obvious. They are all xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat). Who is your favourite?

5. The microphone is completely covered in diamonds, haha, xiao gongju (小公举; little princess).

   In Extract 3, the buzzword lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) indicates outgroup discrimination, judging women who use their sexuality to manipulate men for personal gain. Women who are praised for their appearance are expected to be as pure and beautiful as “green tea”, while their bodies are simultaneously commodified and sold as products. These women, who appear pure like tea and are also available for transaction, are both admired for their beauty and purity but also subject to the exclusion and disdain of traditional gender norms. As a result, they are labelled with the stigma of “bitch”. Similarly, Extract 4 compares men to meat, indicating their “young age”, “lack of experience in sex”, and “desirable body” (Yu and Sui 2022). The term “little fresh meat” was first used by Chinese fans in 2014 to refer to male stars. In Extract 4, this Weibo user used the buzzword to ask other fans about their personal preference regarding male celebrities at an event. They engage in prosocial behaviours, realise social identity, and shorten the distance between themselves and their idols. The fervent admiration that fans hold for their idols is also evident in Extract 5, where a fan shares a video of Jay Chou’s concert. Jay Chou was the first singer in the entertainment industry to admit to being a xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) and claimed to have a “princess dream”. One common characteristic of “little princesses” in the entertainment industry is that they take care of themselves as if they are taking care of a princess.

6. Life respects me for being a nü hanzi (女汉子; female man), but I have a vulnerable side as well. If life doesn’t treat you kindly, then treat yourself well. Life is full of ups and downs, but it’s all for the purpose of meeting the best version of yourself.

   During the transition from the era of paper media to the era of intelligent media, the rhetorical device known as oxymoron has become increasingly popular for network buzzwords on the Internet. By juxtaposing words or sentences with completely opposite meanings, this kind of rhetoric expresses the contradictory psychological activities or living conditions of young groups, thus creating an unexpected effect. For example, Internet users employ the network buzzword nü hanzi (女汉子; female man), which conveys a sense of contradiction, embracing both diversity and approval of its meaning while exploring the identification of meaning and life mode (see Extract 6). Extract 6 advocates self-care and self-improvement, despite recognising oneself as a nü hanzi (女汉子; female man). Network buzzwords employing oxymorons reflect that in the era of individualisation, young groups’ understanding and perception of current society increasingly demonstrate a strong sense of self-awareness about the contained values.

7. Is this laoge (老哥; old brother) here to stock up at Disneyland? Hahaha.

8. A group of sunny, dark-skinned, six-pack xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother)

9. Beautiful xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister)

   When people use buzzwords to address individuals based on their gender, they may have different intentions. The buzzword laoge (老哥; old brother) can be used to acknowledge a man’s seniority or experience. Extract 7 provides an example of a humorous remark suggesting that the man in the video, who is skilled at shooting, got all the souvenirs at Disneyland. Another buzzword specifically used to refer to males is xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother). Men who are considered attractive, exhibit characteristics of traditional masculinity, such as strength, confidence and protectiveness, and are perceived to be young, are often described using this buzzword (Yu and Nartey 2021). Additionally, the expression may imply a romantic or sexual interest in the subject being discussed. Extract 8 illustrates this trend by featuring a collection of photographs of attractive men and using the buzzword xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother) to describe them. While the term gege (哥哥) in Chinese is typically used to address someone as “big brother”, it takes on a modified meaning with the addition of xiao (小; little), which conveys affection or humour. The inclusion of xiao (小; little) before gege (哥哥; big brother) imparts a sense of youthfulness or endearment. By employing the phrase xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother), the speaker may be highlighting the attractiveness or desirability of these men, accentuating their charming and youthful qualities.

   Similarly, the buzzword xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister) is used to refer to females who are perceived to be young and attractive and who possess feminine traits such as elegance, charm, and kindness. The term’s use could also indicate that the person being described is the subject of romantic or sexual attention. Extract 9 displays a collection of images featuring attractive women, using the buzzword xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister) to describe them. The term jiejie in Chinese commonly refers to “big sister”, similar to gege (哥哥; big brother). The phrase is altered by the inclusion of the modifier xiao (小; little) to express a sense of affection or endearment. When someone says xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister), it could be an expression of love or admiration towards the person mentioned, occasionally emphasising their charm or beauty in a playful or affectionate manner.

10. What’s wrong, jimei (集美; gathered beauty)? Women can not only advocate for feminism but also love their country.

11. Given the rough environment of the countryside, are there really shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet) who are so focused on romance?

