Internet Use and Religious Practice: The Intermediary Role of Relative Deprivation and Social Trust

Abstract

China has a unique background of “religious practice without religious belief”. As China enters the digital age, it is necessary to consider religious practices from the perspective of internet use. In this research, we used data from the 2017, 2018, and 2021 years of the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) to explore whether internet use affects Chinese religious practices. The results show that internet use significantly influences Chinese religious practices. We also constructed a parallel mediation model involving relative deprivation and social trust, demonstrating that relative deprivation positively mediates the effect of internet use on religious practices, while social trust negatively mediates this effect. Heterogeneity analysis indicates that internet use has a greater impact on religious practices in eastern and central regions, among women, and urban residents. Our research underscores the significant role of religious practices in Chinese society, profoundly influencing everyday life and challenging external perceptions of China as “faithless”.

1. Introduction

Unlike in Western societies, in China there is a phenomenon of “religious practice without religious belief”, where the main participants in religious practices are ordinary people who typically do not have formal religious beliefs (Shen 2023). This phenomenon has become more common with rapid economic and social development. Statistics show that in just July 2023, more than one million people visited Yonghe Temple, a Buddhism temple in Beijing (Tencent News 2023), while the proportion of people in China who explicitly identify as religious remains below 15% (Zhang and Lu 2020). This phenomenon indicates that religious practices in China are undergoing a complex, multi-layered evolution. One key reason is that modernization and urbanization have intensified the secularization trend in Chinese society. People participate in religious activities more for pragmatic and social reasons, and to cope with life stress and seek psychological comfort (Brown and Tierney 2009). Concerns about future uncertainties and traditional expectations of magical powers have led more Chinese people to spontaneously engage in religious practices (Shen 2023). Although many scholars have begun to focus on this trend, they have not explained the deep motivations behind Chinese religious practices. Additionally, some research focuses on the interaction between religion and politics in China (Overmyer 2003; Xie et al. 2017), failing to fully understand the impact of broader social changes, especially the influence of the internet. In this context, exploring the increase in religious practices among Chinese people and their driving factors is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of religious practices in China.

Religious practices are key ways to visualize religion, mainly manifesting in individual participation in religious ceremonies and daily devotions (Glock 1962). As a multi-religious country, China’s religious practices exhibit diversity and inclusiveness, along with a rich variety of unofficial forms (Brown and Tierney 2009). Existing research indicates that the importance of religious practices in the daily lives of Chinese people is reflected in three main aspects: Initially, religious practices can alleviate stress and enhance mental health (Jiang et al. 2018). For instance, increasing the frequency of prayers and participating in meditation activities can provide a temporary escape from daily stress, combat negative emotions like depression and anxiety, and enhance positive perceptions (Yu et al. 2023). Religious practices instill individuals with greater confidence and courage, enabling them to face life’s challenges more calmly under divine guidance and mercy (Schieman et al. 2003). Subsequently, religious practices significantly enhance the health capital of vulnerable groups. Scholars have found that higher frequencies of religious practices are associated with rural residents, women, those in poorer health, and the elderly (Rippentrop et al. 2005; Stewart et al. 2013; Zhou and Sun 2019). These practices enhance their sense of life purpose or meaning (Steger and Frazier 2005), with activities like prayer and meditation significantly boosting happiness and quality of life, even providing beneficial medical effects (Cheong et al. 2008). Lastly, religious practices promote social interactions among practitioners. For example, worship activities in Chinese folk religions, such as those devoted to Mazu (Shuo et al. 2009), not only foster emotional connections between individuals but also strengthen community cohesion and promote social harmony (Ellison and Levin 1998). Encounters at religious sites create shared social spaces and emotional networks, enhancing a sense of belonging and fostering collective memory and cultural identity (Zhang 2021). In summary, religious practices in Chinese society provide psychological and emotional support, improve individual health, and promote social interactions, thereby contributing to overall social harmony and stability.

Notably, scholars have long considered religious practices within the framework of religious beliefs (Koenig et al. 1998). However, with the secularization of religion, parts of society and culture have freed themselves from the control of religious institutions and symbols. In many Asian countries, including China, religious beliefs are loose, and there are no strict boundaries between religions, allowing religious practices in China to go beyond traditional religious beliefs. Even people without fixed religious beliefs can engage in religious practices across multiple religious sites (Leamaster and Hu 2014). Therefore, it is necessary to recognize that in China, religious practices are not limited to religious believers but also broadly impact non-believers. More importantly, it is crucial to move beyond the framework of “religious belief determines religious practice” and understand religious practice within the larger context of social change.

