Abstract
This study reports on the reasons a group of five Black male teacher candidates chose to be teachers. Specifically, this study focuses on the challenges they anticipated facing and advantages they perceived as they entered the profession. Data were collected through individual interviews, focus groups, and archival records. Qualitative analysis indicated that the study respondents chose teaching due to an influential Black teacher and the persuasion of family and friends. Perceived challenges of being a Black male teacher included being viewed by others as not competent or professional and being tested by Black male students in the classroom for their worthiness to teach them. Perceived advantages of being a Black male teacher included the ability to command respect, the ability to connect with student culture, and job marketability.
Keywords: Black male teachers, teacher education, Black boys
"When we walk into our classrooms as Black teachers, the Black boys are more prone to try and push us, just to gauge how tough we are. It's like they think, 'Okay, let me test his mettle, let me see if he is tough enough to teach me."
- David (pseudonym), Study Participant.
There is a significant shortage of Black male teachers in the United States, and despite efforts, this trend does not appear to be changing. Taie and Goldring (2020) indicated that approximately seven percent of all public-school teachers are Black. Of that group, only two percent are Black males, according to the U.S. Department of Education (2016). Boser (2014) reported that every state in the United States has a higher percentage of students of color than teachers of color. Research identifies correlations between a White female-dominated profession and Black male teachers feeling excluded, being the "token" Black man, and being perceived as not competent (Berry et al., 2020; Bristol & Goings, 2018; Glover, 2020; Vasquez, 2023).
Furthermore, studies show that Black male teachers cite previous negative school experiences and low expectations for Black boys as concerns related to their roles as teachers (Goings & Bianco, 2016; Pabon, 2017). With a vastly disproportionate ratio of Black male students to Black male teachers, it is a reality that many Black boys will never have a Black male teacher. Research supports the myriad positive outcomes produced when students are taught by a teacher of their race; for example, students with same race teachers have improved or higher reading and math outcomes (Eddy & Easton-Brook, 2011; Egalite et al., 2015). They have fewer disciplinary actions such as suspensions and expulsions (Lindsay & Hart, 2017). Also noted in research is a decrease in dropping out of high school as well as a greater chance that they will attend college (Gershenson et al., 2021; Gershenson et al., 2016). Bianco et al. (2011) reported that having a same race teacher is important to Black boys because they can culturally relate to and connect well with that teacher. Black boys in the aforementioned study reported that having a teacher of their same race had a positive impact on their decision to become a teacher. Specifically, middle or high school teachers of their same race had the greatest impact on that decision.
Theoretical Framework
This study is framed within the literature and works on reasons why Black males enter teaching, why they choose not to enter teaching, challenges they face as Black males in teaching, and the influence of Black teachers on their students. The work of Derrick Brooms (2017) helps us understand the "negative framing of Black males" in our society. Further the recent work of Chism and Childs (2023) addresses the support needed for Black males entering the teaching profession. It is also important to note the role that critical race theory (CRT) has on Black male teachers and power dynamics within schools.
Reasons Black Males Do Not Enter Teaching
There are a variety of reasons that Black males enter the teaching profession and even more reasons they choose not to enter the profession. Black males report the lack of community respect for the profession and low pay as deterrents to entering teaching (Partee, 2014). They also cite the perception that teaching is "women's work," as nursing is perceived to be (Bianco et al., 2011; Graham & Erwin, 2011). Graham and Erwin also affirmed that Black boys do not consider going into teaching because of the absence of Black male teachers and due to significant negative experiences in their own schooling. The Black boys in their study described disrespectful, manipulative, and unprofessional teachers as "assassins who intentionally [kill] kids by picking them off one by one" (Graham & Erwin, 2011, p. 411). They also expressed dislike of the idea of being the only Black teacher in a school. Graham and Erwin further report that disrespect by White parents is a deterrent for Black boys entering the profession. They maintain that participants in
their study "looked favorably on African American males who were custodians, coaches, and substitute teachers because they had what they perceived as the freedom to move about the school without answering to White parents" (p. 411). In a study by Goings and Bianco (2016), a group of high school Black males enrolled in a pre-college education course, during which they were introduced to careers in teaching indicated they believed the barriers to entering the teaching profession were low expectations, stereotypes, and racial microaggressions.
Reasons Black Males Do Enter Teaching
Despite the many deterrents to entering the profession, there are also many reasons Black males cite for wanting to teach. One recurring theme in the literature is Black males desire to act as change agents for African American students (Lynn, 2002). Lynn maintained that "Black men see teaching as an opportunity to correct social, political, and even economic wrongs" (p.127). Similarly, Cormier (2020) reported that Black male Special Education preservice teachers were motivated to make a difference in the lives of their students and believed their common life experiences made them strong role models for their Black students. Brown (2014) presented findings from early career teachers indicating that men of color are more likely to approach teaching as a social justice project, rather than solely a job. Bianco et al. (2011) and Cormier reported that Black males' desire to work with children is a motivating factor to their entering the teaching profession.
