Introduction
The unique social reality of the Indian transgender community necessitates a distinct position compared to its Western counterparts. Their journey of trans-becoming encompasses various cultural complexities unfamiliar to transgender individuals in other societies. According to Hayward (2010), trans-becoming is defined as “an emergence of a material, psychical, sensual, and social self through corporeal, spatial, and temporal processes that trans-form the lived body” (p. 226). This goes beyond physical transformation, involving the multifaceted and intricate metamorphosis of the self.
The stance of Indian state policies on transgender citizens has undergone significant change over the years. Under the current right-wing administration, the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights Bill) 2016 was passed. Despite being viewed as a progressive move, the government has taken a conflicting position regarding the rights of the transgender community. In a submission to the Supreme Court of India, the additional solicitor general argued against recognising sexual orientation as a fundamental right, expressing concerns about potential implications such as “incest, bestiality, and sadomasochism” (Bhattacharya, 2019, p. 6). Furthermore, the government opposed allowing the marriage of transgender individuals under the Hindu Marriage Act or Special Marriage Act of India. Despite inviting feedback from the community on the bill, none of their inputs were included in the final version of the bill. The 2018 bill rejected the concept of self-identification for transgender individuals, requiring them to obtain gender identity certificates from the district magistrate to be legally recognised as transgender (Bhattacharya, 2019, p. 6). These complexities continue to create tension between the transgender community and Indian state policies, which outwardly claim support but fail to implement substantial legislative reforms. Such delays in the implementation of transgender protection policies have adversely encouraged the transphobic section of Indian society to publicly target community members in all social spaces. Thus, its implementation directly affects transgender’s involvement in social spaces as equal citizens of the country. In such a transphobic social setup, the role of media in shifting the trans-discourse of the country is crucial.
Media exert a substantial influence on shaping social realities. Indian perceptions of transgender identity are significantly impacted by media representations, aiding the establishment of a visual understanding of trans-identity. Despite traditional scriptures offering respectful social standing, media portrayals have distorted these images. For a considerable duration, Indian cinema primarily featured binary characters. As the political landscape evolved, filmmakers began experimenting with transgender roles, but this often reflected their biases. Transgender characters are frequently depicted as villains or comic figures, failing to explore the depth of their character types, consequently marginalising the community (Bhattacharya, 2024).
The Hindi film industry has predominantly depicted transgenders in a negative light, contributing to the problematic and negative stereotyping of the third gender in India (Gilder, 2022). Cis-stereotyping of trans characters, portraying them in sarees and heavy makeup while clapping for money, has been a constant image witnessed in mainstream Indian cinema since the 1900s. Comic sequences often involve ridiculing transgender individuals, thus offering great entertainment value in Hindi films. For instance, in Indra Kumar’s Masti (2004), the character played by Ritesh Deshmukh immediately rinsed his mouth upon realising that he kissed a transwoman (Biradar, 2023). However, in Tanuja Chandra’s Sangharsh (1999), the trans character Lajja Shankar Pandey was portrayed as a Kali worshipper who abducted children to sacrifice them at the altar. Similarly, Maharani’s trans character in Mahesh Dutt’s Sadak (1991) was presented as a violent brothel owner who trafficked young women (The Cake, 2016).
In contrast to Hindi films, recent South Indian films present real-time depictions of trans characters, with filmmakers exploring their inner conflicts and striving to portray them realistically to audiences. Notable examples of such films include Thiagarajan Kumararaja’s Super Delux (2019), Ranjith Sankar’s Njan Marykutty (2018), and Sudha Kongara et al. ‘s Paava Kadhaikal (2020), who endeavoured to capture the inner struggles, pains, and sufferings of trans-lead characters (Gilder, 2022). Recently, the Hindi film industry has been shifting from such stereotypical trans representations, which is reflected in films such as Sandeep Singh’s Safed (2023) and Abhishek Kapoor’s Chandigarh Kare Aashiqui (2021), where the directors have attempted to portray some serious trans issues for the mainstream audience. However, these films faced criticism for casting cisgender actors into trans roles instead of trans individuals, raising questions about tokenism rather than genuine representation. Cisgender actors have been accused of occupying spaces that can be filled by transgender individuals, who are often not given similar opportunities.
Fig. 1 [Images not available. See PDF.]
Rudra in hospital bed (Ghosh, 2012, 00:09:54).
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Mala talking to Rudra (Ghosh, 2012,00:59:29).
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Puti confronting Madhu (Ganguly, 2019,00:50:56).
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Madhu talking to Puti (Ganguly, 2019, 1:26:52).
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Madhu asks Puti to always come dressed up (Ganguly, 2019, 00:22:28).
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Puti asks Madhu if he really loves her (Ganguly, 2019, 00:56:38).
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Partho breaking up with Rudra (Ghosh, 2012, 1:37:59).
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Rudra explains how to act as Chitrangada (Ghosh, 2012, 00:08:52).
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Rudra’s sad parents (Ghosh, 2012,1:20:20).
Fig. 10 [Images not available. See PDF.]
Madhu asking Puti to not clap in public (Ganguly, 2019, 00:11:52).
Films have a profound influence on shaping audiences’ perspectives. The stereotyping and negative portrayal of trans characters in cinema contribute to ‘real-world transphobia’, maintaining the filmmakers’ heteronormative worldviews (Flew, 2021). These portrayals often depict trans characters as being mad, reflecting a normalised understanding of gender binary deviations as madness (Urquhart, 2019). Despite the decriminalisation of same-sex love in 2018 and the acceptance of transgender individuals as a third gender in 2014, strong aversion and discrimination towards them persist in Indian society.