Digitalization has become a defining feature of the new era in China. By the end of 2022, the number of internet users in China reached 1.07 billion, with a penetration rate of 75.6% (Jiang et al. 2023). The digital age has become a significant characteristic of the current era, and the impact of internet use on religious practices is an important topic worthy of attention. Current research on the internet and religious practices mainly revolves around the functionalist paradigm, which is reflected in the following four aspects: First, internet use influences people’s perception of religious practices. The sacredness, supernatural, and invisible characteristics of religion make its “mystical power” difficult for ordinary people to grasp (Meyer et al. 2010). Digital technology provides a connection that merges personal and public, sacred and secular (Cheong et al. 2008). The internet allows people to connect with distant deities, making the perception of God more visual, enriching and making religious experiences more intuitive. This meets people’s evolving expectations and needs for religious practice (Kraner 2023), and re-enchants religious practices (St. Lawrence 2024). Scholars analyzing online religious practice communities in England found that online communities encourage more participation in religious practices and compensate for a lack of belonging (Hutchings 2011). Second, internet use diversifies the ways people engage in religious practices. As society enters the information age and internet use becomes routine, some churches have even established dedicated websites to attract people to participate in online worship activities (Kuswana and Rohendi 2022). Although the secularization hypothesis argues that the modernization process of the internet undermines religious authority in the public sphere, religion still plays an important role in private matters (Sun 2008). The internet provides more options and convenience for private religious practices, such as online divination, digital preaching, and online prayer, offering personalized ways to express emotions and relieve stress (St. Lawrence 2024). The internet is especially beneficial for those who do not wish to be publicly identified with a religion, lack nearby religious venues, or are frequent internet users, as it offers diverse religious information to meet their needs (Hutchings 2011). Third, the internet expands the scope of religious practices. With the widespread use of the internet, religious practices have begun to take digital forms, such as online rituals and virtual pilgrimages. These emerging practices not only retain the essence of traditional religious ceremonies but also incorporate the convenience and efficiency of modern technology (Alderson and Davie 2021; Village and Francis 2023). Particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic, scholars found that activities hosted by 73.8% of local churches attracted more than three times the usual number of participants (Kretzler et al. 2023). This digital trend not only provides believers with a more convenient religious experience but also broadens the possibilities for religious practice. More importantly, the prevalence of the internet breaks through geographical and temporal boundaries, promoting the discussion of religious topics in the public sphere. Whether believers or non-believers, scholars or ordinary people, everyone can understand and participate in religious practices (Kluver and Cheong 2007). In summary, increased internet use leads to a positive impact on religious practices.

Considering the complex and subtle relationship between internet use and religious practices, it is necessary to explore the underlying mechanisms. Studies indicate that religious practices in China are more related to the perception of negative emotions and stress states (Wei and Liu 2013; Wang et al. 2015). This finding suggests that we understand the impact of internet use on religious practices in Chinese society from the perspective of stress perception. According to the stress process theory, the internet can be seen as a source of stress as it significantly increases social comparison, triggering a sense of relative deprivation (Bäzner et al. 2006), and weakens social trust through the spread of misinformation and negative news (Bäzner et al. 2006). The increase in relative deprivation and the lack of social trust enhances the perception of negative stress, leading individuals to feel “out of control”. To cope with stress, individuals may engage in religious practices as a stress-coping strategy to mitigate the harmful effects of stress on mental health, believing that they can overcome difficulties by invoking sacred powers (Norris and Inglehart 2011; DeAngelis and Ellison 2017). Therefore, from the perspective of stress perception, relative deprivation and social trust are considered the internal mechanisms by which internet use affects religious practices. This study will focus on the roles of relative deprivation and social trust in the relationship between internet use and religious practices.

First, the mechanism of relative deprivation. Numerous studies have pointed out that individuals using the internet are directly exposed to others’ lives and views, with the most immediate impact being social comparison, leading to a sense of relative deprivation (Bäzner et al. 2006). Relative deprivation refers to individuals evaluating their status and situation through comparison with others. Members of disadvantaged groups often feel that their basic rights are deprived, which not only causes them to miss out on many opportunities in real life but also increases the stress that negatively impacts their psychological development (Mummendey et al. 1999). Humans have an inherent tendency to compare themselves across various dimensions (Homan and Lemmon 2015). With the widespread use of the internet, the superior and affluent upper-class lifestyle is widely disseminated, causing individuals to be frequently exposed to exaggerated information and thereby experiencing strong relative deprivation, especially those on the social margins or in positions of information asymmetry (Bäzner et al. 2006). This sense of deprivation leads them to seek spiritual satisfaction or social support through religious practices. Sauwalak Kittiprapas found that Buddhism, by emphasizing concepts such as equality of all beings and karma, inhibits unhealthy social comparisons, thereby alleviating relative deprivation and promoting a positive mindset (Kittiprapas 2015). Similarly, Christianity, by advocating “God’s love” and emphasizing the uniqueness of individuals, can buffer the negative perceptions brought by social comparison (Homan and Lemmon 2015). Through faith and religious activities, individuals can establish a more positive mindset and find a sense of belonging in religious communities, thus better adapting to and facing the social challenges of the internet age. Therefore, individuals experiencing strong relative deprivation due to the internet are more inclined to engage in religious practices to alleviate the stress caused by social comparison and relative deprivation in the internet age.