Challenges Facing Black Male Teachers
Black male teachers face different and arguably more challenges than their White counterparts. They may enter their buildings only to find that they are the only or one of a few teachers of color, causing feelings of isolation (El-Mekki, 2018). Referred to as "loners" by Bristol (2014), these teachers are the only Black male teachers in their schools. Bristol examined the experiences of loners and concluded that these men face more challenges than their counterparts in schools with a larger Black faculty. Bristol and Goings (2018) conducted a study of Black male teachers across 14 urban schools. The Black males noted that they intentionally created boundaries to limit interactions with colleagues because they believed those colleagues thought they were either incompetent or overqualified for their teaching roles. Brooms (2017) addressed the ways the media portrays Black males as deficient and typically engaged in the criminal justice system. This negative framing impacts how Black males are viewed as teachers in the classroom. Bristol and Shirrell (2018) and Bristol (2020) describe loners as feeling socially isolated, resulting in intentional barriers and a decreased desire to seek advice from colleagues. Moreover, Bristol (2018) found that loners believed that they had fewer career opportunities than their White colleagues.
Another significant challenge for Black male teachers is the expectation for them to take on responsibilities in the school buildings related to race relations, such as mentoring students of color (El-Mekki, 2018). They may face assumptions by their colleagues that, because of their race, they will be better equipped to handle disruptive behaviors in the classroom. This expectation is grounded in the historical narrative that presents Black boys as fatherless troublemakers and underachievers. They often are viewed as disruptive and damaged, and the Black male teacher is expected to be the disciplinarian (Bristol & Mentor, 2018; Brockenbrough, 2015; El-Mekki, 2018). They also are seen as the savior, the fixer or the role model (Brown, 2014). These perceptions may
lead to the Black male teacher being expected to perform duties different from those expected of his non-Black peers (Woodson & Pabon, 2016). Moreover, they may be more valued for their disciplinarian role, rather than for their academic role (Brockenbrough, 2015, El-Mekki, 2018). While Black male teachers report that they are aware that they are viewed this way by White and non-White colleagues, many also report discomfort with this role, as they do not see themselves as disciplinarians (Bristol et al., 2020; Bristol & Goings, 2018; Bristol & Mentor, 2018; Brockenbrough, 2015). Black male teachers are often positioned by their schools as father figures to the Black boys in the school (Brockenbrough, 2011; Brooms, 2017). Brooms used and extended the term "otherfathering" to describe the responsibilities of Black male teachers as they take on the role of the father figure for some Black students.
Overall, the existing literature cites racial stereotyping, racism, low wages, discipline expectations, and professional isolation as primary deterrents for Black men joining the teaching profession. However, the existing literature does not explore in any depth the reasons that Black men choose teaching as a profession, nor does it detail the advantages of being a Black male teacher in the United States. This study enhances the existing research by offering additional perceived disadvantages and advantages of being a Black male teacher. It also offers information about the pathway to teaching for Black males.
Method
This study presents data from interviews, focus groups, and archival records in the form of application essays and course assignments from five Black male teacher candidates. Seeking to explore the perspectives of Black male teacher candidates enrolled in a college of education, the researchers employed a case study method of investigation (Yin, 2009). The case study consisted of multiple individual cases described by Creswell (2013) as multiple bounded systems.
Participants
The five study participants attend Eastern University (a pseudonym). Eastern University is a four-year public institute with approximately 23,000 students, and is located near a large metropolitan city. All participants were recruited to the study because they were Black males. They all identify as male and African American or Black. One participant also identifies as Caribbean American.
The principal investigator recruited participants currently enrolled in a teacher preparation program at Eastern University. She asked department chairpersons and other professors in the college to identify Black males in their programs and recent graduates of their programs. After receiving names and contact information, she sent an email invitation to each person, asking for voluntary participation in the study. Those who responded were included in the study.
The participants were given pseudonyms for the study. They are referred to as Benny (a senior and an art education major), David (a senior and a secondary education English major), Kevin (a junior and a middle school education major), Malcolm (a junior and a secondary education science major), and Randall (a junior and a secondary education history major).
Research Questions Three research questions drove this study:
1. What do Black male teacher candidates cite as their reasons for entering the teaching
profession?
