Introduction
Research on Audiovisual translation in the Arab world has expanded dramatically over the last decade, covering a few cultural and linguistic issues. However, little attention is devoted to investigating subtitling taboo and offensive references in comedy audiovisual material into Arabic. Undoubtedly, translating such sensitive utterances into another language and culture demands extra attention and consideration of the accepted norms in the target culture. Therefore, this paper aims to address this controversial area of research by shedding light on the difficulties that Arab subtitlers usually encounter when dealing with taboo humorous instances, emphasising the critical impact of cultural nuances on the production and quality of Arabic subtitles. More specifically, this study seeks to answer the following research questions:
What are the recurrent translation strategies implemented by subtitlers when dealing with taboo humour?
Do Arab subtitlers employ different censorship techniques when translating taboo references for satellite TV channels as opposed to DVDs?
To achieve these objectives, I conducted a comparative analysis between the dialogue of sixteen episodes of the American sitcom Two and a Half Men and their Arabic subtitles broadcast on the satellite TV channel MBC4 and the DVD version of the sitcom. The translation of taboo references in this sitcom proves highly challenging as it heavily relies on sexuality and some other ‘distasteful topics’, including swear words, alcohol, drugs and suggestive bodily functions. This task is even more challenging as subtitlers have to take into consideration the spatial and temporal constraints of the medium, as well as the different channels of communication that are present in the audiovisual materials. According to Díaz Cintas and Remael (2007, p. 8), subtitling as one of the main branches of audiovisual translation can be defined as:
A translation practice that consists of presenting a written text, generally on the lower part of the screen, that endeavours to recount the original dialogue of the speakers, as well as the discursive elements that appear in the image (letters, inserts, graffiti, inscriptions, placards, and the like), and the information that is contained on the soundtrack (songs, voices off).
Their account of the process of subtitling highlights the importance of the different semiotic communication channels in constructing subtitles on screen. This is particularly the case in our corpus, in which the interplay between the visual components (images and subtitles) and the verbal elements play a significant role in either facilitating the viewers’ task or depriving them of accessing the original content of the audiovisual material. Díaz Cintas and Remael (2020, p. 20) elaborate that “the subtitles should not contradict what the characters are doing or saying on screen, and the delivery of the translated message should coincide with that of the original speech”.
Subtitling in the Arab World
Subtitling, as one of the most dominant modes of audiovisual translation, is flourishing rapidly in the Arab World. Despite the long history of subtitling in the region, the academic study of various aspects of this branch is still modest. The literature covers a range of topics pertaining to various linguistic, technical and ideological perspectives. For instance, Al-Adwan (2019) attempts to develop a set of subtitling conventions commonly adopted in the region by observing and analysing ten films aired on two prominent satellite channels, MBC 2 and Dubai One. He argues that this procedure was the only viable way to identify these conventions given “the reluctance of many AVT companies to share their subtitling and translation guidelines, if they exist, with other bodies or freelance audiovisual translators” (ibid., p. 65). He further argues that one of the difficulties that affect the subtitling process is using Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), not dialects. MSA, which is not spoken in daily conversations, is mainly used in news broadcasts, official and legal documents, education, and literature. In this regard, Thawabteh (2017, p. 567) explains that:
MSA seems to be an eminent norm in subtitling into Arabic for (1) it is read and understood by a wide range of Arabs; (2) it is employed by nonnative speakers of Arabic in pursuit of learning Arabic; (3) it is used to perform prayers by Muslims all over the world; (4) it is the appropriate variety for subtitles as the written mode on the screen is usually displayed in formal rather than informal; and (5) it seems to be a more suitable euphemizer than slang is.
Continuing with the use of MSA, but now in the area of subtitling and media accessibility, Al-Abbas and Haider (2021) investigated Netflix’s utilization of MSA in subtitling Egyptian films for deaf and hard of hearing audiences. The study explores how this mode of AVT was received by deaf and hard of hearing viewers in the context of comedy films. A sample group of 40 participants, who watched an Egyptian film, were asked to respond to a questionnaire that consisted of twelve questions. The paper concludes that while humour was affected by the use of MSA, more than half of the participants reported better access to the various elements of the film, and thus an enhanced viewing experience. However, the authors noted that in a few instances, “non-verbal signs which are already accessible were also included in the subtitles”, which sometimes overwhelmed the viewers (ibid., p. 12).
In training and education, Al-Adwan and Al-Jabri (2023) shed light on how MA students of audiovisual translation at Hamad Bin Khalifa University subtitled Arabic cultural references, more specifically metaphors, into English. The study underscores how students are linguistically, culturally and technically prepared to handle such a complex linguistic phenomenon in their subtitling course. The authors conclude their study by recommending that students be introduced to the target culture, especially when it is culturally and linguistically distant from their own. “This exposure would help them select more natural equivalents, which would provide target viewers with a vivid and more accurate account of both the original culture and the characters represented on screen” (Ibid., p. 5).