Second, the role of social trust mechanisms. Social trust is also a significant factor influencing individual religious practices in the internet era. The virtual interactions on the internet can affect individuals’ perceptions of social trust (Sabatini and Sarracino 2019). Social trust refers to the trust individuals place in strangers or the majority of people in society (Li et al. 2008). Robert Putnam recorded the sharp decline in social trust during the internet era in his book Bowling Alone (Putnam 2020). This decline is primarily due to the internet occupying time for real-world interactions, weakening community life, and reducing social trust. Additionally, the virtual world is anonymous, superficial, and transient, making irresponsible or malicious behavior more likely, leading individuals to doubt the authenticity of online interactions and fostering a sense of “exclusion” (Sabatini and Sarracino 2019). The more people feel lonely or alienated in the virtual world, the more they seek genuine social experiences. Offline religious practices can provide a trustworthy and authentic social environment. Religious practices are considered an important source of social trust (Dingemans and Van Ingen 2015), with a unique advantage in promoting social trust. Most religious ideologies and practice systems contain values about human social solidarity (Halman and Pettersson 2002). For example, Islam includes charitable giving as one of its five pillars, and the Christian Bible features the story of the Good Samaritan helping a stranger in need (Dingemans and Van Ingen 2015). Through religious practices, people can gain better real-world interactions, including person-to-person and person-to-God interactions, thus strengthening their connection to the world and resisting the pressures of the virtual world. Therefore, relative deprivation and social trust play a mediating role in the relationship between “Internet use and religious practices”.

To analyze the role and mechanisms of internet use in religious practices in China, and to provide theoretical and practical support for promoting social harmony, individual well-being, and religious pluralism, this paper uses data from the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) for the years 2017, 2018, and 2021 to examine the relationship between internet use and religious practices. A parallel mediation model is established to explore the mediating effects of relative deprivation and social trust. The three main objectives of this research are as follows:

To begin with, based on the cultural context of China’s “religious practice without religious belief”, the research considers the widespread phenomenon of religious practice in Chinese society as an entry point to explore the unique role and significance of religious practices in China.

Next, adopting a constructivist paradigm, the paper views the internet as a platform for social interaction and information construction, focusing on the psychological impacts on individuals, such as relative deprivation and social trust, and examining how these factors mediate the relationship between internet use and religious practices.

Finally, considering differences in gender, household registration, and regional disparities, the paper further conducts heterogeneity tests.

This research will help religious organizations and social policymakers better adapt to the digital age, interact more effectively with people, and provide services that meet the demands of the digital era.

2. Data and Methods

2.1. Data Source

The data used in this study come from the 2017, 2018, and 2021 Chinese General Social Survey, which is China’s earliest national, comprehensive, and continuous academic survey project. According to international standards, this survey, conducted by Renmin University of China, involves continuous cross-sectional surveys of over 10,000 households across provinces, cities, and autonomous municipalities, covering 34 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the central government, excluding Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau. The reason for selecting CGSS data from 2017, 2018, and 2021 is that CGSS, as a continuous cross-sectional survey, allows for the merging of data from these three years into panel data. This approach helps to overcome biases in regression results caused by unobservable factors, enabling a more objective and accurate assessment of the impact of internet use on religious practices. The variables used in this study mainly come from the core modules of the CGSS database. Specifically, these variables include respondents’ demographic characteristics, such as gender, age, marital status, education level, income, household registration, ethnicity, and health status. They also include respondents’ social characteristics, such as internet use frequency, religious practices, relative deprivation, and social trust. After deleting missing responses, refusals, invalid samples, and outliers, we ultimately obtained 26,966 samples. Additionally, to examine the impact of macro-social environmental factors, this study horizontally merged provincial GDP and unemployment rate data from the “China Statistical Yearbook” of the corresponding years with the CGSS data.

2.2. Measurements

This study uses respondents’ offline religious practices as the dependent variable. In the CGSS questionnaire, respondents were asked to report their frequency of participating in religious activities, such as fortune-telling, burning incense at home, and worship. The responses included “never,” “less than once a year,” “1–2 times a year,” “once a month,” “2–3 times a month,” “almost every week,” “every week,” and “several times a week”. Since the frequency of participation in religious activities is relatively low and varies little, we follow Zeng et al.‘s approach and operationalize religious practice as whether or not one participates in religious activities, with “never participated in religious activities” coded as 0 and “participated in religious activities” coded as 1 (Zeng et al. 2021).

Internet use is our main explanatory variable. In the internet use section of the questionnaire, the relevant question is “In the past year, how often did you use the internet (including mobile internet)?” The responses are measured on a Likert scale from 1 to 5, representing “never,” “rarely,” “sometimes,” “often,” and “very frequently,” respectively, with higher scores indicating a higher frequency of internet use (Wang et al. 2020) (Han and Zhao 2021).