2. What advantages do Black male teacher candidates anticipate they will face in the teaching profession?
3. What challenges do Black male teacher candidates anticipate they will face in the teaching profession?
Data Sources
The researchers used the following data sources: (a) interviews, (b) focus groups, and (с) archival data in the form of application essays and course assignments. They conducted two 30minute individual interviews with each participant, for a total of 10 interviews and three one-hour focus groups. They also collected program application essays and a written course assignment for each participant.
Interviews
Each participant sat for two 30-minute individual interviews. The first set of interview questions (See Appendix A) was semi-structured and open ended (Creswell 2013). The intent was to learn general background information about the participants. The researchers chose to broadly frame the first interview questions to provide an open forum for the participants to tell their personal stories. Additionally, it was important to avoid leading the participants toward any preconceived views or hypotheses held by the researchers.
The second set of interview questions (See Appendix B) was written with the intent to delve deeper into specific themes that emerged from the first interviews and the focus group. All interviews were conducted via Zoom and were recorded for transcription purposes.
Focus Groups
The researchers conducted three focus groups. The purpose of the first focus group was to gain further insight into the emerging themes from the first group of interviews. The researchers asked specific questions directly related to the themes, and they prompted the participants to elaborate more fully on their individual interview responses (See Appendix C).
After the first interviews and the first focus group, once themes were identified, the researchers created the second focus group questions. Those questions specifically relate to the themes and were intended to delve even deeper into those themes (See Appendix D). The researchers decided to conduct a third focus group, in an attempt to reach a saturation point (Strauss & Corbin, 2008) with respect to the previously identified themes (See Appendix E).
All focus groups were conducted via Zoom and recorded for transcription purposes. As with the individual interviews, the researchers used Zoom transcription and checked the transcriptions for accuracy.
Archival records consisted of course assignments and program application essays. The researchers gathered these data sets because they contained the participants' personal views on reasons why they decided to enter teaching. The data sets also had participants' position statements and views regarding their personal cultural backgrounds relative to teaching.
Course Assignment. The study participants completed an assignment in one of their teacher education courses that required them to reflect on their personal development, to draw connections between their cultural upbringing and their future roles as classroom teachers, and to inventory their own biases. As part of this assignment, they read Christopher Emdin's (2016) For White Folks Who Teach in the Hood... And the Rest of Ya'll Too and engaged in conversations with their peers and their professor about the positionality of teachers and the role race plays in their day-to-day decision making.
Program Application Essays. A requirement for admittance to the College of Education is an essay that addresses reasons why the student wishes to enter the school and become a teacher. Participant essays were included in the research and examined for insight into reasons why the participants chose teaching, as well as for their views on how their race and gender shaped them or informed their decisions.
Coding
Immediately following each interview and focus group, the researchers thoroughly read the transcripts and analyzed the data by coding for emerging themes, patterns, and common words (Strauss & Corbin, 2008). They began by reading the transcripts to get a holistic picture of the data. During step two of the coding process, they met to discuss the emerging themes, noted areas of discrepancies, and then narrowed the themes related to each research question. At that stage, they chunked data into thematic categories (Creswell, 2013). They made connections between and among the themes. This was an iterative process (Merriam, 1998). They continued to revisit the data and look for areas where more information was needed, which in turn led to the development of the subsequent interview and focus group questions.
Reliability and Validity
The purpose of this research was to understand rather than to generalize (Creswell, 2013). It is therefore important for researchers employing qualitative research methodologies to note how they are ensuring reliability and validity of their methods. To establish reliability, the researchers followed structured protocols consistent with similar studies and established a clear outline of the protocol for replication purposes (Yin, 2009). They also allowed for flexibility, to be able to accommodate emergent themes that would lead to further investigation (Stake, 1995). To ensure validity, the researchers triangulated their data and involved all researchers in interpreting the data.
Findings The Black male teacher candidates cited that they were inspired by Black male teachers
and motivated by family and friends to pursue a teaching career. They also claimed advantages to being a Black male teacher included the respect associated with their gender and race, their ability
to easily connect with the culture of their students, and job marketability. The challenges they anticipated facing as Black male teachers included that their competency will be challenged, their professionalism will be questioned, and their "mettle" will be tested by Black boys in their classroom who are not familiar with a Black man in a position of power.
Reasons for Choosing Teaching
The participants reported that the primary reasons for entering the teaching profession were the influence of a Black male teacher and the persuasion of family and friends. Seeing teachers who looked like them helped the Black males in the study believe in their potential to be teachers. This was later affirmed by family and friends, who suggested that, after watching them interact with family or local youth, they had the skills and traits necessary to work with children. Results confirm the literature on the profound influences of Black male teachers on Black students. (Bianco et al., 2011; Egalite et al., 2015; Gershenson et al., 2016; Lindsay & Hart, 2017).