Another buzzword, jimei (集美; gathered beauty), meaning “gathering the beauty of the world”, is also used to refer to young women who are considered attractive and fashionable. Nowadays, it is commonly used to mean “sisters” (see Extract 10). Extract 10 highlights the fact that women can have diverse interests and passions, which may encompass advocating for women’s rights as well as feeling a sense of patriotism. The statement aims to foster a social identity based on sisterhood and solidarity. In contrast, the buzzword shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet) is used negatively to refer to young women who are perceived as innocent and gullible, making them vulnerable to manipulation and exploitation by others, especially men. Extract 11 implies that rural women are not capable of romantic desire or cannot concentrate on anything other than survival and practical concerns, and they certainly are not shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet).

Discourse analysis: the discourse practice of youth identity from a gender perspective

Language is not just a collection of conventional symbols and signals; it is a way of life for human beings (Peirce 1995). Discourse practice involves the production, distribution, and consumption of text. Its nature varies according to social factors across different discourse types (Han 2015; van Dijk 1993). The process of discourse practice for network buzzwords is a social process that shapes the identity of young groups. The transmission path of network buzzwords can be divided into three steps: (1) social reality + cyberspace, (2) circle stratifying, and (3) social identity projection. As the primary users and producers of network buzzwords, young groups use online popular culture as the material for network buzzwords based on social reality. They express their identity through circle talk and realise self/group/social identification.

Origin: social reality + cyberspace

Network buzzwords have their origins in cyberspace, which includes online communities, chat applications, video websites, and discussion platforms for online games. These platforms are characterised by openness, virtuality, and sharing, which have created favourable conditions for Internet users to develop and popularise these buzzwords. In the virtual space, real identity is often hidden. For example, nü hanzi (女汉子; female man), a woman who appears tough and exhibits masculine traits or behaviour in reality, might acknowledge her vulnerability in the virtual world, as shown in Extract 6. People can also conceal their identity to attack or distance themselves from someone or groups that they resent. For instance, in Extract 3, the buzzword lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) was used by the author to highlight the negative aspects of social interaction with this kind of people, indicating intergroup discrimination. Social identification inevitably leads to bias and discrimination (Turner and Reynolds 2010). Bourhis and Gagnon (2001) found that rewarding the ingroup has a greater positive effect on self-esteem than punishing the outgroup.

As creators and users of network buzzwords, Internet users, particularly young people, develop distinct discourse styles characterised by simplicity, entertainment, contemporariness, novelty, and popularity to meet their psychological needs for innovation, entertainment, and catharsis, as well as the needs of others for emotional release, peer identification, and group integration (Lewis and Fabos 2005). For instance, Weibo users employed the buzzwords laoge (老哥; old brother), xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother), and xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister) in order to create a sense of belonging, familiarity, and closeness with those they respect and admire (Extracts 7–9).

When young groups create network buzzwords, their discourse practice involves expressing and shaping their own perceived image and the perceived image of others. Individuals express their individuality and construct their image by using distinctive discourse that highlights the uniqueness of their personal identity and values. By using varied vocabulary and syntax, young Internet users emphasise their preferred identity and distinguish themselves from outside circles to achieve positive distinctiveness. For instance, Weibo users employed the buzzwords gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome) and bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) in Extracts 1 and 2 to project an identity based on wealth and physical appearance, and to separate these elite groups of attractive and wealthy individuals from other circles.

Transmission: circle stratified group identities

During the process of forming an identity, individuals place themselves in a particular category and classify others into groups. This allows individuals to identify with their group. Through the use of high-context and circle-based language, network buzzwords can subtly distinguish groups from outside circles, resulting in emotional resonance and psychological appeal within the group. While strengthening group cohesion, the language also reinforces the exclusion of external groups. To some extent, this creates communication barriers between different generational and even same-generation groups, making it difficult for one group to understand the circle words of another group.

Within a circle of network buzzword users, a complete set of buzzwords has been created. These buzzwords may seem negative on the surface, but they can actually help distinguish group identity for those who enjoy competition. Internet users employ familiar network buzzwords to divide groups, express their identities, and use certain Internet catchphrases to seek identity (Dunne et al. 2010). Network buzzwords can also strengthen the sense of identity among group members (Dunne et al. 2010). For example, without being part of Jay Chou’s fan groups, people may not know that the buzzword xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) is used to refer to him, and its use can separate his fan groups from outside circles (Extract 5).