Additionally, based on data availability and drawing from existing research, we controlled for other variables that might influence religious practices, including gender, marital status, household registration, physical health, ethnicity, income, education level, and social factors such as regional GDP and unemployment rate. For ease of analysis, we coded the relevant control variables. For gender, females were coded as 0 and males as 1. For marital status, we coded unmarried as 1, cohabiting as 2, first marriage with spouse as 3, remarried with spouse as 4, separated but not divorced as 5, and divorced or widowed as 6. Household registration was divided into agricultural and non-agricultural, with non-agricultural including resident and military registrations; we coded agricultural registration as 1 and non-agricultural registration as 0. Health status was coded from “very unhealthy” to “very healthy” corresponding to “1” to “5”. For ethnicity, Han ethnicity was coded as 1 and other ethnic minorities as 0. Income was measured by the logarithm of the respondents’ annual incomes. Education was divided into seven levels, with 0–6 representing “no education,” “private school, literacy class, and elementary school,” “junior high school, vocational high school, and regular high school,” “technical secondary school and technical school,” “junior college,” “undergraduate,” and “graduate and above,” respectively. Additionally, the GDP of the province in the statistical year and the urban unemployment rate of the province in the statistical year were also included as control variables (Guo et al. 2020).

This study uses relative deprivation and social trust as mediating variables. Relevant variables are described in the 2021, 2018, and 2017 questionnaires. For relative deprivation, we use data from CGSS2017 and refer to the method proposed by Cui’s research, measuring respondents’ relative deprivation with the item “Overall, what is your socioeconomic status in the current society?” Specifically, “upper class” is coded as 1, indicating the lowest relative deprivation, and “lower class” is coded as 5, indicating the highest relative deprivation (Liu et al. 2022). Higher scores indicate stronger relative deprivation. Social trust is measured by summing the response options to the questions “Generally speaking, do you think most people can be trusted?” and “If you are not careful, will others take advantage of you?” with 1 = strongly disagree and 5 = strongly agree. Higher scores indicate higher levels of social trust (Xu et al. 2023).

2.3. Data Analysis Strategy

The primary objective of this study is to explore the impact of internet use on offline religious practices and its underlying mechanisms. Based on this research aim, we first report the summary statistics of the sample and provide descriptive analyses of the variables. Secondly, we investigate the causal relationship between internet use and religious practices through baseline regression analysis, obtaining the impact coefficient of internet use on religious practices. Thirdly, to further clarify the pathways through which internet use affects religious practices, we conduct a mediation analysis, confirming that internet use influences religious practices by enhancing relative deprivation and reducing social trust. Finally, we examine the differentiated effects of internet use on religious practices across different age groups and regions. Data analysis for this study was performed using Stata 16.0.

3. Results

In this section, we present the results of the data analysis, including descriptive analysis, benchmark regression results, mediation effect analysis, and consistency analysis.

3.1. Results of Description Analysis

Table 1 presents the distribution of all variables used in this study. As shown in Table 1, the distribution of religious practices indicates low engagement among respondents (M = 0.022), with 663 respondents reporting involvement in religious activities, accounting for 2.2% of the total sample, suggesting limited participation in offline religious practices in Chinese society. Additionally, respondents exhibit high internet use (M = 3.018), indicating the internet’s significant role in daily life and its potential influence on individual behavior. Furthermore, the sample comprises 49.9% males and 50.1% females, with 50.4% from agricultural hukou¹ and 49.6% from non-agricultural hukou. Only 5.9% of respondents belong to ethnic minorities, with over 90% being Han Chinese. Regarding health assessments, respondents generally reported good health (M = 3.546), while educational attainment is relatively low (M = 2.219), with 71.6% having only moderate or lower levels of education, and 20.2% holding a bachelor’s degree or higher. Moreover, survey results indicate that 78.1% of respondents are partnered.

3.2. Benchmark Regression

Based on descriptive analysis of the relevant variables, we used panel data from the CGSS three-year dataset to test the causal relationship between internet use and religious practices. Table 2 presents the benchmark regression results from the panel data analysis. We progressively added control variables and controlled for year and region effects to observe model fit. Model 1 shows that without including any other variables or fixed year and region effects, when regressing only internet use and offline religious practices, internet use significantly positively influences religious practices (p < 0.001), with a coefficient of 0.011.

Building on Model 1, Model 2 includes gender, marital status, household registration, health status, ethnicity, income, education level, regional GDP, and unemployment rate as control variables, without fixed year and region effects. Model 2, a random effects model, also demonstrates a significant positive impact of internet use on individual religious practices (p < 0.001), with a coefficient of 0.010. Considering potential influences of time and region on the causal relationship, Model 3 employs a two-way fixed effects model, controlling for year and region effects. Here, mobile internet use continues to significantly positively influence religious practices, with minimal change in the regression coefficient (p < 0.01). Specifically, each unit increase in internet use frequency is associated with a 0.010 increase in religious practice scores, indicating that internet use can effectively promote religious practices. Across Models 1 to 3, there is a gradual improvement in model fit, demonstrating the validity of our control variables and the scientific selection of the model.