Former Miss India and Miss Universe runner-up Celina Jaitley has emphasised the importance of involving members of the trans community in the creation of films about their experiences. She suggests that filmmakers should aim not only to entertain but also to establish an emotional connection between the audience and trans characters, thus providing valuable insights (Kumar, 2024). She asserts, “Cinema like literature is the reflection of society and not only does it influence society but has a great impact on successive generations” (Kumar, 2024). Negative portrayals in films can profoundly affect job opportunities, education, healthcare accessibility, and the right to live a normal life for transgender individuals (Shageel, 2020).
Recent studies have primarily focused on the representation of trans characters in Hindi films. While regional cinemas have addressed the issue more prominently with detailed trans characterisations, the existing literature often focuses on the study of popular Hindi films. Bengali films have consistently contributed to exceptional cinematic experiences and performances, showcasing emotionally gripping characterisations. Notably, some of the most noteworthy Indian transgender films originated from the Bengali film industry, with Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012) and Ganguly’s Nagarkirtan (2019) serving as significant examples. The two selected regional films depict the journeys of individuals who aspire to transition and become women. Ghosh’s Chitrangada presents autobiographical instances of the life of the protagonist Rudra Chatterji, who openly exhibits hirs Queer persona for society and hirs family to perceive. Hirs birth into an upper-middle-class Bengali family provides hir with a secure social position. Ze shares a subtle relationship with hirs parents, who are not content with hirs way of living, but tolerate it nonetheless. The film captures Rudra’s inner turmoil escalated by hirs relationship with Partho, a percussionist in hirs group. The movie eloquently portrays the highs and lows that Rudra experiences when ze decides to transition, and become a woman for the man ze loves. The film concludes by posing numerous unanswered hypothetical questions regarding the definitions of women, men, and gender.
Conversely, Ganguly’s Nagar Kirtan (2019) narrates the tragic love story of a transwoman and cis-man, culminating in a highly emotionally disturbing climax. The director artistically presents the agony of a young boy who despises his body and runs away to join other hijras. The film depicts the classic narrative of the hijras’ begging and helplessness. This subtly represents Puti, the transwoman who falls in love with Madhu, the flute player who comes to live in her house. The film’s dramatic progression reflects society’s insistence on heteronormativity and the physical and mental pain Puti endures as a victim. Every interaction captured in the film contributes to the tragic climax of Puti’s life, which is a social reality for many transwomen in our country.
By analysing these regional films, we can uncover the nuances of transgender films that have long been overlooked. This research aims to analyse the two films to reveal the journey of the trans-becoming of protagonists from an interactionist perspective. It further delves into the Indian cultural discourse portrayed in films to understand their influence on the formation of the two trans identities. Finally, this paper aims to compare and contrast the two distinct transnarratives to analyse how the interactionist perspective operates within the complex Indian social context. The findings suggest that the development of trans identity involves complex processes influenced by social interactions, where conflicts between one’s generalised self and instinctual self arise due to sexual digression. Additionally, this study indicates that the sexual scripting of trans individuals is influenced by various factors, including class, culture, financial status, and social position, making it challenging to conform to the binary gender script of a normalised society. This qualitative research utilises the Interactionist theory of gender identity, the theory of the Looking-Glass Self and the theory of Sexual Scripting to analyse the two Bengali-Indian films.
Review of literature
Recent research has focused on the portrayal of transgender characters in Indian films. Various researchers have delved into different aspects of film representations to shed light on the gender politics within them. For instance, Amrita Das and Sreena K (2023) examined the portrayal of love and affection in Indian trans films and how this portrayal has evolved over time. Meanwhile, Hiya Chatterjee (2021) took a closer look at four regional Indian cinemas to track the changes in trans representations within these specific contexts. Rukhsar Hussain (2021) focused on the themes of adoption and motherhood of hijras in select Indian films, such as Darmiyaan and Tamanna, and highlighted how these films challenge the traditional concept of motherhood. Parveen Banu and Shapna Yasmin (2020) traced the historical portrayal of trans characters in Indian cinema, emphasizing the heteronormative prejudice of Indian society reflected in earlier films. Additionally, Zaem Yasin et al. (2020) examined the stereotypical representation of trans characters in Indian films and the disappointment expressed by interviewed transgenders regarding the propagation of transphobic images in these films.
Among regional films, Ganguly’s Nagarkirtan (2019) and Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012), two critically acclaimed Bengali-Indian films, have opened new discussions regarding regional cinematic trans-representation in India. Kumari Ruchi and Smita Jha (2023) focused on the concepts of body, desire, and sexual identity with reference to the Bengali film, Nagarkirtan. Arup Kumar Bag (2021) conducted a comparative analysis of Pamela Rook’s Dance like a Man (2004) and Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012), detailing the performativity and nature of the self in these works. Diganta Kumar Gogoi (2020) examined the representation of third gender in Indian films with reference to Ghosh’s Chitrangada (2012), and argued that recent Indian films are portraying trans characters in a more positive light.
Furthermore, Sheenjini Ghosh (2020) offered a detailed analysis of trans character development from Mahabharata to Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012), emphasizing the politics of cinematic representations of trans characters and the limited exploration of regional films in comparison to mainstream Hindi films. Regional films have captured the potential to present trans-lives among mainstream audiences. Hindi films continue to struggle to rightly present the stories of marginalized in mainstream films due to several restricting factors, such as production bias and audience expectations. However, regional films break such barriers and successfully address trans issues through the medium of cinema. These regional films also incorporate the flavour of topography, which transforms them into unique representations of trans experiences. Bengali films stand out in the most raw portrayals of emotions and social issues. Bengali-trans films are no exception to this. This academic analysis highlights the significance of these studies in understanding the critical nuances of trans representations in Indian cinema and the need for further exploration of various perspectives beyond binary gender theories. There is scope to further explore the interactionist perspective of trans-becoming portrayed through these visual representations, which can potentially address several unacknowledged trans-intricacies.