Black Male Teacher Influence
All participants referenced influential teachers from their K-12 academic careers as one point of inspiration. Specifically, several participants reported that their most influential teacher was a Black male. In the focus groups, the participants said that having a Black teacher helped to affirm that people who look like them can teach, and thus their dreams and aspirations could be reality. The participants used words such as "respected," "trustworthy," "relatable," and "encouraging" when describing influential Black male teachers.
David said, "My eighth grade English teacher was the first Black man that I saw teaching the subject, and subconsciously it stuck with me until I decided this was one thing that 1 wanted to do with the rest of my life." Similarly, Malcolm said, "I can vividly remember some of the first times I saw a Black male having his own classroom, and it touched me because it's like Га never seen someone in that position of power." Benny noted that he did not have a Black male teacher in his academic career until he entered college. About this teacher he said, "What's special 1s that they really tried to incorporate diversity into the classroom because they were African American, and that's something that not a lot of my [White] teachers really did." In essence, all the influential Black male teachers described inspired the participants not only because they looked like them, but also because they openly demonstrated their passions and created inclusive learning environments. Furthermore, the males in the study reported that their Black teachers believed in them, increased their confidence, and pushed them to achieve more, academically.
These findings support existing research on the power that same race teachers have on students. Bianco (2011), for example, found that Black boys with teachers of the same race positively impacted their decision to become teachers themselves. Regarding academic achievement, these findings align with the work of Egalite et al. (2015) who studied improved reading and math outcomes of Black male students and Gershenson et al. (2021) who found a decrease in drop out and increase in college entry for Black males with Black male teachers. Related to disciplinary actions, this study confirms the findings of Lindsay & Hart (2017) who found fewer disciplinary actions against Black males with Black male teachers.
Participants reported experiences with family and friends who encouraged them to pursue teaching as a career. The participants who reported family influences recalled supporting their younger siblings and family members as informal mentors and tutors. In these roles, they felt their love of children and were told by friends and family that they had a particular skill or gift working with children. This led them to start envisioning themselves as teachers and to see an opportunity to make an impact with youth. These findings are consistent with the literature that indicates that family and friends have significant persuasive power over one's decision to be a teacher (citation omitted). It is also consistent with literature that reports Black males' desire to work with children is a motivating factor for them to enter teaching (Bianco et al., 2011; Cormier, 2020).
Malcolm said, "What inspired me to become an educator is definitely my father. I see the impact of the change that I can make on a life." Both Kevin and Benny noted that their friends and family encouraged them to enter the profession. Benny said, "My friends all told me that I had the personality traits of a teacher, and once I was told that, it all clicked, and I thought it would be fun." Kevin noted, "Growing up, I did a lot of helping with homework. My mother and other family members said I would do well with children." These anecdotes reveal that there is a perceived personality type for becoming a teacher and affirmation of those traits from family and friends is motivational and influential in the decision to pursue teaching as a profession.
Advantages of Being a Black Male Teacher
The participants reported advantages of being Black male teachers entering the profession. These include the respect associated with their gender and skin color, the ability to culturally connect with students, and job marketability. The findings confirm that implementing culturally relevant curriculum and instructional practices continues to be an advantage for Black male teachers in building and maintaining student connections and relationships (Milner, 2016; MiltonWilliams & Bryan, 2021; Pabou et al., 2011; Scott & Alexander, 2019). However, the participants' perceived marketability does not align with current literature that indicates that Black teachers are hired less often (National Center for Education Statistics & Department of Education, 2016). It is also not consistent with literature indicating that it is more difficult to be hired and retained as a Black male teacher due to racism and sexism (Bell, 2017; Bristol & Goings, 2018).
Respect
One theme presented in the data was the respect that Black men receive primarily based on their perceived racial identity and gender. These findings coincide with those of Lynn (2002), who described Blackness and maleness as assets rather than liabilities. Overwhelmingly, the participants noted that, when they walk into a room, students immediately notice their gender, skin color, and for some, their imposing size. Several of the participants described themselves as large, muscular Black men, and for this reason, they believe they automatically gained respect.
Randall said, "The demeanor and the stature of African American males can be seen as, you know, a little intimidating, like . . . if I come into a room, it's like, "Oh who's this guy? Не looks intimidating." David echoed this sentiment, stating, "As a student, when you see a male of color, there's something about him that just commands leadership, attention, and respect." Kevin agreed and stated, "In our race, there's just this unspoken vibe and unspoken energy." In reference
to a sports team that he coaches, Kevin added, "The White kids are afraid of me because they know I will discipline them right then and there, on the spot." He continued, "Like, within a day or two I get respect from them instantly, and that is a big advantage when it comes to teaching." Although the men spoke about inciting fear and commanding respect because of their color, gender, and imposing size, they also maintained that students and others in the school building might view them as tougher than they really are. For example, David said: In terms of authority, I feel like they're going to be expecting me to be a lot tougher than 1 normally am. I just feel like there's going to be more emphasis on me to be tough with my kids because I'm one of the few [Black] male authority figures there. They might perceive me to be more of a disciplinarian and more of a heavy taskmaster than I actually am, just because of the way that I look.