A recent paper by Al-Yasin and Rabab’ah (2019) explores the subtitling of taboo language in American hip-hop films into Arabic, analysing three extremely offensive films: “8 Mile”, “Straight Outta Compton”, and “All Eyez on Me”. Adopting Ljung’s typology of swearing to identify the connotative functions of English swear words, the study examines the effectiveness of Arabic translations that utilise euphemisms and omissions due to cultural sensitivities. While euphemisms generally preserve the intent and intensity of the original language, omissions tend to lose the connotative meaning. The results underline the challenges and strategies for Arabic subtitlers dealing with culturally sensitive content.
In the realm of video game localisation, Al-Ajarmeh and Al-Adwan (2022) investigate how religious references and obscene language in the game Fiesta Online are subtitled in its Arabic-localised version Arafiesta. The analysis, which consists of 740 dialogue strings, reveals that controversial issues “were omitted, mitigated, or adapted to isolate the theme of Paganism from the original content”. Moreover, when subtitling the interactive aspects of the game, Arab localisers adopted three main strategies: retention, deletion and adaptation. Finally, Al-Ajarmeh and Al-Adwan (2022, p. 61) highlight how blending game localisation changes “the intersemiotic channels (the verbal, pictorial and interactive layers) of video games, playing a pivotal role in promoting and marketing game imports in the Arab world, which is now one of the largest growing markets”. On the other hand, Al-Batineh (2023) arrived at slightly different outcomes in his analysis of the Arabic localised version of the game The Witcher 3. He concludes that although many taboo references were mitigated in the Arabic subtitles, some visuals that conflict with the cultural norms of Arabs were retained in the game, which would affect the experience of Arab gamers. Based on his findings, he emphasises “the need for a comprehensive approach to localising video games into Arabic, encompassing linguistic accuracy, cultural sensitivity, and technical considerations” (ibid: 61).
Another line of research investigates the use of AI in the production of translation and its role in bridging the gap between different languages and cultures. For instance, Alzaabi and Rabab’ah (2023) investigate how conceptual metaphors are rendered in YouTube’s auto-generated Arabic subtitles of BBC Travel Show. The authors identified three main strategies: using linguistically and conceptually similar metaphors in the target language, replacing the original metaphor with a target language metaphor, and employing a metaphor with a different linguistic form but similar conceptual meaning. In their analysis, they also identified “two main translation errors, namely wrong word choice and incoherent translations of multiword metaphors. The findings also revealed that idiomatic metaphors were the most difficult to translate from English into Arabic” (ibid: 72).
Censorship in the Arab World
Censorship is one of the thorny issues that have been recently addressed in audiovisual translation in different contexts, including Spanish (see Ávila-Cabrera 2023; 2020), Arabic (Olimat et al. 2023; Al-Adwan and Thawabteh 2021; Izwaini 2017), Persian (Khoshsaligheh et al. 2018), Chinese (Han and Wang 2014). However, more research is still needed, especially in the Arab world, to obtain a more comprehensive account of this phenomenon and its mechanism.
Scandura (2004, p. 126) points out that the common reasons for censoring a movie or a TV show are politics, political correctness, religion and self-censorship. Similarly, in the Arab world, censorship of media content and its translation is primarily influenced by religion, social norms, and politics. This is especially evident in the laws imposed by the state and its representative bodies and commissions. Izwaini (2017, p. 47) stresses the same point, arguing that “films, drama series and TV shows are subject to linguistic scrutiny in order to filter out culturally problematic expressions that would challenge prevalent sensitivities of religion, sex and social taboos”.
In the region, Islam plays a significant role in regulating and determining what can be tolerated and what can be banned on screen. In addition, long-standing social habits and traditions often determine the kind of materials presented to the public and the degree of censorship of content and their translation. Moreover, it is worth mentioning that Arab countries exercise different degrees of censorship, depending on their social fabric and state policies, which shape and spread selected topics to the target viewers. In this regard, Al-Adwan and Yahiaoui (2018, pp. 88-89) point out that the cultural and social background of Arab subtitlers and viewers “determines what to expect to watch on screen and what kind of content they can be exposed to. This results in constantly, and often spontaneously, modifying and toning down various taboo references”.
Studying the role of ideology in subtitling, Al-Jabri et al. (2021) conducted research on the impact of subtitling policies on Arabic subtitles of taboo references in the American sitcom How I Met Your Mother, aired on MBC4 and Netflix. The authors conclude that “Arabic satellite TV channels, unlike video streaming services, receive interference from religious, political, and social authorities to maintain a “clean” content and censored language of the shows they air” (ibid.: 1). In the same vein, Izwaini (2017:47) explores censorship practices in the Arabic subtitles of a corpus of English-language films and series broadcast by satellite channels based in the United Arab Emirates and Lebanon. He particularly highlights the importance of cultural norms and legal provisions in shaping the Arabic subtitles of the original dialogue, revealing that subtitlers from various Arab countries employ manipulation strategies to omit highly offensive language and soften less offensive references.