Theoretical framework
Social interaction plays a significant role in the process of trans-becoming. These interactions have the potential to influence and manipulate individuals’ understanding of their selves as well as others. It is a two-way process where one gets influenced as well as influences the other. This concept has been addressed in detail through the sociological theory of Symbolic Interactionism. The initial discussions regarding Interactionism are found in the lectures of George Herbert Mead, but it was Herbert Blumer, an ardent follower of Mead who further developed the theory and gave the title Symbolic Interactionism. Delve (n.d.) notes that, according to this theory, the meanings individuals give to situations, people and objects are formed through social interactions. Thus, the society in which we live is built on the meaning that individuals derive from multiple interactions.
This theoretical framework encourages us to see social interactions as not just passive reactions but as an active interactive session that culminates in such responses (Structural Learning, n.d.). Main (n.d.) points out that Mead believed in language and symbols effectively operating to mould human behaviour. The interpretation of these symbols provides us with meanings that may differ from one interaction to another. Therefore, as these symbols change, their interpretations of various contexts also differ. This is how meaning subjectively differs from person to person. Carter and Fuller (2015) simplified this concept and explained that this sociological theory offers a micro-level understanding of the formation of society by means of recurring human interactions. Blumer expanded this theory to three premises. The first premise states that individuals act towards people, things, or situations based on their assigned meaning. The second premise goes further, stating that individual’s form these meanings through their social interactions with fellow beings. Finally, the third premise claims that these meanings are not static, but undergo modification and interpretation through continuous interactive sessions. (1969, p.2) This theory rejects the innate origin of meanings but emphasizes that it is through several interactions, that such meanings are formed.
Based on this theory, Charles Cooley, an American Sociologist, developed the theory of the Looking-Glass Self in 1969. Nickerson noted that Cooley developed the theory of the Looking-Glass Self, which states that an individual’s self or social identity is formed by how they are perceived by others (2023a). Cooley explored the social and mental phases of the human mind, saying, “the mental processes occurring in the human mind are the direct result of social interaction”(Nickerson, 2023b, para.15). The core concept highlighted through this theory is that an individual’s understanding of their self is not a personal process but a reflection of how people around them view and interact with them. Therefore, the role of interaction in the positive or negative development of an individual’s self is crucial. In the case of trans-individuals, external validation is vital for them to mentally accomplish the long process of trans-becoming.
The role of social interaction in the construction of meanings strengthens the argument that gender is not innate but rather a performance. This opens the conversation to the concept of ‘doing gender’. Candance West and Don H Zimmerman discuss the act of ‘doing gender’ and how it actively operates in developing the perceiver’s understanding of an individual’s gender. Understanding gender performance as ‘doing’ leads us to focus on the internal factors that shape it. West and Zimmer (1987) highlight the performative role of gender, which is two-way, where one acts according to how one wants to present their gender as well as respond to others’ projection of their gender. Biological determinism presupposes that gender roles are fixed for the two biological sexes and that individuals naturally respond to these differences. However, West and Zimmerman counter this approach and write, “gender is not a set of traits, nor a variable, nor a role, but the product of social doings of some sort” (1987, p.129).
This argument offers a new perspective to view different social situations as an end product of earlier and continuing communication. This study analyzes the process of trans-becoming through the theoretical lens of Symbolic Interactionism to comprehend it from a micro-level approach. The cinematic representation of two distinct trans narratives is analysed to see how the Indian trans self delves into such a context. First, the paper analyzes Mead’s concept of ‘I’ and ‘me’ and how symbolic interaction in the above-mentioned films develops the concept of self-indication. Second, the paper examines the two movies within the context of Charles Horton Cooley’s Looking-Glass Self to comprehend how the two protagonists construct their understanding of the self from other people’s perspectives. Finally, the paper looks into the concept of sexual scripting, to decode how the two protagonists ‘do’ their trans-identity.
Methodology
This research discusses the role of social interaction in the complex process of trans-becoming with reference to two Bengali-Indian films. It follows a qualitative approach, where the two films, used as primary sources, are descriptively analysed to bring out the nuanced cultural journey of the protagonists. A close reading of the dialogues was incorporated to reveal the intricate impacts of social interactions in these marginal narratives. Furthermore, the findings are viewed through the theoretical lens of sociological theory titled Symbolic Interactionism, Looking-Glass Self, and Sexual Scripting. This framework provides a platform for understanding the complicated transitioning journey of protagonists from novel reference points and perspectives.
Discussion
Me and I: Decoding Indian trans-becoming
The Indian self comprises elements of social expectations, cultural learning, and individual affinities. Complications increase further as they shift to the trans-self. They experience high tensions between their affinities and social expectations to be fulfilled. This section attempts to understand the inner battle that Indian transgenders confront during trans-becoming, through the lens of George Herbert Mead’s theory of ‘I’ and ‘me’. Mead insists that the individual self is a product of social interaction, but he underlines that, within the entire process, the self does not hold a passive position. Here he introduced the concept of two phases of the self, namely ‘I’ and ‘me’. While the latter represents the attitudes of the generalised self, the former responds to those attitudes (Sociology Guide, n.d.). To take the discussion further, it is crucial to understand what constitutes a generalised self. The generalised self or ‘me’ represents the attitudes of others, which are generalised as ideal expectations in a community. “Mead defines ‘me’ as a conventional habitual individual and ‘I’ as the novel reply of the individual to the generalised other” (Sociology Guide, n.d., para.1). Society and the individual are not self-fulfilled entities but have an interconnected existence. This two-way relationship takes place at an intra-psychic level via the communication between the ‘I’ and ‘me’.