3.3. Mechanism Analysis

In our previous analysis, we confirmed the significant positive impact of internet use on religious practices. To further understand this relationship, we explored the potential mechanisms and pathways through which internet use influences offline religious practices. Specifically, this study constructed a parallel mediation model (as shown in Figure 1): The first pathway is that internet use influences religious practice by affecting relative deprivation. The second pathway is that internet use influences religious practice by affecting social trust. As depicted in Figure 1, in the first path, internet use significantly increases individuals’ sense of deprivation (β = 0.156, p < 0.001). That is, individuals who use the internet more frequently perceive greater relative deprivation, which in turn positively predicts their offline religious practices (β = 0.002, p < 0.001). Thus, internet use enhances religious practices by increasing individuals’ sense of relative deprivation. In the second path, internet use has a significant negative impact on social trust (β = −0.143, p < 0.001). For every unit increase in internet use frequency, social trust decreases by 0.143 points. Additionally, there is a significant negative relationship between social trust levels and religious practices (β = −0.002, p < 0.001). With decreasing levels of social trust, offline religious practices tend to increase, suggesting that internet use may enhance religious practices by reducing social trust. Additionally, we employed the deviation correction percentile bootstrap method to test the mediating effects. Results indicate that after controlling for other variables, the confidence intervals for the mediating effects of deprivation and social trust do not include zero, indicating significant mediating effects. Thus, internet use partially mediates the relationship between internet use and religious practices.

3.4. The Results of Heterogeneity

In this section, we conducted further heterogeneous analysis to examine how internet use influences religious practices differently across various demographic groups. Specifically, we investigated the effects in different regions, genders, and household registration groups.

From a regional perspective, due to China’s vast territory and cultural diversity among regions, we categorized our samples into three regions—eastern, central, and western—based on previous research. We aimed to explore regional differences in the impact of internet use on offline religious practices (As shown in Table 3). Regression results indicate a significant positive effect of internet use on offline religious practices in both the eastern and central regions. Specifically, the effect in the eastern region is about twice that of the central region, with regression coefficients of 0.015 and 0.008, respectively, both statistically significant at p < 0.001. However, there is no significant impact observed in the western region. This pattern may be attributed to varying levels of development and cultural differences between regions. Compared to the western region, the eastern region typically exhibits higher levels of social development, including advancements in economy and technology, which likely lead to more widespread internet use and a more pronounced effect on religious practices. Additionally, the eastern region has often served as a pioneer in China’s economic development, undergoing rapid urbanization, which may increase competition and individual pressures, thereby prompting a greater inclination towards seeking spiritual support through religious practices. Conversely, the central region’s development falls between that of the eastern and western regions, resulting in a relatively lower predictive effect of internet use on religious practices. The western region’s relative developmental lag may diminish the discernible influence of the internet on religious practices.

From the perspective of gender differences, we find that women are more susceptible to the influence of the internet in engaging in religious practices (as shown in Table 4), with a regression coefficient of 0.018 (p < 0.001), consistent with previous research (Stewart et al. 2013). This may be understood through two aspects: internet use habits and cognitive behavioral patterns. Existing data suggest that women are more likely to be influenced by social networks and group dynamics (Wolf 2000). They use the internet to access information related to religion, organize offline religious activities, and engage in social interactions with other believers, thus providing them more opportunities for offline religious practices. Secondly, in terms of cognitive behavioral patterns, women may prioritize socializing, sharing religious experiences, and establishing connections within religious communities when addressing spiritual needs (Traversa 2012). The internet provides them a convenient means to seek spiritual support online and translate it into active participation in offline religious practices. In contrast, men may prefer maintaining relative privacy in their religious practices and show relatively lower reliance on the internet. Overall, these factors collectively result in a greater impact of the internet on offline religious practices among women compared to men. This discovery of gender differences contributes to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the internet and offline religious practices, offering valuable references for further research.

Considering China’s persistent urban–rural dichotomy, residents in cities and rural areas exhibit significant disparities in socioeconomic development, lifestyles, and social values (Zhang et al. 2019). Therefore, we grouped our samples by household registration status and found that the impact of the internet is more pronounced among urban residents (as shown in Table 5). For each unit increase in internet use intensity, religious practice intensity increases by 1.8%. However, this effect is less evident among rural residents. This finding contrasts with previous studies (Stewart et al. 2013; Zhou and Sun 2019), which generally suggest that individuals are more likely to seek supernatural forces when feeling out of control (Norris and Inglehart 2011), and rural areas, often plagued by poverty, tend to see more prevalent religious adherence and activities. However, considering motivations for religious engagement in urban and rural areas, the situation becomes clearer. In urban areas, individuals often use religion to enhance happiness by acquiring stress coping skills (Chen and Williams 2016). Conversely, in rural areas, religious conversion primarily stems from family members’ serious illnesses, as residents seek alternative treatments involving social or psychological support through religious activities (Zhou and Sun 2019). Clearly, urban residents are more susceptible to internet influences and face greater psychological pressures, thus preferring offline religious practices for spiritual redemption compared to their rural counterparts.