It ensues then that English audiovisual materials subtitled into Arabic are scrutinised and censored to ensure they align with dominant social norms and political agendas. As a result, taboo or offensive references are often toned down or deleted altogether. For instance, Thawabteh (2017, p. 564) states that “unlike Western culture, talking about sex in everyday life in a very detailed way has been inherently unsuitable for Arab and Islamic culture’s norms and values”. An excellent example of such practice is the censorship of homosexuality. Homosexual acts are strictly prohibited in Islam and are culturally stigmatised. Homosexuals, who are often perceived as weak or overly feminine, confront significant social pressure, with many being arrested or harassed. Al-Abbas and Haider (2020, p. 2) state that “despite the changing attitudes and increasing number of proponents of homosexuality, the social stigma attached to it still has profound roots among Muslims. It is unlikely to bring up the topic of homosexuality for discussion without a great deal of negativity surrounding it”. Therefore, media content and its subtitles that depict references related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals are frequently filtered and modified to ensure they do not clash with religious beliefs and cultural expectations.
Case study and methodology
The data analysed in this study encompasses sixteen episodes from seasons nine, ten, and eleven of the American sitcom Two and a Half Men, aired on the Arabic satellite channel MBC4 and their corresponding versions on DVD. This popular sitcom, which was first aired on the television network CBS in 2003, has been available on many satellite channels, DVDs, and streaming platforms, including Netflix and Starzplay with Arabic subtitles.
Case study
Two and a Half Men was mainly chosen because of the sensitive topics it depicts, including sexual references, taboo language and swear words, which pose serious challenges to Arab subtitlers. Being rooted deeply in the American culture, the sitcom would most probably present subtitlers with difficulties and challenges when adapting its humour, idiomatic and fixed expressions, and taboo language for the target viewers. Therefore, exploring the strategies employed in subtitling the show offers valuable insights into the intricacies of this task, highlighting potential cultural bumps and their impact on the production of subtitles. In addition to the linguistic part, the sitcom also includes visual scenes that are perceived as embarrassing, offensive or inappropriate, such as showing a couple with revealing clothes kissing in bed, ladies wearing bikinis, or homosexual characters.
The sitcom, which portrays various cultural aspects of the American society, features two main characters, Alan, an uptight chiropractor and the billionaire Walden Schmidt, who are both known for being womanisers. After getting divorced, Alan and his son Jack decide to live in Walden’s beachfront house in Malibu, inviting random girls to impress and have sex with. The sitcom presents themes and controversial issues related to modern family dynamics, child adoption, homosexuality, and sexual relationships. Such references prove to be very challenging to Arab subtitlers, especially since Arabic and English are distant culturally and linguistically.
The sitcom has been analysed from different perspectives in the fields of translation, gender, cultural, and cinema studies. It has certainly attracted the attention of a few AVT scholars in different languages, tackling aspects related to the translation of humour, cultural references, and sexual references, among others. For instance, Al-Adwan and Yahiaoui (2018, p. 98) examined how sexual references were subtitled in the first nine episodes of the first season of the show, highlighting the strategies adopted in subtitling them and their impact on the target viewers. They concluded that their analysis shows that “Arab subtitlers have often failed to recapture the intended meanings of various humourous taboo utterances of the source text and consequently constructed a distorted representation of the characters of the show” (Al-Adwan and Yahiaoui 2018, p. 98). Wang (2014, p. 1) has also investigated different Chinese subtitles of selected episodes from the American sitcoms The Big Bang Theory and Two and a Half Men, identifying the recurrent subtitling strategies in light of the medium constraints “in order to explain, transform, or neutralize the subtitle for transcultural purposes”.
Methodology
A thorough comparative analysis was conducted on the original dialogues of the selected episodes, along with their Arabic subtitles on MBC4 and the DVD versions. These subtitles were carefully transcribed to facilitate scrutinizing the data. The analysis highlighted all taboo and distasteful references and the strategies employed to address them, quantifying their frequency within the corpus. This process will help identify shifts in the subtitling process and inform us of the social and religious elements that play a significant role in determining the subtitles displayed on screen. It is worth mentioning that some episodes broadcast on MBC4 were shortened, mainly due to censorship practices that significantly affected the series’ storyline, as illustrated in Section 5.3.2.
Data analysis
Drawing on descriptive translation studies, this paper demonstrates that Arab subtitlers tend to resort to three strategies when tackling 125 instances that may be deemed embarrassing or offensive to Arab viewers, even if this means distorting or eliminating the intended humour. These strategies are: 1. Euphemization, 2. Semantic Mistranslation, and 3. Omission (see Table 1). A representative number of taboo and offensive instances will be presented and analysed under each strategy with English back translation of the Arabic subtitles placed between square brackets.
Table 1. Strategies of subtitling taboo and offensive references and their frequency.