‘Me’ is a part of the self that reflects “a conventional habitual individual” (Mead, 1934, p. 197). It is necessary to have that ‘me’ which has those expected habits which all have, to remain as a member of the community. Projecting ‘me’ assures the individual of social acceptability, position, and respect, which are crucial for social existence (Mead, 1934, p. 199). Every individual has unique responses that may differ from their generalised opinions. This constitutes the first phase of Mead’s self, the ‘I’. This part of the self is free of conventions and norms, and cannot be calculated. When an individual operates as part of a community, there is constant communication between ‘I’ and ‘me’ which finally culminates in determining the nature of their self. While it is important to be part of the structure, it is also important to incorporate elements from an individual perspective to build society. That is why contemporary society is an evolved version of previous ones. The shift occurs due to the continuous and ongoing interpretations of the generalised self, as well as the ‘I’ s. These opinions may appear to have a very minor impact but eventually add up to bring in a social shift. (Mead, 1934) This perspective addresses the changing social position of Indian society regarding the trans community. Finn Gardiner writes, “Transgender identity can be conceptualized as an initial or emergent difference between the social self, or ‘me,’ and the internally perceived ‘I.’“ (2013, para 7). The former refers to gender identity culturally assigned to an individual while growing up. It follows the normalised conception of feminine and masculine gender identity (Gardiner, 2013).
Transgenders are aware of ‘me’, but decide to reject it. Despite knowing the social implications of their decisions, they choose to bring congruity between their ‘social self and individual self-perception (Gardiner, 2013). The tension that occurs in the social interactions of trans individuals is cinematically presented in its most profound form through two Bengali-Indian films, Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012) and Ganguly’s Nagar Kirtan (2019).
Social interactions occur through the communication of symbols. Monica Longmore states that all sexual behaviours are symbolic in nature. She relates all human actions to symbols, the interpretation of which gives meaning (1998, p. 44). These symbols may appear as objects, people, or abstract ideas in daily interactions. Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012) runs parallel to the myth of Chitrangada, which narrates the tale of Princess Chitrangada, who was born as a girl but brought up by her father as a boy. The film opens with a theatrical performance of this dilemma, which contrasts with Rudra’s loneliness in the hospital. Every dialogue in the film symbolises the mental tension and restlessness of Rudra and the people around hir. While Rudra was admitted to the hospital for a series of sex reassignment surgeries, hirs room resonated with the grave loneliness ze suffered both physically and mentally (Fig. 1).
Hirs only visitor was the nurse who addressed hir as sir. Ze confronted her and attempted to convey to her that ze was disturbed by the pronoun the nurse used to address hir when ze was undergoing surgery to become a woman. This act triggered hirs confused mental state, which went through a roller coaster of emotions. Ze conveyed to the nurse that it was making hirs transition more difficult and thus demanded not to be addressed as a man. The scene presents the conflict between the individual and generalised selves. The nurse was part of a cis-normative society that conveniently followed ‘me’ and lived according to the norms. This naturally suggested that she address Rudra as sir from hirs physical form. However, when Rudra confronted her, she witnessed hirs ‘I’ which deviated from the norm. Surprisingly, she agreed to acknowledge his deviant self and altered her way of addressing hir thereafter. The scene captures the stillness in the room that resonates with Rudra’s loneliness. The dejected expression on his face conveys hirs helplessness in passing as a woman publicly.
Mead argued that ‘I’ held the unique traits of an individual. Unlike ‘me’ it consisted of the novel traits and values, which set them apart from the normalised structure (1934, p. 204). Rudra was initially attracted to Partho on their first meeting but did not let it reflect by keeping a hard demeanor. However, when Partho came to hirs home, after the fight at the theatre and boldly challenged Rudra’s dominance, the submissive side of hir came out. Partho forcefully pulled Rudra near him, told hir that for him ze was Rudie and not Rudra, tied the payal to hirs leg, and started kissing Rudie’s foot with passion. This intimate act impacted ‘I’ of Rudra, because ze started to give in to the passionate love that Partho offered hir. Till then, hirs generalised self was holding hir back from surrendering to hirs sexual urges, but Partho’s words disrupted that control of ‘me’ over hir and let ‘I’ free to respond.
Symbolic Interactionism discusses about social constructs and how the concept of I’ and ‘me’ operates simultaneously to establish the generalised self in everyday interactions. Main (n.d.) states that these social constructs hold the power to shape our daily social interactions and the meanings we derive from them. Personal interpretations of these social constructs determine our perceptions of social situations, people, and objects. This is how people’s interpretations of gender differ, giving them diverse meanings. The conversation between Mala, a previous dancer of Rudra’s troup, and Rudra revealed Mala’s construct of a family as a union of a male and female partner (Fig. 2).
She enquired whether the relationship between Rudra and Partho had any future because their union could not offer hir a family, which must be the expected end product of relationships. Rudra argued that ze was not concerned if Partho appreciated hirs worth, but had shown the courage to openly love hir, which had not been done before. Since the Indian cultural setup did not celebrate a man’s union with another man, the love ze yearned from a partner always remained taboo, which scared others away. Hirs self did not yearn for normalised love, but the forbidden one. So hirs ‘I’ rejected to follow the norm, but redefined hirs definition of love. The interaction between Rudra and Mala conveys the constant effort of the heteronormative society to convince others of the futility of their sexual and gender choices. Mala represented those who propagated the idea of family as a social institution existing to ensure biological reproduction. However, Rudra’s concept of love and companionship redefines such social constructs. The camera focuses on the emotionally vulnerable side or Rudra, who fiercely desires companionship, which had been denied to hir until then.