Similarly, Malcolm describes himself as the "nicest guy you will ever meet," but not at all a tough guy in reality. This sentiment is supported in the literature that finds Black male teachers are perceived as disciplinarians (Brockenbrough 2015; El-Mekki, 2018). Notwithstanding, many Black male teachers do not see themselves in that light and may not be comfortable with that designation (Bristol et al., 2020; Bristol & Goings, 2019; Bristol & Mentor, 2018).
Marketability
All of the participants in the study were eager to begin full-time teaching positions and were confident that they will be offered multiple jobs and be fully employed upon graduation. Being marketable because there are so few Black men in the profession emerged as a significant advantage for the men. David and Randall described themselves and the other Black male teachers as "diamonds in the rough" because they contribute to the diversity of schools and are a highly underrepresented group. David added, "You know, you go to a school, and they're looking at you like, "Yes, we can have a Black male teacher on staff" ." Randall agreed with David. He said, "We are a rarity. It's very uncommon to see African American males within the classroom. It's very beneficial on part of the school system to hire an African American male because it makes them look good." He feels certain that he will be able to start teaching the day after he graduates. David agreed, stating, "There's no competition. It is like you will get whatever school you choose."
Kevin, however, expressed a contrary point: "I am afraid that I won't get a job in a predominantly White area." Therefore, the perception that diversity is valued in schools 1s not consistent, and perhaps the demographics of the surrounding community could have an impact on a Black male teachers marketability. Kevin"s concerns align more closely to the existing literature that reports that it is more challenging to be hired and later retained as a Black male teacher (Bell, 2017; Bristol & Goings, 2018). The aforementioned contradicting perspectives and findings indicate a need for further research related to the marketability of Black male teachers.
Cultural Connections
The participants believe that an advantage to being a Black male teacher is their ability to relate to their students because of their understanding of and relationship with current culture. They were clear about the positive impact that they believed their race and gender will have on their abilities to build strong relationships with their students. While they addressed being able to draw from shared cultural identities, they also asserted that relationship building applied to all students
and not just their Black male students. The participants discussed at length the comfort they have with the current culture of this generation of school-aged students, no matter the race. David described having his "finger on the pulse of current culture." They all agreed that Black culture is today's pop culture, which in turn helps them identify with all students. Kevin said, "Black culture [today] is very closely related to pop culture . . . the music that comes from Black people is what is popular to kids nowadays." While they admitted that their youth may be partially responsible for these cultural connections, they also insisted that, as Black men, they are better able to understand the harsh realities that many students in today's classrooms experience, compared to their White colleagues. David said: Pm looking at the kid and asking what and where did he come from this morning. What situation did he come from and what situation is he going home to, and what is he experiencing right now, and I feel like that's more tied to the experience that I've had as a Black male growing up . . . he's not just being bad to be bad. He is going through something.
Randall agreed that personal experiences can inform the way that Black males build relationships and how they interact with their Black students. Randall shared a personal high school experience in which he and his brother were late to school after being pulled over by the police. He described the vastly different reactions from the White male teacher and the Black female teacher. According to Randall, the White male teacher reacted by reprimanding him for driving too fast. However, the Black female teacher reacted with concern for him and his brother and the potential trauma they had encountered at the hands of the police. He believes that the shared life experiences he and other Black teachers have with their students enable them to support their students beyond academics; they are better equipped to offer guidance and support for students while they navigate through life as African American males.
All participants agreed that, although they can connect with all students, it is easier to connect with Black students. As Benny discussed his perspective about the relatability within Black culture, he said, "There's just some things you will get that you may not get as a White teacher. Like, for example, we have jokes about certain aspects of our Black culture." Randall agreed and added:
I was on Black Twitter, and there was a post of a cabinet filled with small plastic bags
stuffed inside of other plastic bags, and like, you know you grew up in a Black household
when you see a cabinet like that, and I was just thinking, like, that's just really one small, like, relatable characteristic in African American communities.