Strategy | Number of instances | Percentage | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
MBC4 | DVD | MBC4 | DVD | |
Euphemisation | 77 | 60 | 60.9% | 76.9% |
Semantic Mistranslation | 27 | 11 | 21.7% | 14.1% |
Omission | 21 | 7 | 17.4% | 9% |
Total number | 125 | 65 | 100% | 100% |
Euphemization
The most commonly adopted strategy in dealing with taboo and offensive references is euphemisation. Several AVT scholars have defined the term, supporting it with examples from different case studies (see, for instance, Al-Adwan 2015; Thawabteh 2012; Sahari 2023; Al-Jabri et al. 2021; etc.). This process entails using a less direct, offensive, or strong equivalent of the original utterance and thus protecting the public self-image of the addressee. The following example illustrates the use of this strategy by Arab subtitlers (Table 2).
Table 2. Euphemisation (Example 1).
Original Dialogue Season 10, Episode 7 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Walden: Missi, help me out here. I thought you guys broke up. | ميسي ساعديني هنا. ظننت أنكما انفصلتما [Missi, help me out. I thought you broke up]. | ميسي ساعديني هنا. ظننت أنكما انفصلتما عن بعض[Missi, help me here. I thought you guys broke up]. |
Missi: We did. But then Jake sent me this giant cookie he baked… …that was shaped like a heart and said, “I Missi You” And I just melted. | بلى، ولكن (جايك)/ أرسل إلي كعكة ضخمة بشكل قلب قام صنعها بنفسه/ مكتوب عليها “أشتاق إليك“ [We did, but Jake sent me a giant cookie shaped like a heart he baked/ and said, “I Miss You”] وتأثرت بها حقاً [And I was really touched by that] | بلى، ولكن (جايك) أرسل إلي كعكة ضخمة بشكل/ قلب قام بصنعها بنفسه، مكتوب عليها “أشتاق اليك“ [We did, but Jake sent me a giant cookie shaped like a heart he baked/ and said, “I Miss You”] وتأثرت بها حقاّ. [And I was really touched by that] |
Jake: Well, you know, I can’t take all the credit. The cookie was loaded with pot. | إنها تبالغ في مدحي/ فلقد كانت الكعكة محشوة بالممنوعات [She is exaggerating in praising me/ the cookie was stuffed with forbidden things] | حسناً، أنت تعلم أنها تبالغ في مدحي/ فلقد كانت الكعكة معمرة بالمخدرات. [Okay, you know she is exaggerating in praising me/ the cookie was loaded with drugs] |
In this scene, Jake gets a weakened pass from the army. When he arrives at the Malibu house, he is surprised to find Missi, the girl he is dating, staying there. Walden asks Missi about her relationship with Jake because the last time they met, they decided to break up. Missi explains that they got back together after Jake had baked her a cookie shaped like a heart. At this moment, Jake reveals his secret, telling everyone that the cookie he sent Missi was full of pot. The subtitler of the TV version has decided to downplay the strength of the original word “pot” and replace it with a more general term “الممنوعات” lit. “forbidden things” that could indirectly communicate the intended meaning. On the other hand, the DVD version is blunt in communicating the original distasteful word subtitling it as “المخدرات” lit. “drugs”. Despite the fact that this rendition is semantically closer to the original word, it is certainly more face-threatening to the Arab viewers. Another example is presented in Table 3.
Table 3. Euphemisation (Example 2).
Original Dialogue Season 10, Episode 7 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Walden: Tough business or are you just not talented? | عمل صعب، أم أنك لست موهوبة؟ [Tough business, or you are not talented?] | عمل صعبٌ، أم أنك غير موهوبة؟ [Tough business, or you are not talented?] |
Whitney: What do you mean, am I “just not talented?“ | ماذا تعني ب“لست موهوبة“؟ [What do you mean “not talented?”] | ماذا تعني ب“لست موهوبة“؟ [What do you mean “not talented?”] |
(Whitney)You don’t know me. You don’t know what I can do. You’re lucky I don’t reach under this table, rip off your balls and feed them to you. | أنت لا تعرفني، لا تستطيع/ أن تعرف ما يمكنني أن أفعل [You don’t know me. You don’t know what I can do] أنت محظوظ أني لن أنزل تحت هذه الطاولة ولا أقتلع أعضاءك [You’re lucky I don’t reach under this table to rip off your organs] | أنت لا تعرفني، لا تستطيع/ أن تعرف ماذا يمكنني أن أفعل [You don’t know me. You don’t know what I can do] أنت محظوظ أني لن أنزل تحت هذه / الطاولة ولا أقتلع خصيتاك وأطعمهما لك على العشاء. [You’re lucky I’ll not reach under this table to rip off your testicles and feed them to you for dinner] |
In this scene, we are introduced to another example of euphemisation. In this scene, Walden meets Whitney at a library, and he is immediately attracted to her. While flirting with her, she explains that she is an actress who has recently encountered financial challenges. At this moment, Walden tries to be funny, commenting: “Tough business or you just not talented?”. This provokes Whitney, who gets very agitated and threatens Walden that she will rip off his balls and feed them to him. In the TV version, the subtitler has downplayed the strength of the original sentence, by replacing the words “your balls” with “أعضاءك” lit. “your organs”. The subtitler has also sacrificed the rest of the sentence “feed them to you”, which has significantly mitigated the strength of Whitney’s threat. In contrast, the DVD version communicates the original message without any modification or omission. The subtitler translated the sexual organs “your balls” as “خصيتاك” lit. “your testicles”, communicating to the Arab viewers a similar threat to the original. Moreover, it is interesting to note that the subtitler has also added the words “على العشاء” lit. “for dinner”, presenting a more expressive and threatening rendition of Whitney’s utterances.