Every individual performs as a social actor at the surface level to align with the generalised other. Therefore, every day is a constant effort to avoid losing track and being pushed to margins. However, Rudra has always projected hirs effeminate side to the world with courage. Despite this act, ze never attempted to transition into a woman. However, when ze became involved in an intimate relationship with Partho, ze declared hirs decision to undergo surgery and become a woman to fulfil the normative conception of a family. Unfortunately, Partho questioned this and demanded that Rudra accept that ze wanted to transition not for the sake of fitting into the institution of normative family, but because ze was not happy with hirs body and self. However, Rudra responded, “ Most of us are not happy with what we naturally are. Then guys wouldn’t go to the gym and develop a six-pack to become a man. Girls wouldn’t thread and wax to become a woman” (Ghosh, 2012,1:08:47). This statement makes us think if we are happy with our generalised self or acting to be so.
Nagar Kirtan captures Puti’s complex journey of self-identification, expression, and scrutiny of trans-identity. The film utilised silence as a symbolic narrative technique to convey the intense pain Puti experienced in her journey of trans-becoming (Ruchi and Jha, 2023). Although Puti was confident of her trans-identity, Madhu was initially portrayed as a confused partner of Puti. He was aware of his strong physical attraction to Puti, but was shown to be lost in comprehending these emotions. Madhu represented all cis-gendered individuals who had never attempted to deviate from their generalised selves. ‘Me’ became their social reality, which had not been challenged yet.
Mark V. Redmund, later in his studies on Interactionism, shared Mead’s understanding of the generalised self, where he observed that our understanding of self reflected the generalised self. This occurs because we develop our self-identity based not only on individual experience but also on the viewpoint of the social group. We learned about attitudes and norms from the interpretation of the generalised self (2015). Madhu’s interaction with Puti pushed him into a dilemma, where his instinctual ‘I’ struggled to overtake his self. When Puti’s Guru maa detected the closeness between Puti and Madhu, she instantly warned Madhu to back off. This scared him, and he immediately fled without confronting the situation. His self-identity leaned towards ‘me’ because he had lived his whole life, satisfying normalised societal expectations. Accordingly, he interpreted his attraction towards Puti as a mistake and fled in fear of its consequences. Puti, on the other hand, boldly expressed her love for a cis-man and confronted him for not acknowledging his feelings (Fig. 3).
She went directly to Madhu’s house and demanded answers for his actions. The scene captures an in-depth conversation between the two, where Puti boldly stated that Madhu was running away from the situation because he was afraid that he had caught feelings for her when he should not feel so being a cis-man. The intense look on Madhu’s face confirmed these allegations, where he was speechless and did not deny them. His interaction with Puti convinced him to acknowledge his instinctual desire for her, rather than succumbing to normalised society’s point of view about their love.
Mead discussed the concept of ‘self-interaction’, employing which self-conduct is monitored by individuals. Blumer writes, “ This mechanism enables the human being to make indications to himself of things in his surroundings and thus to guide his actions by what he notes”(1969, p. 80). This is the process by which individuals develop meanings for the symbols around them. Madhu underwent this process of self-interaction, where he tried to find sense in his attraction towards Puti and its practicality. In the latter part of the movie, when Puti ran away from the crowd that witnessed her ugly wig falling off, Madhu accepted his instinctual feelings for her. He felt peaceful when the call was connected to Puti’s phone. Until that scene, Madhu was ashamed of Puti’s trans-identity. However, in this scene, he came out with pride and informed her that there was nothing wrong with her trans-identity and that people must accept everyone, irrespective of their gender (Fig. 4).
He assured her that he would support her in her transition and then come back to his family. He promised her that he would not abandon her because he truly loved her for the person she was. Self-interaction helped him find a new meaning in his relationship with Puti. This communication with his self enlightened him to question the authority of norms that prevented him from falling in love with Puti and creating a family of their own.
Mirroring trans identity: Cooley’s concept of self-making
Cooley (2017) presents three principal elements of the Looking-Glass Self-theory: the imagination of our appearance to the other person, the imagination of his judgment of that appearance, and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or mortification. He compares a person’s reflection in the mirror with that of the formation of the self. When he interacts with symbols that include objects and individuals, he imagines how the opposite person perceives his appearance from the nature of the interaction. From this understanding, he starts to assume how they judge him, which ends with a sense of pride or discomposure (Rousseau, 2002). This is a relevant perspective for viewing how transgender people interact with society. Their transition does not end with physical alterations of the body through surgery or hormonal treatments. The final stage of the process of trans-becoming is successfully passing as the desired gender in front of society. Liora Moriel in her work Passing and the Performance of Gender, Race, and Class: A Theoretical Framework (2005) explains that passing is the successful acceptance of an individual as a member of another gender without being detected, when they are not born into it. In this context, acceptance may occur in the form of passing or conscious choice. If the opposition fails to do so, their entire struggle goes wrong and they enter a stage of incongruity and pain.
In Nagar Kirtan, Puti was in the stage of physical transition, where she enquired and prepared to undergo sex-reassignment surgery. Transnormativity often causes intense discomfort with one’s genitals, and patients decide to undergo genital surgery (Anzani et al., 2022). Puti experienced incongruence and acted on it immediately. In the initial stages of the film, she wore a wig and dressed up as a beautiful woman, seeing whom Madhu fell in love with Puti. She constantly attempted to see her trans-self through the eyes of Madhu, the man she loved. Despite being a cis-man, his affirmation of loving her gave her pride in her identity. However, in her later interactions, Madhu informed her to always come in front of him dressed up as Puti and never as Parimal (Puti’s male identity) (Fig. 5).
He says, “Always come to me dressed up. I don’t like seeing the patchwork. Come as Puti” (Ganguly, 2019, 00:22:28). This conversation sparked a feeling of despair for Puti, who realised that Madhu loved her not in entirety. Puti believed that she had passed as a woman in Madhu’s eyes, but that conversation crushed her happiness. She failed to establish her identity as a woman because Madhu continued to view their relationship as an attraction between two men and not between a man and a woman. This followed an emotional scene in which Puti confronted Madhu regarding his dilemma of whether love was possible between the two men.