4. Discussion

For a long time, Western studies of Chinese religion have been influenced by a biased view of modern China as “faithless,” which skews understanding of Chinese religiousness. Despite China being officially atheistic under Communist Party rule, respecting and protecting the freedom of religious belief has been a long-standing basic policy of the Chinese government. The 1954 Constitution guarantees Chinese citizens the freedom of religious belief. The 1982 Constitution reaffirmed this commitment. Chinese religiosity is underestimated due to complex cultural and institutional influences. Fewer people identify with organized religions under the socialist system and traditional Confucian culture. However, this does not mean religion is unimportant in China. Religious practices like worshiping at religious sites or attending church services are part of daily life, showing a significant religious dimension. Chinese belief systems are actually inclusive and interconnected; the notion of “faithlessness” more accurately reflects non-participation in institutionalized religions rather than absence of actual religious practices (Zhang and Lu 2018) Especially in the past few decades, there has been a religious awakening in China (Wei and Liu 2013; Ying et al. 2017). More and more Chinese people are recognizing that sacred-oriented religious practices seem to possess a unique ability to provide ultimate meaning, order, and security in the face of life’s challenges and emotional pressures (Pargament et al. 2005), helping them regain control over their lives. Religious practices offer individuals a framework beyond the material world, guiding them beyond momentary setbacks in pursuit of deeper peace and tranquility. These insights not only reveal the true face of religion in China but also underscore its significant role in providing individuals with spiritual solace and effective tools for coping with life.

In practice, more Chinese people are visiting religious sites for offline religious activities, creating a popular trend known as “temple tourism”. This resurgence indicates a return to traditional beliefs in Chinese society and a quest for spiritual peace and meaning. This study focuses on offline religious practices as predictors using CGSS data. Additionally, the internet plays a positive role in facilitating these practices by connecting people to religious resources and spreading faith (Alderson and Davie 2021; Kuswana and Rohendi 2022; Village and Francis 2023). However, the existing literature often overlooks other impacts of the internet as an information medium. Despite findings that the internet can increase individual stress perception and a sense of deprivation, and decrease social trust (Mummendey et al. 1999), few scholars have explored how “internet-induced stress leads individuals to seek spiritual relief,” a key factor in understanding the growing trend of individual religious practices in China. This paper, grounded in stress process theory, examines internet use and religious practices in China, considering the mediating roles of relative deprivation and social trust.

Firstly, we found that internet use positively predicts individual religious practices—the more frequently someone uses the internet, the more likely they are to engage in religious activities. In the context of the digital era, technologies like the internet can to some extent promote religious development. The accessibility of internet technology allows most of the Chinese public to engage in socializing, entertainment, and information retrieval. The widespread availability of the internet enables the public to learn about various religious practices and forms of participation through multiple channels, thereby increasing the likelihood of public engagement in religious practices. On the other hand, the rapid evolution of digital technology enhances information convenience and accessibility but also inundates internet users with a vast amount of unfiltered information. Individuals may experience negative emotions such as self-doubt, anxiety, and stress when confronted with conflicting information that challenges their cognitive expectations. When individuals realize these issues cannot be resolved through conventional means, they may turn to religious practices.

We explored how internet use affects religious practices by uncovering its mechanisms. We found that feelings of relative deprivation and social trust mediate the relationship between internet use and religious practices. Specifically, internet use increases individuals’ feelings of relative deprivation, and those with higher levels are more likely to engage in religious practices. Simultaneously, internet use significantly reduces individuals’ social trust, which in turn increases the likelihood of engaging in religious practices. These mediation effects can be explained using stress process theory. Regarding relative deprivation, the internet breaks down barriers of time and space, expanding individuals’ information access and awareness of social disparities. Habitual upward social comparisons lead to a strong sense of relative deprivation, prompting individuals to turn to religious practices to seek validation of social equality and fairness, thus reducing cognitive dissonance. Concepts such as “equality of all beings” in various religious doctrines resonate with these needs, encouraging individuals to engage in religious practices. As for social trust, internet use weakens face-to-face interactions, diminishing individuals’ trust perceptions. Despite expanding online interaction spaces, these often involve weaker relationships that fail to compensate for the trust lost in real-life interactions. Furthermore, the internet hosts various falsehoods and malicious rumors that further erode social trust. When social trust needs remain unmet in society, individuals may turn to religious practices to alleviate the stress caused by trust deficits and rebuild social trust through religious engagement.

To gain a deeper understanding of the impact of internet use on religious practices, we conducted a heterogeneity analysis to uncover variations across different regions, genders, and household registrations. We found that at the regional level, internet use significantly enhances religious practices in the eastern and central regions, with the effect in the eastern region being twice that in the central region, while no significant effect was observed in the western region. Regarding gender, internet use positively influences religious practices only among women, with no significant impact observed among men. At the household registration level, internet use significantly promotes religious practices among urban residents, whereas this effect is not significant among rural residents. These findings indicate that religious practices in Chinese society are evolving with the times, contrary to the past belief that rural areas were more likely to engage in religious activities. This shift underscores the increasing influence of digital technologies like the internet on religious practices in a digitized society, necessitating greater attention to individual motivations and future directions of religion in new social contexts.