Semantic mistranslation
The second most frequently used strategy is semantic mistranslation, which entails generating an unfaithful rendition of the original dialogue. This strategy is primarily adopted by subtitlers either because they misunderstand the meaning of the original utterances or because they are influenced by their own agenda, which dictates what content can be projected on screen and what should be manipulated or deleted. In this regard, Al-Adwan and Yahiaoui (2018: 92) highlight that the use of this strategy in subtitling American taboo humour into Arabic leads to “a distorted translation that does not capture the essence of the original dialogue and will consequently mislead the target viewers and often puzzle them with what is written on screen”. The use of this strategy is illustrated in the following example (Table 4).
Table 4. Mistranslation (Example 1).
Original Dialogue Season 11, Episode 1 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Jenny: Dude! You need to relax. Do some yoga or something. | يا رجل/ أنت بحاجة للاسترخاء افعل بعضاّ من تمارين اليوغا/ أو شيئاّ ما [Man! You need to relax. Do some yoga or something] | يا صاح/ يجب أن تهدأ مارس بعض “اليوغا“ او ما شابه [Man! You should calm down. Do some yoga or something similar] |
Walden: What is that? | [What is this?] ما هذا؟ | [What is this?] ما هذا؟ |
Jenny: It’s a holistic hangover cure. Kale, wheatgrass, three shots of tequila. Cheers. | إنه معالج للترنح شب الكرنب والقلطة وثلاث ملاعق/ من شراب البطاطا في صحتك [It’s a hangover cure. Kale, wheatgrass and three spoons of potato juice. Cheers] | إنه علاج فعّال/ للتخلص من آثار الكحول نبتة (الكالي)، أعشاب طبيعية/ ثلاث جرعات من (التاكيلا). [It’s an effective hangover cure. Kale, natural plants and three shots of tequila.] |
In this scene, Walden is in the living room attempting to do some Yoga. However, he is distracted by the loud noise of the blender from the kitchen, where Jenny is preparing a drink for her hangover. Being very agitated, Walden rushes to the kitchen and unplugs the blender. He then asks Jenny about the mixture she is preparing. Jenny explains that she is blending a hangover cure made of kale, wheatgrass and three shots of tequila. It seems that the subtitler of the TV version intentionally mistranslated the word “tequila” as “شراب البطاطا” lit. “potato soup”, as drinking alcohol in Islam is prohibited. This substitution is made to avoid the distasteful connotation associated with the word tequila and prevent Arab viewers from reading it on the screen. However, many of them may still recognise the word and realise that it has not been accurately translated. Conversely, the subtitler of the DVD version transliterates the word “tequila” into Arabic, offering the target viewers an uncensored rendition of the original sentence. It goes without saying that this reflects a more accurate representation of Jenny’s character. Another example is presented in Table 5.
Table 5. Mistranslation (Example 2).
Original Dialogue Season 10, Episode 9 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Alan: So, when I tell Lyndsey that I turned down Kandi because of her, Lyndsey bangs my brains out. In the middle of the day. She could see everything (pointing to his body) and she kept going. | إذا عندما أخبرت (ليندزي)/ أنني رفضت (كاندي) من أجلها [So, when I told Lyndsey I turned down Kandi because of her] فجرت (ليندزي) عقلي/ في وسط النهار. [Lyndsey blew my mind out/ in the middle of the day] لقد رأت كل شيء ورغم ذلك واصلت [She saw everything and kept going] | إذا، عندما أخبرت (ليندزي) أني/ رفضت (كاندي) من أجلها، [So, when I told Lyndsey I turned down Kandi because of her] فجرت عقلي في وسط النهار [Lyndsey blew my mind out in the middle of the day] لقد رأت كل شيء/ ورغم ذلك واصلت [She saw everything and despite that she kept going] |
In this exchange, Alan tells Walden that after he turned down Kandi, who was trying hard to get him to bed, Lyndsey had wild sex with him in the middle of the day. Alan describes the intensity of her desire by saying, “Lyndsey bangs my brains out”. The subtitler of the TV version deemed this sexual expression too explicit for Arab viewers as it might evoke embarrassment and discomfort, especially given that Alan points to his private area while saying it. Thus, the subtitler literally translated this expression into Arabic, resulting in a semantically inaccurate rendition. Interestingly, the subtitler of the DVD version employed the same technique to defuse this potentially face-threatening sexual act. As they stand, the Arabic subtitles would confuse the target viewers. Choosing to mask the taboo sexual expression presents an incoherent account of Alan’s utterances. Arab viewers might be curious about what Lyndsey kept doing.