She wanted Madhu to view her as his beloved woman. However, when she took off her wig and showed how she was growing her natural hair, Madhu turned away and became disgusted. By doing so, he was reminded that he was in a physical relationship with a man, which defied the norm (Fig. 6).
As Puti failed to find a reflection of her identity as a woman from Madhu, she experienced humiliation in the scene. Still, she assured him that she would change every part of her body into a woman and leave no trace of Parimal, for Madhu to admire her entirely. The camera closely follows the feminine body and clothes it adorns, conveying Puti’s love for the feminine charm and beauty, and Madhu’s adoration for it (Nizam, 2021).
Unlike Puti and Madhu, the relationship shared between Rudra and Partho lacked genuine feelings. Partho took advantage of Rudra in several parts of the film by acting to love hir. This enactment started to fall off from the scene in which Rudra informed Partho that ze had decided to transition to a woman so that they could start a family of their own. Ze expected emotional support from Partho, while he constantly discouraged hir from undergoing surgery. Despite Partho’s opposition, ze began hirs transition and initially received breast implants. In the following scene, ze excitedly called Partho to hirs room and opened hirs robe to show Partho hirs new change as a woman. Partho denied looking at it, which shattered Rudra’s heart, because ze yearned to change for Partho, who was now disgusted to look at that same body. In the latter part of the film, Partho confesses that he was breaking all ties with Rudra and marrying another woman (Fig. 7).
In this scene, Partho bluntly states that he never wanted Rudra to change or become a woman. If he wanted a woman, he would choose a real woman and not a ‘synthetic one’. Rudra’s attempts to validate hirs identity as a trans woman failed miserably because Partho denied reflecting on it. This pushed Rudra to a state of meaninglessness, where ze questioned the meanings of authentic men and women. Both trans individuals relied heavily on mirroring their female selves from their loved ones. However, neither of them ended well. Although Madhu eventually acknowledged Puti as a woman, it was too late, as she succumbed to societal hate and committed suicide. On the other hand, Rudra lived hirs life with the despair of hirs lovers’ rejection of hirs female self. Thus, these cinematic representations successfully conveyed trans yearnings for mirroring and the mental breakdown that followed if it failed.
Nickerson clarifies that Cooley’s Looking-Glass Self theory does not claim that the individual self is formed by the passive involvement of the individual, but decides how they must appear for the opposite person (2023a). This argument clarifies the acts of transgender people to establish their female identity and pass in the public as women. They do not passively accept their gender incongruity, but act in certain ways to convey their female identity to onlookers. Despite this involvement, Rudra failed to achieve women’s self-identity in the process. Puti’s cathartic end in the film also suggests the complexity of actively performing the trans-self in Indian society. New research in this area hints at the emergence of the cyberself. It is explained as a self that postmodern individuals develop for themselves on social networking sites. Using this image, they attempted to engage and interact with others on these platforms and establish a normalised self for themselves. (Communication Theory, 2022). Studying the cyber self of trans individuals offers a potential scope for deciphering the emerging trans-identity crisis on social media platforms. The cyber self often contradicts the actual self, resulting in a postmodern identity crisis. This novel perspective offers scope for future research in this area.
Doing trans identity: examining the scripting of gender
West and Zimmerman underline that gender is constantly projected through social interactions, which we perceive as natural essence, “while it is being produced as a socially organized achievement” (1987, p. 129). Erving Goffman, an American Sociologist elaborately discussed the conscious enactment of gender. In The Nature of Deference and Demeanor (1956) he says, “when human beings interact with others in their environment, they assume that each possesses an “essential nature-a nature that can be discerned through the “natural signs given off or expressed by them” (quoted in West and Zimmerman, 1987, p. 75). These assumptions of essential gender identity restrict trans individuals from doing their gender oppositely. Every individual trained to live in a normalised society exhibits a gender display, which is merely a conventionalised act that adheres to their birth sex.
Individuals ‘do’ their gender during social interactions, which are perceived by others, resulting in their understanding of those individuals’ gender identity. Often, all perform their gender conforming to the norms in order to be part of a normalised society. This insistence is conveyed in the opening scene of Ghosh’s Chitrangada (2012), where Rudra schooled the actress playing the role of Chitrangada and asked her to maintain the body language of a man because Chitrangada was brought up as a man (Fig. 8).
Chitrangada’s story shows the performative nature of gender, where Chitrangada is brought up as a man by her father, despite being born as a woman. Eventually, she wanted to embrace her femininity after her encounter with Arjuna. This underlines the possibility of learning and unlearning gender performance. Rudra’s insistence for the actress to maintain a masculine demeanor cinematically deconstructs the cis-normative agendas of the Indian social setup. This scene reinstates that the individual involved is entirely responsible for their gender performance, rather than some pre-determined biological gender constructs.
In Gender Display (1976), Goffman argues that human beings have the innate ability to perform and comprehend masculine and feminine gender expressions that do not differ by sex (quoted in West and Zimmerman, 1987, p. 130). This argument opens up the possibilities of gender performance being “a socially scripted dramatisation of the culture’s idealisation of feminine and masculine nature, played for an audience that is well schooled in the presentational idiom”(West and Zimmerman, 1987, p. 130). Subconsciously, we are aware of this construct, but we follow the crowd to protect our social position in a normalised society. In Ghosh’s Chitrangada (2012), there is a very intense and emotional conversation between Rudra’s parents soon after he underwent his first surgery for sex change (Fig. 9).