Diffusion: form individual identity to social identity projection

Having analysed a small set of group identities within the circle and their meme effects, it has been discovered that the dissemination of network buzzwords can spread from individual identity to social identity projection. Internet users have moved beyond simply encountering network buzzwords to accepting them, resulting in the associated discourse evolving to the level of group opinion.

From a certain network community to a wider network of Internet users in cyberspace, the meme effect is a phenomenon where people’s thoughts replicate through imitation in the cultural field (Dawkins 2016). The selection and use of network buzzwords are the results of competition among different memes. When certain memes are widely circulated and used with positive communicative functions, they become extremely powerful. The spread of network catchwords goes through four stages: meme assimilation, memorisation, expression, and dissemination. For instance, Weibo users employed the buzzwords xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat) and xiao gongju (小公举; little princess), which create a sense of belonging to a particular social group based on their craze for idols in the entertainment industry, and form a group identity (Extracts 4 and 5).

Analysis of sociocultural practice: the sociocultural practice of youth identity from a gender perspective

Through text analysis and discourse practice analysis, sociocultural practice analysis examines discourse from the perspectives of gender conformity and gender nonconformity, explores the hidden power relations behind discourse, and reveals the interaction mechanism among discourse, society, and ideology in this study. Different language variants constitute the media of power and social stratification, representing different social orders (Tajfel 1979). Through discourse practice, individuals become agents of power and recognise their classified social positions. Young people utilise a gentle negotiation approach to resolve conflicts associated with gender structure. Network buzzwords are influenced by multiple social forces and are the amalgamation of public, elite, and official discourses.

The conforming spirit in the discourse: gender conformity

Language variants represent the value order of different societies and serve as the medium of power and social stratification. Through discourse practice, individuals learn how to wield power and recognise their categorised gender positions. Discourse users confirm their gender belonging and form their personal identity or perceived identity of others during the process of identity transformation. Among the gender-specific buzzwords analysed, the majority (nine out of 11) can be classified as gender conformity as they express gender identity and behaviour that are consistent with cultural norms, adhering to traditional gender roles and expectations.

The buzzwords bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) and gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome), for instance, reinforce existing gender stereotypes by referring to characteristics typically considered important in men and women, respectively (Extracts 1 and 2). According to a survey by the China Youth Daily (2012), 81.2% of respondents believe that many young people today prefer partners who are bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) or gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome). Women who are beautiful and successful have become the ultimate bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) and have set a fashion standard for modern women.

Likewise, the buzzword jimei (集美; gathered beauty) reinforces traditional gender roles, supports the notion that women’s worth is primarily based on their outward appearance, and encourages gender-based prejudices about how women behave by referring to a group of attractive or fashionable ladies (Extract 10). Both lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) and shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet) are commonly used in a negative context; the former criticises women who use their attractiveness to seduce men for personal gain, while the latter promotes gendered preconceptions about women’s intellectual capacity and the belief that they are naturally less intelligent than men (Extracts 3 and 11). Such attitudes are reflected in old patriarchal mindsets, as indicated by numerous Confucian proverbs (e.g. “women’s lack of talent is a virtue”), which promote male dominance and female submission (Yu 2021: 248). Three other buzzwords, laoge (老哥; old brother), xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother), and xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister), are terms of endearment that are gender-specific and reinforce traditional gender roles and hierarchical orders. Their use either emphasises men’s/women’s attractiveness (Extracts 8 and 9) or a senior’s capability (Extract 7) (Peng 2021). Similarly, the buzzword xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat) (Extract 4) describes young boys who are considered handsome and fresh and supports gender-based stereotypes.

The resisting spirit in the discourse: gender nonconformity

As a symbolic representation of subculture, network buzzwords are a means for young groups to resist mainstream gender culture/structure and establish a sense of identity. This involves developing a unique style through clothing, music, lifestyle, and values, which embodies a spirit of resistance and serves as a cultural symbol of identity (Wodak et al. 2009). The resulting identity, representing the gender subculture, seeks to challenge the consensus of the mainstream community. However, as youth subcultures associated with gender identity gain attention, mainstream ideologies such as gender essentialism and patriarchy often absorb the identities of these subcultural groups into the mainstream discourse, with the aim of subduing their resistance (Peng 2022). Only a minority (2 out of 11) of the gender-specific buzzwords can be classified as nonconformity, pertaining to individuals who do not adhere to cultural expectations and conventions and may express their gender in ways that challenge traditional gender roles and stereotypes.