Based on our research findings, we believe two points merit further consideration. Firstly, the development and role of religious practices in the digital society. Our study reveals that internet use can positively impact religious practices, and technological advancements offer new possibilities for religious development. Consequently, religious practices need to respond to technological advancements to sustain healthy growth in the digital age. Moreover, individuals turn to religion when their real-life needs are unmet, highlighting its role in alleviating feelings of deprivation and rebuilding societal trust. Secondly, public mental health in the digital age is equally concerning. Issues like increased feelings of deprivation and decreased social trust due to internet use can adversely affect socio-economic development and public well-being. While technology boosts productivity, its negative effects must also be addressed. China’s fast-paced society, characterized by digital work environments, intense work rhythms like “996,” and prevalent internet culture, places individuals under prolonged stress. Addressing these challenges requires not only religious practices but also concerted efforts from government and societal institutions to meet public psychological needs and foster a supportive social environment.

This study provides a valuable supplement to existing religious research, demonstrating some innovation and practical significance. However, it inevitably has some limitations. To start with, due to data constraints, we measured the dependent variable as whether religious practice occurs, without distinguishing between different types or frequencies of religious practice. Additionally, at the subject level, this study analyzes the impact of internet use on the religious practices of all respondents, with a broad focus that lacks investigation into the religious practices of specific groups like Muslims and Christians. Moreover, religion is inherently complex; beyond religious practice, issues such as religious identity and religious affiliation in Chinese society are unique. While our research indicates that internet use positively influences religious practices, it does not necessarily affect individuals’ beliefs, as believers are more influenced by the prism of sacred texts than external factors², which requires further exploration by other scholars. Future research should address these limitations and delve deeper into religious issues in China.

5. Conclusions

This study explores the causal relationship between internet use and religious practice in the context of a digital society. Empirical analysis indicates that internet use positively influences religious practice through two main pathways. Firstly, internet use increases the likelihood of religious practice by enhancing individuals’ sense of relative deprivation. Secondly, it increases the likelihood of religious practice by reducing social trust. In other words, the social psychological needs triggered by internet use are the intrinsic mechanisms driving individuals to seek religious practice. Additionally, our heterogeneity analysis reveals that the impact of internet use on offline religious practice varies across different groups. Specifically, internet use has a positive impact on religious practice in the central and eastern regions, among women, and among urban residents. This paper helps us understand new factors influencing religious practice in the digital age, namely internet use, and elucidates the different mechanisms of relative deprivation and social trust in this process. More importantly, we discuss the social psychological issues faced by the public in a digital society and the role of religion in addressing them, highlighting the need to focus on public mental health and adopt various strategies to cope with negative emotions in a fast-paced society.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, Y.D. and Z.P.; methodology, Y.D.; software, Y.D.; validation, Y.D. and B.Z.; formal analysis, Y.D. and B.Z.; visualization, Y.D.; supervision, Z.P; writing—original draft preparation, Y.D. and B.Z.; writing—review and editing, Z.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

Data will be made available on request.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge the CGSS data project.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Footnotes

Notes

1. Hukou is the household registration system in China, which categorizes people into agricultural and urban households based on their birthplace, with agricultural households being based in rural areas and non-agricultural households denoting urban status.

2. For instance, in Christianity, the Bible emphasizes the resilience of faith against external influences. Romans 12:2 states “Do not conform to the pattern of this world but be transformed by the renewing of your mind. Then you will be able to test and approve what God’s will is—his good, pleasing and perfect will” (NIV). Additionally, Matthew 24:35 declares “Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words will never pass away” (NIV), underscoring the enduring nature of divine words. Hebrews 11:1 further supports this idea by stating “Now faith is confidence in what we hope for and assurance about what we do not see” (NIV). Similarly, in Islam, the Quran highlights the inner strength of faith. Surah Al-Imran 3:8 appeals to divine guidance, “Our Lord, do not let our hearts deviate after You have guided us, and grant us from Yourself mercy” (Sahih International). Furthermore, Surah Al-Ankabut 29:69 asserts “And those who strive for Us—We will surely guide them to Our ways. And indeed, Allah is with the doers of good” (Sahih International). These scriptures suggest that true religious belief is resilient to external influences, including internet use. Future research should address these limitations and delve deeper into religious issues in China, considering the distinct nature of religious belief and practice among different religious groups and the varied influences of internet use on them.

Footnotes

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Figure and Tables

Figure 1. Parallel mediation model *** p < 0.01.

Table 1

The results of summary statistics.