In that scene, the audience witnessed a mother and father who had always lived their lives on a conventional road. Their understanding of gender was that a person born male must be masculine, and those born female must be feminine by default. At this stage, his parents felt a sense of helplessness and thought of failing their child’s expectations when ze needed them the most. They lived their whole lives following the cis-normative sexual script put forth by the power structures. When their son performed hirs gender according to hirs own sexual script, they challenged hirs actions immediately. This distanced hir from them, both physically and emotionally. Theoretically, the process of breaking free from gender conceptions as a biological entity is simple. However, its practical implementation is complex and emotionally challenging. It is important to understand the mental strain of the parents involved in making the shift and to provide them with space to prepare for that move.
When people interact, they use gestures and mannerisms that the receiver receives, which construct their understanding of the person’s gender. Although gender is connected to birth sex as a natural essence of biological determinism, we do not validate it during everyday interactions. Based on these performances, we assume the gender of the person. This also applies to transgender individuals. Despite their claim to be women, transwomen exhibit certain gestures and mannerisms that often give away their transgender identity. One major gesture associated with Indian trans-identity is the unique way of clapping while asking for money. In Ganguly’s Nagar Kirtan (2019), Madhu was fascinated by the feminine beauty of Puti, but later witnessed her clapping hands and asking for money from people in traffic. As the film progressed, Madhu and Puti expressed their love for each other, but Madhu was concerned about Puti’s trans-identity being publicly revealed. Therefore, while travelling on a bus, Madhu playfully reminded Puti not to clap (Fig. 10).
Several layers of suggestive meanings were associated with this. Unlike feminine and masculine gender performance, transgender performance is not encouraged or preferred by the public. It was difficult for Madhu to publicly acknowledge that he was associated with Puti, who was an eunuch. A man acting effeminate was looked down, but when it extended further to him, transitioning as a woman, it became disastrous. Knowing that society would look down on him if they witnessed him publicly associated with Puti compelled him to force Puti to maintain her feminine appearance. However, it was difficult to hide Puti’s gender for a long time because it was not limited to physicality, but what one constantly kept on doing during their sessions of social interactions (West and Zimmerman, 1987). This sheds light on the societal response to ‘doing’ the trans-self in social interactions.
Sexual scripting is a conscious process of delivering the way one desires one’s gender to be perceived by others. Every member of a normalised society is in a constant act of delivering their narratives. All these efforts are intended to fit into the binary structure celebrated by the power structure. Transgenders, on the other hand, are expected to redefine such narratives, but unfortunately, most focus on fitting their body and gender performance into a binary structure. Trans-women such as Puti and Rudie wanted to pass as women in front of society, who legitimised the existence of men or women. The biological transition of the body to the desired sex is scrutinised to fall back into the normalised binary category, through which the essentialist qualities of men and women are re-emphasised (West and Zimmerman, 1987).
Rather than being identified as transgender, they yearn to be identified as legitimate women and fall in despair when society rejects bestowing them with that acceptability, despite the physical and mental pain they experience during the transition. Rudra realized the meaningless of the endeavor when Partho rejected starting a family with a ‘synthetic woman’ when he could easily get a real woman. At that point, Rudra reconsidered hirs decision to go ahead with surgery, which was thought to be the only means to fulfil hirs desire to embrace hirs inner femininity. In response, ze asked the doctors to remove hirs breast implants and not go further with the transition. Ze embraced hirs unique gender identity, which did not need to fall into the binary system but gratified hirs soul. Levine and Abbruzzese (2023) have noted the same when they explain that, despite adolescent children fulfilling the criteria for gender dysphoria, it does not assure that they may feel the same in the future.
Longmore associates sexual scripting with role-taking, and success in the process determines whether the communication works or whether the person ends up receiving a spoiled identity (1998). In Stigma: Notes on the Management of a Spoiled Identity (1963), author Erving Goffman explains ‘spoiled identity’ as an identity that leads the person to face stigma from normalised society (Good Therapy, 2011). Puti’s constant efforts to successfully roleplay as a woman conflicted with society’s rejection of her identification as a woman. Scenes from her childhood revealed her intimate relationship with a man who later cheated on her and ended up marrying her sister because he wanted a real woman as his partner. This rejection left her with the trauma of relationships, which continued to haunt her during her alliance with Madhu. The climax scene in the movie is an exceptional cinematic experience of Puti’s mental and traumatic breakdown, which culminated in the stigma she suffered all through the years due to her spoiled identity. She was publicly beaten and unclothed by another group of hijras for dressing up as a woman and collecting money from their area. The scene exposed her physically and mentally and reinstated that she could never overcome the stigma and trauma associated with gender incongruity. Despite all the agony and suffering, she would remain a man falsely dressed up as a woman, but never a woman born into the wrong body. This realisation led to the cathartic climax of her committing suicide, by which she left behind the question of the existence of humanity, which must not differentiate between genders.
Conclusion
Social interactions are an inevitable aspect of human existence. Through these interactions, the self and social characteristics are developed. Each individual constructs their life around that identity. The process proceeds smoothly unless there is a conflict between the generalised self (me) and the instinctive self (I). Transnarratives deliver the mental agony they undergo attempting to suppress their instincts, which crosses their gender expectations. Gardiner considers trans-identity as a combination of ‘I’ and ‘me’, which undergoes social interpretations and redefinitions. Their expression of self is simply being their self and doing the gender with which they identify (2013).
The protagonists of the two films undergo unique instances of transition, in which the social context and cultural impediments narrate the diverse stages of inner conflict. Rudra’s social position as a member of an upper-middle-class family and occupation as a theatre artist offered hir the liberty to explore hirs gender incongruence from a safer position than Puti, who struggled to stay alive. While Puti was self-assured about her trans-identity and yearned to complete the journey of trans-becoming through surgery, Rudra’s decision wavered when Partho abandoned him. Rudra’s interaction with hirs friends and parents registered hirs effeminate side but did not progress towards a desire to become a woman. On the other hand, Puti learned the trans way of living and constantly enacted her feminine self to pass as a woman in front of normalised society. These distinct narratives presented through the films suggested that along with gender, other social factors and identities like class, caste, and profession influenced the interaction between an individual’s ‘I’ and ‘me’. Their self was shaped by the interplay of socio-cultural factors, resulting in the ‘me’ dominating the ‘I’.