With the growing influence of online platforms, network buzzwords have become a means of representing value orientation and power and expressing the views of discourse producers. Internet users who employ network buzzwords aim to compete for the right to express themselves and protest against the mainstream gender structure and underlying ideologies intertwined with social events. They may even challenge social taboos and evade social discipline. Minority groups within the mainstream gender structure resist gender-conforming and patriarchal discourses through different linguistic mechanisms and rhetorical means in network buzzwords. Behind catchphrases like nü hanzi (女汉子; female man) and xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) lies a structural gender conflict of binary opposition (Extracts 5 and 6). With the expansion and spread of network buzzwords, subcultures are integrated and incorporated into the dominant social order. The discourses reflected in network buzzwords have shifted from resistance and criticism of gender-conforming and patriarchal discourses to co-production with them in an interactive and meaningful way. The resistance to mainstream culture is not fierce, but rather a reflection of the problem and a moderate negotiation.

Conclusion

As noted at the beginning of this study, there has been limited research on the implementation of network buzzwords in the context of gender formations. This study addresses this research gap by using critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2013; Wodak 2015) to explore the linguistic construction of youth identity from a gender perspective through an analysis of 11 gender-specific buzzwords listed in the annual top-ten network buzzwords published by the magazine Yaowen Jiaozi from 2012 to 2021 on the social media platform Weibo.

From a text analysis perspective, young groups use vocabulary selection and buzzword rhetoric to construct their personal identity or perceived identity of others, achieve identity separation from real life, classify themselves and others, and internalise the individual meaning of identity. From a discourse practice perspective, young groups are the primary producers and users of network buzzwords. In the context of both social reality and cyberspace integration, young groups use circle-based group language to subtly differentiate themselves from other groups and to obtain emotional resonance and psychological appeal within their circle groups. Under the meme effect, their discourse spreads from individual identity to social identity projection. From a sociocultural practice perspective, power relations are revealed to underlie the discourse. Network buzzwords are a fusion of multiple discourses, including gender-conforming and patriarchal as well as gender-nonconforming discourses. By using these buzzwords, individuals become producers of power, identify their own categorised social positions, and resolve some contradictions associated with the gender structure between mainstream and subcultures.

In closing, this study addresses a research void by offering a comprehensive examination of the linguistic formation of youth identities from a gender standpoint. It sheds light on how young individuals utilise buzzwords to forge their own identities or those of others, whilst also demonstrating how these youth cohorts employ group-specific language to subtly set themselves apart from other groups. By examining the construction of language, discourse practices, power dynamics, and the wider societal and cultural implications of online wordplay in relation to gender formations, this study builds upon prior research on gender and buzzwords. Future studies could explore alternative platforms and compare them to the current study in terms of how young people employ network buzzwords to shape their identities.

Acknowledgements

HT’s writing and publishing of this article was funded by the Humanities and Social Science Research Project of Chongqing Education Commission (research grant number 22SKGH209); URL: http://english.cqu.edu.cn/Research/Labs_Centers.htm. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Author contributions

These authors contributed equally to this work

Data availability

All data used for this study are fully and publicly available at the websites below. Internet buzzwords of 2012 https://www.chinanews.com.cn/sh/2012/12-30/4448889.shtml. Internet buzzwords of 2013 https://www.chinanews.com/cul/2013/12-19/5637947.shtml. Internet buzzwords of 2014 https://www.chinanews.com/cul/2014/12-16/6879619.shtml. Internet buzzwords of 2015 https://www.chinanews.com.cn/m/cul/2015/12-15/7672467.shtml. Internet buzzwords of 2016 https://www.sohu.com/a/121586697_115401. Internet buzzwords of 2017 https://www.digitaling.com/articles/42069.html. Internet buzzwords of 2018 https://m.chinanews.com/wap/detail/chs/sp/8713334.shtml. Internet buzzwords of 2019 http://society.people.com.cn/n1/2019/1202/c1008-31485690.html. Internet buzzwords of 2020 http://chinanews.com.cn/cul/2020/12-04/9354293.shtml. Internet buzzwords of 2021 https://www.chinanews.com.cn/cul/2021/12-08/9624872.shtml.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests

Ethical approval

This article does not contain any studies with human participants performed by any of the authors

Informed consent

This article does not contain any studies with human participants performed by any of the authors.

1

We took Ho’s (2022: 11) view that “publicly accessible internet materials do not require the post contributors’ informed consent”.

Publisher’s note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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