Variable	N	Mean	Min	Max	SD
religious practice	30,577	0.0220	0	1	0.146
iu	30,577	3.018	1	5	1.493
gender	30,577	0.469	0	1	0.499
marriage	30,577	3.171	1	6	1.212
hukou	30,577	0.496	0	1	0.500
health	30,577	3.546	1	5	1.031
nationality	30,577	0.941	0	1	0.236
income	30,577	8.535	0	16.12	3.835
edu	30,577	2.219	0	6	1.420
gdp	30,577	10.29	7.810	11.67	0.658
unemployment	30,577	3.130	1.400	4.330	0.644

Table 2

Benchmark regression analysis results.

	(1)	(2)	(3)
	Religious_Practice	Religious_Practice	Religious_Practice
iu	0.011 ***	0.010 ***	0.010 ***
	(0.000)	(0.000)	(0.000)
gender		−0.023 ***	−0.023 ***
		(0.000)	(0.000)
marriage		0.000	0.000
		(0.951)	(0.668)
hukou		−0.019 ***	−0.018 ***
		(0.000)	(0.000)
health		−0.005 ***	−0.005 ***
		(0.000)	(0.000)
nationality		−0.026 ***	−0.025 ***
		(0.000)	(0.000)
income		0.001 ***	0.001 ***
		(0.000)	(0.000)
edu		0.001	0.001
		(0.267)	(0.193)
gdp		0.011 ***	0.016
		(0.000)	(0.700)
unemployment		−0.004 ***	−0.003
		(0.003)	(0.302)
Year Effect	No	No	Yes
Region Effect	No	No	Yes
_cons	−0.011 ***	−0.053 ***	−0.113
	(0.000)	(0.001)	(0.794)
N	30,577	30,577	30,577
adj. R2	0.0124	0.0281	0.0404

*** p < 0.01.

Table 3

The results of region heterogeneity.

	East	Middle	West
	Religious_Practice	Religious_Practice	Religious_Practice
iu	0.015 ***	0.008 ***	0.002
	(0.000)	(0.000)	(0.142)
gender	−0.044 ***	−0.010 ***	−0.003
	(0.000)	(0.000)	(0.357)
marriage	0.002	−0.001	−0.001
	(0.232)	(0.502)	(0.477)
hukou	−0.024 ***	−0.019 ***	−0.006 *
	(0.000)	(0.000)	(0.055)
health	−0.007 ***	−0.004 ***	−0.000
	(0.000)	(0.004)	(0.991)
nationality	−0.023 ***	−0.025 ***	−0.018 ***
	(0.002)	(0.000)	(0.007)
income	0.002 ***	−0.000	0.000
	(0.000)	(0.751)	(0.236)
edu	0.003 **	−0.001	0.000
	(0.044)	(0.222)	(0.718)
gdp	0.287 ***	−0.086 *	0.118
	(0.006)	(0.068)	(0.502)
unemployment	0.000	−0.012 **	−0.003
	(0.985)	(0.010)	(0.691)
Year Effect	Yes	Yes	Yes
Region Effect	Yes	Yes	Yes
_cons	−3.036 ***	0.972 **	−1.137
	(0.007)	(0.047)	(0.517)
N	12,526	9746	5411
adj. R2	0.0559	0.0231	0.0170

*** p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05; * p < 0.1.

Table 4

Results of gender heterogeneity analysis.

	Male	Female
	Religious_Practice	Religious_Practice
iu	0.000	0.018 ***
	(0.706)	(0.000)
hukou	−0.002	−0.033 ***
	(0.275)	(0.000)
health	−0.002 *	−0.008 ***
	(0.054)	(0.000)
nationality	−0.019 ***	−0.031 ***
	(0.000)	(0.000)
income	0.001 **	0.001 *
	(0.018)	(0.088)
edu	0.001	0.000
	(0.161)	(0.845)
gdp	0.078 *	−0.040
	(0.060)	(0.562)
unemployment	−0.005 *	−0.003
	(0.055)	(0.458)
Year Effect	Yes	Yes
Region Effect	Yes	Yes
_cons	−0.762 *	0.472
adj. R2	(0.076)	(0.513)

*** p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05; * p < 0.1.

Table 5

Results of domicile heterogeneity analysis.

	Urban	Rural
	Religious_Practice	Religious_Practice
iu	0.018 ***	0.001
	(0.000)	(0.218)
gender	−0.042 ***	−0.002
	(0.000)	(0.194)
marriage	−0.001	0.001
	(0.273)	(0.344)
health	−0.008 ***	−0.000
	(0.000)	(0.578)
nationality	−0.046 ***	−0.013 ***
	(0.000)	(0.001)
income	0.002 ***	0.000
	(0.000)	(0.635)
edu	0.001	−0.000
	(0.434)	(0.911)
gdp	−0.006	0.022
	(0.937)	(0.561)
unemployment	−0.002	−0.005 *
	(0.680)	(0.054)
Year Effect	Yes	Yes
Region Effect	Yes	Yes
_cons	0.126	−0.189
	(0.878)	(0.628)
N	15,416	15,161
adj. R2	0.0590	0.0125

* p < 0.1, *** p < 0.01.

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