Social mirroring of the individual self is a never-ending process in which individuals are involved in the cyclic act of delivering and receiving gender symbols. These impressions create an individuals’ social reality. Rudra exhibited hirs effeminate self with pride through hirs art form and dance performances, but never intended to get social affirmations. Hirs decision to undergo sex reassignment surgery came as a surprise for the audience because it was not an informed decision, but a hurried response to provide Partho with a legitimate family. This was reflected in hirs later decision to not proceed with surgery. The final lines of the film encapsulate this cyclic process when it says, “Why is a building called a building even after it is complete? Because no transition is ever complete. It’s an ongoing process”(Ghosh, 2012, 1:59:40). Rather than being a result of social mirroring, Rudra’s journey towards trans-becoming was a communication with hirs self, through which ze found answers. Puti saw her transition through the eyes of Madhu, for whom she wanted to become a complete woman. When Madhu expressed doubts and inhibitions, it disappointed her, but she continued her efforts to offer symbols of femininity during her interactions with Madhu. Towards the end, those acts were succeeding, as Madhu finally overcame his ambiguity regarding their relationship, even though it is too late. Cooley’s theory of the Looking-Glass Self highlights the continuous exchange of interactive messages between transgender individuals and the normalised society, as well as between the individual and their self, which ultimately contributes to the construction of their gendered identities.
Sexual scripting is a conscious act that has become part of daily life. As mentioned above, the act of ‘doing gender’ is influenced by several factors such as cultural context, social response, and individuals’ involvement. Rudra took up a unique position in the film when ze decided to stop hirs transition surgery and live with hirs effeminate self. Finally, Ze concluded that it was not necessary to go under the knife to achieve the gender shift one identified with. Ze rejected that path to achieving social sanctions. This disrupts the normal sexual scripting pattern. However, Rudra could take up such a decision due to hirs social position, which offered hir the liberty to experiment with. Puti followed the existing script of the trans self by joining the hijras and waiting for her guru maa to send her for the surgery. She wished to become a woman with whom she had identified. Thus, by staying with the hijras, she learned to walk, speak, and act like a woman. However, the film ended tragically with the suicide of Puti, which suggests that the sexual scripting of the trans self often failed to overcome binary gender scripting. Sexual scripting, which is a nuanced manifestation of gender-based power dynamics, serves as a medium through which socially sanctioned gender roles are exhibited to individuals. By adhering to their individualised sexual scripts, the trans protagonists have challenged and subverted the conventional norm of heterosexuality that has been deeply ingrained in Indian society until now.
Gender identity has emerged as a complex concept in the modern age of free-choice. The role of social interaction introduces new ways of living and overpowers some gender affinities. This is explicitly reflected through such transnarratives, which present the complexities and power play within their interaction with the normalised society. However, unlike earlier, transgenders are more vocal about their expression of cross-identity, which they exhibit through cross-dressing in public and physical transitions. This shift has positively impacted Indian society, as reflected in recent representations of Indian films. Filmmakers are working to bring trans-cinematic representations into the mainstream world. Although transwomen have been portrayed in different shades over the years, representations of transmen are still scarce in Indian cinema (Qadiri, 2023).
This study is restricted to only two Bengali transgender films that aesthetically present the limited trans-experience of that topography. Since India is a multicultural nation, transnarratives may differ greatly from place to place. This opens the scope for further research on other regional trans films, which may reveal more uncovered nuances of trans identity. Further, a comparative study of cinematic representation of Indian trans identity and other nations’ trans representations has the potential to address many sociocultural factors impacting their lives. Films are one of the most powerful medium that can easily restructure the Indian transgender discourse by initiating positive social interactions and eventually bringing in the radical shift that the community has been relentlessly working for. Although in-depth trans characterisations are emerging, it is essential to incorporate such cinematic representations into the mainstream to reach a wider audience.
Author contributions
All authors contributed to the study conception and its elaboration as a research paper. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Funding
Open access funding provided by Vellore Institute of Technology.
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Ethical approval
Ethical approval was not required as the study did not involve human participants.
Informed consent
There are no human subjects in this article and informed consent is not applicable.
Publisher’s note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Abstract
The unique characteristics of Indian trans-identity are shaped by cultural intricacies, setting it apart from its Western counterparts. Despite facing marginalisation in mainstream Indian society, the intricacies of their constructed trans-culture further complicate their experiences. According to the interactionist perspective of gender identity within sociological theory, an individual’s interactions with peers, family, and society influence the development of their gender identity. Examining this concept within the diverse Indian context reveals the significant nuances of Indian trans-identity. Two Bengali-Indian films, Kaushik Ganguly’s Nagarkirtan (2019) and Rituparno Ghosh’s Chitrangada: The Crowning Wish (2012), depict the intense and challenging journeys of individuals embracing their trans identities. This research aims to analyse the films from an interactionist perspective, exploring how the Indian cultural discourses portrayed in the films influence the formation of trans identities. The findings suggest that the development of trans identity involves complex processes influenced by social interactions, where conflicts between one’s generalised self and instinctual self arise due to sexual digression. Additionally, this study indicates that the sexual scripting of trans individuals is influenced by various factors, including class, culture, financial status, and social position, making it challenging to conform to the binary gender script of a normalised society. This qualitative research utilises the Interactionist theory of gender identity to analyse the two Bengali-Indian films.
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Details
1 Vellore Institute of Technology, Department of English, School of Social Sciences and Languages, Vellore, India (GRID:grid.412813.d) (ISNI:0000 0001 0687 4946)