Both Benny and Randall agreed that sometimes it is the details of day-to-day life that foster connection. This aligns with the findings of Bianco et al. (2011), in which the Black male students in that study reported feeling a connectedness to their Black male teachers because of the "teachers' abilities to relate to them, understand them, and act as cultural broker" (p. 379). However, David suggested that relationships and connections can happen, even without shared experiences. He said, "I can sit down with a kid who has a completely different perspective [on] the Black experience from me, and we were still able to find a middle ground and connect." His experience suggested that, even if he does not share a common experience with his Black students, simply being Black is enough of a commonality to build connections and relationships more easily, compared to his White counterparts.
Challenges for Black Male Teachers
While recalling transformational moments that led these men to teaching and the advantages they anticipate, they also shared challenges that they will face as they enter the profession. The participants reported concerns about others' perceptions of their competency and professionalism. Additionally, they anticipated issues with teaching young Black boys who may test their worthiness to teach them.
Competency is Questioned
All participants agreed that they anticipated being viewed by colleagues, parents, and students as not competent for the job. Participants attributed stigmas, negative stereotypes, and lack of representation of Black male teachers as the root cause of these views. They all noted that students, parents, colleagues, and others may be uncomfortable and doubt their competence because they are unfamiliar with people "who look like us." As David said, "[We will] stick out like a black spot on a white sheet of paper because there are not many African American males in the field." Malcolm touched on the current pressure for schools to hire diverse faculty and maintained that this affects others' views of their right to be in the classroom. He said, "Colleagues may deem us as not qualified to teach because [they] know the school is pushing for diversity and think they're just trying to hire more teachers of color so we are not as qualified as [they] may be." When discussing concerns about being viewed as not competent, David said:
We have to prove we are competent, literate, and professional every day. It's the stigma
society has on the Black male. We are supposed to be making music, making jump shots,
or making prison cots, and that's just the reality of it, the harsh reality. [Being] a teacher is not anywhere in that equation. So, when you see a Black man coming into the building, he's clearly not qualified enough to be there.
Randall spoke at length about statistics of the Black male and noted, "When it comes to African American males, statistically we perform the lowest on state exams . . . so, you know that negative stigma that [others] may have, that [we] may seem . . . not competent or not literate." Benny added, "There's like a stigma, which I guess goes back to racism of Black people being viewed as uncultured or maybe just not as cultured as a White person." These views of Randall and David are consistent with Brooms' (2017) examination of the manner the media portrays Black men as deficient and engaged in criminality.
Similar to concerns about general competency, the participants discussed the concerns they have about their colleagues and others doubting their content literacy. Content literacy refers to their ability to understand and teach their assigned subject area. Several of the men indicated they chose teaching for the love of their content. Despite this love and preparation, they fear a significant challenge for them will be the perception by others that they are not competent in their content area. Malcolm said, "I think it will be a challenge in the classroom concerning my competency in the field of history . . . and knowledge base in the subject." These findings are consistent with Bristol and Goings' (2018) study of Black male teachers who believed their colleagues perceived them to be incompetent in their content knowledge.
In the first focus group, David said, "If I can grow a Black boy in the field of English, give [him] that love of literature, poetry, and plays . . . I would love to do that." Despite this desire to instill his love of literature on his students, David said that doing so is difficult because the Black
male is perceived by others as a "domineering hulk figure who is not wildly intelligent." Randall confirmed this, saying, "We do have to prove we are competent and literate and professional every day." Benny concurred and said, "We may be considered as not seasoned, as not knowledgeable."
Professionalism is Challenged
The topic of professionalism is an important one in teacher preparation. Much time is spent with teacher candidates identifying behaviors that are to be modeled in the field so that they enter the school building knowing how to carry themselves as professionals. White women dominate the profession, and this is reflected in the standards of professional attire, style, demeanor, and language. The participants all noted that they will face challenges as they enter classrooms with respect to varying expectations and double standards of professionalism for Black and White teachers. For example, Randall pointed to a cross necklace he was wearing during a focus group and said:
Some people will say me wearing this necklace is not professional, and I've had professors
that wear the Star of David who may be Jewish . . . and you know ГП receive more
commentary about this than anybody else . . . so that's one aspect in regards to professionalism that may be seen as professional in an African American standpoint but not from a White standpoint.
David echoed these thoughts and said, "We do have to deal with something as simple as not wearing a suit or just wearing a polo and dress pants, or having dyed hair. We have to fight these challenges every day, and there's more of a target on our back." Benny noted that, although he had not really thought about professional attire, he was concerned and would not know what to do if he encountered similar situations.