Omission
Omission is the least frequently employed strategy in addressing taboo and offensive references in the analysed corpus. The analysis reveals that omission is evident in both the linguistic and visual channels of communication, as elaborated in the subsequent two sections.
Linguistic omission
Table 6 illustrates the use of linguistic omission in the Arabic subtitles.
Table 6. Linguistic Omission (Example 1).
Original Dialogue Season 11, Episode 2 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Walden: Alan, I’m putting in a home gym. and it’s either going in Jenny’s room or Alan’s room. It’s your call. | (ألين) آنا سأضع / في هذا المنزل غرفة رياضية [Alan, I’m putting in this house a gym] إما أن تكون مكان غرفة (جيني) أو مكان/ غرفة (ألين)، القرار لك | (آلين)، لقد خططت لوضع صالة رياضية منزلية. [Alan, I’ve planned to put in a home gym] ستكون إما في غرفة (ألين) أو غرفة (جيني). القرار يعود لك. |
Alan: Bitch be gone. | بالطبع هي. [Of course she is] | [The bitch will leave] الساقطة سترحل. |
In this scene, Walden is very frustrated that Jenny has occupied one of his rooms for long after she decided to move in as a guest. He tells Alan that he will turn either Jenny’s room or his into a gym. Without hesitation, Alan replies, “Bitch be gone”. As can be seen, the derogatory swear word “bitch” has been omitted in the TV version. The subtitler deemed this word a pejorative term that can be sacrificed without significantly affecting the storyline. On the other hand, the DVD version retains all the elements of the whole sentence. The swear word has been subtitled as “الساقطة” lit. “whore”. It goes without saying that omitting such offensive references will affect how characters are constructed on screen, and thus Arab viewers will perceive a different portrayal of their traits and characteristics.
Another example of omission is presented in Table 7.
Table 7. Linguistic Omission (Example 2).
Original Dialogue Season 10, Episode 8 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Sid: What’s your problem, Alfred? | ما مشكلتك يا (الفريد)؟ [What’s your problem, Alfred?] | ما هي مشكلتك يا (الفريد)؟ [What’s your problem, Alfred?] |
Alan: I don’t have a problem. | ليست لدي أي مشكلة [I don’t have a problem] | ليست لدي مشكلة [I don’t have a problem] |
Sid: Oh, come on. You’re in a bar at 4:00 in the afternoon, talking to an 80-year-old man about his balls. | هيا! أنت في حانة/ عند الساعة الرابعة تتحدث إلى رجل في ال٨٠ من عمره [Come on. You’re in a bar at 4, talking to an 80-year-old man] | آنت في بار والساعة الرابعة ظهرا تتحدث إلى رجل في ال٨٠ من عمره عن خصيتاه. [You’re in a bar at 4 in the afternoon, talking to an 80-year-old man about his testicles] |
In this scene, Alan meets an elderly man named Sid at a bar in the afternoon. Sid shares several pieces of advice for growing old. One of which includes carrying a plastic cup whenever he is out. When asked about the reason, Sid explains that it is used to lower the water level in the toilet to prevent his “nuts” from touching the water. Later, Sid uses a potentially offensive or distasteful reference, namely “balls”, which is omitted in the TV version of the dialogue. This omission is likely to confuse Arab viewers, especially since there is no link between the Arabic subtitle projected on screen and the accompanying canned laughter in the background. Moreover, they may perceive an inaccurate account of Sid’s unique sense of humour. Conversely, the DVD version is more faithful, better communicating the meaning of the original dialogue, but will probably be considered inappropriate or offensive in the target culture.
Content (visual and linguistic) omission
Although scenes deemed excessively vulgar, offensive or erotic are often deleted on Arabic satellite channels, as highlighted by Al-Adwan and Yahiaoui (2018) and Thawabteh (2017), it was surprising to observe that MBC 4 did not censor a few scenes where half-naked couples were kissing and discussing sexual acts in bed. For instance, in season 9, episode 4, there is a scene where Alan and his ex-wife Lyndsey head upstairs to have sex. Walden, eager to share that he brought home a girl he met in a bar, opens the door to find both of them naked, lying in bed and partially covered in a blanket. Such a scene would most probably be deleted especially given that Lyndsey asks Walden to enter the room in an attempt to lure him into bed; to sleep with two men. In another scene, Courtney appears in sexy lingerie, having breakfast with Walden and kissing him on the lips while sitting on his lap. Later in the episode, she also appears in a bikini on the deck of Walden’s house, applying tanning spray and taking off her bra while turning her back to the camera. Another explicit scene from season 10 episode 6 depicts Walden and Rose tired and panting, presumably just after they finished having sex. Walden, who is half naked and Rose who is wearing a seductive nightgown start talking about sex and kissing before Rose jumps on him, saying “I will be driving this time”. Such scenes would unlikely pass censorship and be broadcast on Arabic satellite or cable TV channels.