Mettle is Tested
One of the greatest challenges the men said that they will face as Black male teachers is Black boys in their classrooms "testing their mettle." The Merriam-Webster dictionary (n.d.) defines "mettle" as vigor, strength, or staying power. If someone wants to test your mettle, they want to see if you have the courage to stick around when things get tough. David said, "The Black boy thinks, "Let me test this guy's mettle, let me see if this guy is sweet, if 1 can 1 walk all over this guy, or if he is tough." He continued, "The Black boy looks at us as the novelty in the classroom and someone that looks like them, so now, they have to gauge our toughness a little bit." All of the participants agreed with David's statement, "It is definitely the fact that we look like them, and they don't have someone that looks like them, like an older brother, father, or uncle."
Further discussions led to concerns regarding the impact such testing will have on their ability to establish relationships with Black boys who, because of the newness of having a Black man in a position of power, may be reticent or uncooperative. They said that the Black boy will "test the waters, sit back, and wait to see how the situation will play out before allowing them in." The participants define "test" as the Black boys not engaging or letting down their walls, not trusting the Black male teacher or letting him in. They claim that the boys may not readily let go of the fear that this Black man in a position of power will leave them in the same way that Black men may have left them before. All participants confirm that when the Black boys in their classroom are confronted with a Black man in a position of power, they do not trust the situation.
The participants claimed that the Black boys would need to wait and see if the Black male teacher would continue to show up for them day after day. This is particularly true for a teacher in a core content area. According to the participants, Black boys are accustomed to seeing Black male coaches and custodians, but not core subject teachers like History and English teachers. Kevin explained the way in which trauma enters the classroom and is taken out on the Black male teacher. He said: If you're in a low-income area where a lot of the African American male students don't have male representation in the household or positive male representation in the household, and they' re being fed the negative stigmas that are being seen in rap videos and on different news media broadcasts and everywhere, from all avenues, and they go into a classroom and see an African American male in the classroom that looks like any one of us, they're going to be more prone to challenge that figure.
David agreed and said, "They just unload a lot of their emotional baggage on you. After they've challenged, after you've shown that you truly do care, then they start to unload." He continued, "I think the more that we start to know the kid, the more that the kid starts to speak and open up and release that baggage on to us and really connect. I think the connection can be deeper." He said:
And we're also, by proxy, taking on the fact that the figure that is supposed to be in front
of them doing this is absent, so now they'll take out those emotions, like anger and
resentment, [on us] because we're in that position of power, because we are that Black male. We really do take on the mask of whoever is missing for them, and they're going to attack [us], as they want to see who's behind it.
Limitations
While we offer a robust set of findings in this study, there are some limitations as well. These findings are limited to five Black males at one university in the mid-Atlantic region of the United States. Findings should not be generalized to all Black male teachers or other universities in different geographic regions. It is important to recognize that the results may be different with a larger population. Additionally, the results of this study included two individual interviews, three focus groups, and limited archival records. With more data, the findings would inevitably become more intricate. However, the purpose of this study was to broadly answer the research questions with the intent to follow up with future studies related to the findings.
Implications for Future Research
This study is only the beginning of a series of possible investigations of Black teacher candidates. The researchers have broadly answered the proposed research questions and anticipate subsequent studies to further explore these findings. With the understanding of why these Black males have chosen to teach, what advantages they anticipate, and what challenges are ahead, the researchers will continue with several more related studies.
First, the researchers will replicate this study with a Black female population at Eastern University. The Black female study will include the same protocol and research questions. We know that, similar to Black male teachers, there is a disproportionate number of Black female
teachers to Black female students. It is important to examine our Black female teacher population as well as our Black male population.
Second, the researchers will examine what support Black male and Black female teacher candidates want and need. There is research that demonstrates the need for and benefits of affinity groups for Black teachers (Mosely, 2018). This study will add to that research and contribute to the opportunities for Black teachers at Eastern University. One proposed outcome of this study is to examine ways to support our Black teacher candidate population in the College of Education at Eastern University. This study will employ Community Circles, a restorative practice, as the primary forum for support of our Black teacher candidates.
Third, the researchers will examine the advantages of placing Black teacher candidates with Black mentor teachers during their internship year in their teacher preparation programs at Eastern University. The role of a mentor is a crucial one. Weimer (2019) discussed the importance of relationships in developing healthy relationships between mentors and interns. She suggests that mentors and mentees need to feel comfortable expressing their needs, sharing their experiences, and discussing goals that each has in their role as mentee and mentor. We know, as a result of this study, that our Black male teacher candidates are more comfortable communicating these needs with a Black mentor than with a White mentor. We have found in our discussions with our Black male candidates that they feel a high level of comfort and relatability to mentors of the same race. They have expressed the need and desire to be presented with opportunities to work with Black teachers in the field.