On the other hand, a distinct trend was observed in which certain scenes, especially those depicting homosexuality, were deleted in the TV version. This suggests a conscious decision that is likely influenced by the cultural and religious norms of the Arab viewers. The following example clearly demonstrates the extent of this extreme intervention (Table 8).
Table 8. Visual and linguistic omission (Example 2).
Original dialogue S. 11, E 1 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
(Jenny): Morning. | [Good morning] صباح الخير | [Good morning] صباح الخير |
Waitress :(Hi). | [Hello] مرحبا | مرحبا [Hello] |
(Alan): You girls have a good night? | قضيتما ليلة جيدة يا فتيات؟ [You girls had a good night?] | قضيتما ليلة جيدة يا فتيات؟ [You girls had a good night?] |
(Jenny): Oh, yeah. | [Yes] أجل | [Yes certainly] نعم بالتأكيد |
(Jenny): I’m surprised I can even talk. | This is deleted. | لا أقوى على الكلام حتى [I cannot even talk] |
(Walden): You were saying? | كنت تقول؟ [You were saying?] | ماذا كنت تقول؟ [What were you saying?] |
(Alan): Shut up. | [Stop] اسكت | [Shut up] أخرس |
Prior to this scene, Jenny Harper, Alan’s niece, appears as a young confident lady who is known for her alcohol abuse and wild party lifestyle. At a bar with Walden, Alan and his mother Evelyn, Jenny tells the waitress who is serving their table that they need a designated driver to drive them to Walden’s “beautiful beach house”. Surprisingly, the waitress offers to give them a ride in fifteen minutes when she is done with her shift. Walden is attracted to the lady saying that she is cute. Everyone sitting at the table is so impressed with Jenny’s smooth approach and how she has managed to convince the waitress to come to Walden’s place. Jenny tells Walden that “the beach house gets you laid every time”. As can be seen from Table 7, the exchange between Jenny and Walden was completely deleted on MBC 4; i.e. visually and verbally. This has resulted in concealing Jenny’s sexual orientation and her plans to have sex with the waitress, leading the viewers to continue thinking that the waitress is actually interested in Walden. In contrast, the theme of homosexuality is very obvious for the viewers of the DVD version, who have access to all visual elements and a literal translation of the original dialogue. On the construction of characters in audiovisual materials, Ávila-Cabrera (2016, p. 26) ascertains that “offensive and taboo language can be said to contribute to fulfilling a thematic function in the film and their deletion may therefore entail the loss of the characters’ linguistic attributes”.
In this scene, when they are back in the Malibu house, Jenny shows the waitress around in the presence of Alan, Walden and Evelyn, who find her very attractive. The waitress is impressed with how posh the house is and its unique view. At this moment, Jenny invites her upstairs to the bedroom, where the view is even nicer. When they are going up the stairs, Walden, who is under the impression that Jenny has brought the girl home for him, is about to join them, but she stops him saying “She is mine. Next time I’ll get two” which signals that she is planning to have sex with her, and thus revealing to others her sexual orientation, namely being a lesbian. This assumption is further strengthened in the subsequent scene (see Table 9).
Table 9. Visual and linguistic omission (Example 1).