Conclusion
There is a disproportionate number of Black male teachers compared to Black male students in our nation's schools, and this figure does not appear to be shifting. According to the US Department of Education (2016), only two percent of the U.S. teacher workforce is composed of Black men. Moreover, every U.S. state has a higher percentage of students of color than teachers of color (Boser, 2014). It is therefore important to examine why Black men choose teaching and what perceived challenges and advantages they anticipate as they enter the teaching profession. Results of this study indicate that the Black males in the study chose teaching due to an influential Black teacher and the persuasion of family and friends. They also anticipate being perceived as not competent and not professional. Additionally, they anticipated they will be tested by Black boys in the classroom for their worthiness to teach them because Black boys are not familiar with Black men in positions of power. The participants also perceived advantages of being a Black male teacher. These included the ability to command respect, the ability to connect with students, and having an extra edge for landing a job in a market where Black male teachers are needed. Whether it is their candid discussion of the reasons why they have chosen to enter the profession, the perceived challenges they fear facing once they do enter, or the perceived advantages of entering the field of education regardless of these challenges, one thing is clear; the current landscape is in need of Black male teachers such as the participants in this study, and the students entering classrooms each day deserve to be taught by more of them.
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Appendix A Interview 1 Questions
1. Tell me briefly about your K-12 education and experiences. Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school-elementary, middle, high school?
2. Why do you want to be a teacher? Can you recall any life experiences that led you to want
to be a teacher?
What are some general challenges you think teachers have?
4. What do you see as challenges specifically related to Black male teachers?
Appendix B Interview 2 Questions
1. Can you elaborate on how Black boys in your classes may test you and take out their trauma on you? What does this look like? How do you feel about this anticipated challenge?
2. Can you elaborate on being viewed as not competent and not professional?
3. Can you elaborate on ways in which you can relate to students because you are in touch with current culture?
4. Can you elaborate on your marketability as a Black man seeking a teaching position?
5. Can you elaborate on the Black male teacher's ability to command respect?
6. Are there any other advantages of being a Black male in the teaching profession you would like to share?
Appendix C Focus Group 1 Questions
1. Please introduce yourself and tell us why you want to become a teacher.
2. Many of you mentioned in the interviews being influenced by Black male role models. Can you elaborate on this and the role, if any, these people played in your decision to become a teacher?
3. What do you see as challenges you may face as you enter the profession? How are these challenges different from your White and/or female counterparts? What do you see as specific challenges related to being a Black male teacher?
4. You all mentioned several advantages of being a Black male teacher. They included: (a) students being fearful of and/or having greater respect for a Black male teacher, (b) being able to relate to the students better because you are a Black male, and (с) being more marketable/employable as you look for a teaching job. Please elaborate on these advantages.
Appendix D Focus Group 2 Questions
1. We spoke in the last focus group about influential teachers and specifically Black teachers. Does anyone want to add anything about the impact that a teacher and or Black teacher had on your decision to enter the profession?
2. I am interested in exploring the advantages you all mentioned about being Black male teachers. Can you please clarify what you mean by the Black boys will "test you because of past traumas and not having Black male role models in their lives?"
3. Tam interested in exploring another advantage you all mentioned about being Black male teachers. Can you please say more about being able to "culturally" relate to the students better because you are a Black male?
4. 1$ there anything else you would like to add to today's discussion?
Appendix E Focus Group 3 Questions
1. In our interviews and focus groups, you all identified reasons for wanting to become teachers. Is there anything else you want to add about why you decided to become a teacher?
2. In our interviews and focus groups, you all discussed the advantages of being a Black male teacher. You all mentioned your ability to connect with your students because you can relate to their culture. Is there anything you would like to add to this? You also mentioned your ability to command respect because of your color and gender. Can you say more about this? Another advantage discussed is marketability. Can you say more about your thoughts on how marketable you are as Black males entering the profession?
3. In our interviews and focus groups, you all discussed the challenges of being a Black male teacher. One of these challenges is the anticipation that colleagues, students, and parents may view you as not competent or not professional. Can you say more about this? Another anticipated challenge is that the Black boys in your classes, because of the absence of Black men in their lives, will test your worthiness to teach them. Can you say more about this?
4. 1$ there anything else you would like to add to today's discussion?
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Abstract
This study reports on the reasons a group of five Black male teacher candidates chose to be teachers. Specifically, this study focuses on the challenges they anticipated facing and advantages they perceived as they entered the profession. Data were collected through individual interviews, focus groups, and archival records. Qualitative analysis indicated that the study respondents chose teaching due to an influential Black teacher and the persuasion of family and friends. Perceived challenges of being a Black male teacher included being viewed by others as not competent or professional and being tested by Black male students in the classroom for their worthiness to teach them. Perceived advantages of being a Black male teacher included the ability to command respect, the ability to connect with student culture, and job marketability.
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