Original dialogue season 11, Episode 1 | TV Arabic Subtitles | DVD Arabic Subtitles |
---|---|---|
Waitress: Oh, my God, this house is amazing! | يا إلهي المنزل رائع [Oh my God, the house is amazing] | يا إلهي المنزل رائع [Oh my God, the house is amazing] |
Walden: Well, it’s Yeah. | حسنا إنّه [Yes it is] | [it is] انه كذلك |
Waitress: And look at that view. | وانظروا إلى هذا المنظر [And look at that view] | وانظروا إلى هذا المنظر [And look at that view] |
Jenny: It’s even better from the bedroom. Want to see? | إنها أفضل من غرفة النوم/ تودين رؤيتها؟ [It’s better from the bedroom. Would you like to see it?] | إنها أفضل من غرفة النوم/ تودين رؤيتها؟ [It’s better from the bedroom. Would you like to see it?] |
Waiter: Yeah | [Yes] أجل | [Yes] أجل |
Jenny: After you. | [After you] من بعدك | [After you] من بعدك |
Jenny: Whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa. Where are you going? | This is deleted | [Where are you going?] الى أين تذهب |
Walden: Up to show her. | This is deleted | [Up to show her] إلى الأعلى لآريها |
Jenny: Oh, you thought? Oh, no-no-no-no-no, she’s mine. Next time I’ll get two. | This is deleted | ظننت…؟ كلا، أنها لي. [You thought…? No, she is mine.] في المرة القادمة سأحضراثنتين. [Next time, I will bring two.] |
Walden: What just happened? | This is deleted | [What just happened] ماذا حدث للتو. |
In this scene, we see Jenny and the waitress entering the kitchen the following morning, happy and energetic. Walden and Alan are surprised to see both girls wearing sexy lingerie. Alan Asked them if they had a good night, and they answered yes. Jenny then elaborates, “I’m surprised I can even talk”, touching her face while opening and closing her jaws out of pain. As can be noted, this part of the scene is deleted on MBC 4, which implies that she had sexual interaction and, more specifically, oral sex. The channel then shows the girls grabbing water bottles from the fridge and returning to Jenny’s room. Walden gets extremely upset by the fact that Jenny took this hot girl for herself. The viewers of this episode on MBC 4 would find it extremely confusing to figure out why Walden is so furious and why Jenny and her girl are still in the house in their underwear. This disconnect is mainly due to the omission of the scene that occurred earlier and was discussed in Table 9. On the other hand, the viewers of the DVD version would find it extremely easy to follow the storyline of the episode without any confusion.
Conclusions
Subtitling English sitcoms into Arabic proves to be extremely challenging, mainly due to the religious and cultural background of the target viewers and their expectations, as well as the level of censorship exercised by Arab subtitlers. This paper investigated this thorny issue and explored the varying levels of censorship and their frequency in the Arabic subtitles of sixteen episodes from the American sitcom Two and a Half Men broadcast on the Arabic TV channel MBC4 and DVD. The analysis revealed that Arab subtitlers had exercised strict measures in filtering the content of the original dialogue on MBC4 more than the DVD version when dealing with taboo and offensive utterances, especially those related to sex, drugs, alcohol, homosexuality, and swear words. In addressing taboo references, Arab subtitlers opted for three main strategies of censorship: euphemisation, semantic mistranslation and omission.
Moreover, it appears that MBC4 maintains a zero-tolerance policy regarding homosexuality. Scenes depicting topics related to gays and lesbians were omitted altogether in an attempt to save the face of Arab viewers from being exposed to prohibited or distasteful themes. On the other hand, it was unexpected to view intimate scenes in which characters appear, for instance, kissing half-naked or wearing revealing clothes i.e. lingerie and bikinis; a practice that departs from the channel’s typical content standards.
Needless to say, censorship has played a significant role in distorting the linguistic and visual content of the original show and, therefore, deprived the target viewers, who heavily rely on the Arabic subtitles, of adequately following the episodes’ storyline. Finally, it is worth noting that the sitcom characters are likely to be perceived differently in the subtitled versions due to different levels of censorship exercised by Arab subtitlers. The service providers’ ideologies, coupled with the social and religious norms of the target audience, have shaped the content of the audiovisual products that are available on satellite channels and DVDs.
Author contributions
Amer Al-Adwan wrote every part of this research, including collecting and analysing data.
Data availability
The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
Competing interests
The author declares no competing interests.
Ethical approval
Ethical approval was not required as the study did not involve human participants.
Informed consent
This article does not contain any studies with human participants performed by any of the authors.
Publisher’s note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Abstract
Subtitling taboo comedy has recently emerged as one of the most complex issues in audiovisual translation in the Arab world. Translating this genre across language and cultural barriers demands meticulous attention to the norms and expectations of the target viewers’ culture. However, despite the growing interest in this area, further research is necessary to understand this phenomenon and its mechanisms. Therefore, this paper delves into this thorny issue and investigates the various levels of censorship and their frequency in the Arabic subtitles displayed on satellite TV channels and DVDs. The corpus analysed consists of 16 episodes from seasons 9, 10, and 11 of the American sitcom Two and a Half Men aired on MBC4, one of the most prominent Arabic TV channels, and the DVD version of these episodes. A comparative linguistic analysis was conducted on the original dialogues of the selected episodes and their Arabic subtitles, highlighting instances of censorship and identifying the strategies employed. The results of the analysis indicate that Arab subtitlers have implemented a more rigorous censorship approach in rendering taboo language, such as sexual references and swear words on TV channels compared to DVDs. Based on descriptive translation studies, the analysis reveals that Arab subtitlers working for MBC4 relied on three main strategies of censorship: euphemisation, semantic mistranslation, and omission. Furthermore, it is observed that the satellite channel has implemented rigorous censorship protocols pertaining to homosexuality, leading to the omission of certain scenes altogether. This action was taken to avoid any potential discomfort or offence to Arab viewers. It is evident that dominant ideologies and relevant censorship practices play a significant role in modifying the linguistic and visual content of the original sitcom, hindering the target viewers from following the storyline of the episodes and grasping the intended humour.
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