1. Introduction
In the context of the Italian Renaissance, fashion was not just a matter of clothing but an intricate reflection of political, religious and socioeconomic power.1 In this era of fervent cultural exchanges between Western Europe and the East, the influences of the Eastern world, in particular those coming from the Ottoman Empire, left some imprints in the culture and fashion of the Italian Peninsula, helping to outline and enrich the image of the Turk that between the 15th and 17th centuries became the subject of allegorical representations.
The conquest of Otranto and the region of Apulia (1480–1481) was a significant example. This military campaign, although brief, spread panic among the Western Christian kingdoms, fueling fears of a large-scale invasion of Italy and Western Europe. Contemporary sources report that if Mehmed II had not died suddenly, he could have further consolidated his conquests, causing serious damage to Christianity (Giakoumis 2004, pp. 277–309; Bianchi 2018; Savvides and Perra 2022, pp. 11–39).
The Ottoman military activity caused widespread devastation of local economic infrastructure, including towns and villages, crops and natural resources. Their expansion relied on a dynamic army and capable military command, with specialized units such as the janissaries and akıncıs, who devastated the territories with brutal raids, pillage and slavery and by crushing terror “metus” (Filipović 2017, pp. 79–101; Schmitt and Kiprovska 2022, pp. 497–582; Gheorghe 2023).
The “metus Turchorum” reflects the collective perception of the Christian West towards Ottoman power (Kissling 1964, pp. 1–18; Kalić 1989, pp. 185–91). The capture of Otranto by the Ottomans and the massacre that followed were interpreted not only as a military attack but as an existential threat to Christianity. This sentiment led to calls for crusades and the urgent need for defensive coalitions among the Christian kingdoms. Even the Pope mobilized, attempting to organize a concerted defense against the Ottoman threat.
A threat that in the 16th century saw the apogee of Ottoman expansionism, marked by the annexation of the Balkan Peninsula, with the battle of Mohács (1526), the extension into the Mediterranean space with the conquest of Rhodes (1522), until then the headquarters of the Order of the Knights Hospitaller, and the conquests of the possessions of the “Stato da Mar” of the Republic of Venice, as in the case of Cyprus in 1573 (Finkel 2004; Costantini 2009a; Ivetic 2013, pp. 31–56). However, within this list of successes, there were also military failures, such as the Siege of Malta (1565) and the Battle of Lepanto (1571), which, however, did not stop the Turkish danger in the West (Allen 2017).2
This series of war conflicts was only a part of the relations between the West and the Ottoman Empire. In the Italian Peninsula of the Renaissance, important centers such as the Republic of Venice or papal Rome between the 15th and 16th centuries represented nerve centers of relations between the West and the Ottoman Empire. The “Serenissima”, as it is known through historiography, was the center from which all diplomatic information came and espionage in the Eastern Mediterranean was managed. On the other hand, the papal court was another important actor, as it promoted the Crusade against the Turks and at the same time, as Giovanni Ricci has well analyzed, it maintained epistolary exchanges with the sultan (Ricci 2011, pp. 18–19).
The letter was written, but never sent, by Pope Pius II (1458–1464) to the sultan Mehmed II is famous, in which the pontiff invites the sultan to be baptized and convert to Catholicism to take the lead of the world as a new Roman emperor, a title that the sultan already possessed as Qaysar-ı Rum (Lymberopoulou and Duits 2013). In this climate of political tension, for example, following the death of Mehmed II in 1481, a struggle for the throne began between his sons Şehzade Cem (1459–1495) and Bayezid (1447–1512), the future Bayezid II Cem decided to surrender to the Knights of Rhodes and then be taken to Rome to the court of Innocent XVIII (1484–1492). The Pope, in fact, did not miss the opportunity to be able to “checkmate” the sultan and the Ottoman expansionist aims with the threat of releasing his brother and thus allowing him to organize an insurrection to dethrone him (Vatin 1997, pp. 15–69; Bullard 2003, pp. 287–88, 339, 439–44).
During the Modern Age, although the capture of Constantinople (1453) had alarmed the European powers, not all states were against the Ottoman Empire and its policy. In Italy, for example, Lorenzo de’ Medici stood out for his pro-Turkish policy, different from the position of Venice, more inclined to confront the Ottoman Empire to preserve its territories of its “Stato da Mar”. Lorenzo developed diplomatic and commercial ties with the Ottoman sultans, finding advantages in the consolidation of relations with Mehmed II “Al-Fatih” and, later, Bayezid II. In exchange, Florence received economic benefits and political support, as happened in the Bandini assassin affair and during the Turkish invasion of Otranto, a traumatic event for the Kingdom of Naples and for Christianity. This episode strengthened Ottoman support for Florence, reducing the Neapolitan threat (Babinger 1963, pp. 305–61; 1967; Cardini 1979, pp. 455–82).
In the cultural sphere, “the Magnificent” promoted exchanges that favored the diffusion of art and knowledge between the two worlds, while thinkers such as Marsilio Ficino contributed to the intellectual dialogue between Islam and Christianity (Tanzini 2010, pp. 271–89). The ideological conflict was thus mitigated by political and cultural interests, making Florence an example of a pragmatic approach in relations with the Ottoman Empire.
In continental Europe, the “Sublime Porte” was allied with France, which on more than one occasion showed its hostility towards the Habsburgs and its closeness to the “Sublime Porte”. In fact, during the conflict between Charles V (1500–1558), Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain, and Francis I of Valois (1494–1547), King of France, known as the Italian Wars (1494–1559), for the predominance of the Italian Peninsula, in parallel in the East the Ottoman Empire was fighting against Safavid Persia which was allied with Spain.
In the West, the people began to speak of a “sacrilegious union of the Lily and the Crescent” or “the first non-ideological diplomatic alliance of its kind between a Christian and a non-Christian empire” (Isom-Verhaaren 2011, p. 117; Veinstein 2010, pp. 679–704; Tolan et al. 2013; Malcolm 2019, pp. 110–11).
The Venetian painter Titian painted the portraits of Francis I of Valois and Süleyman Kanuni (1530 c.a.) during the same period of the Italian conflict, and for this reason, between the end of the 17th and the first decade of the 18th century, King Louis XIV will be derogatorily called the “Most Christian Turk” for not having joined the Holy League (Formica 2012, p. 133). Also, in the Protestant world, we find an opinion about “The Turk” and Islam. Luther thought that the Ottomans were “servants of the Devil”, sent to earth to punish the Church and the Pope for their sins.3
The knowledge that Luther had of the Turkish world came from the sources of the period, such as woodcuts or treatises that spoke of the East and Ottoman politics. Even to further know and comment on the Koran, he wanted a copy translated into German; this request was caused by the fact that he wanted to give battle not only to the papists or the Jews but also to the Muslims (Francisco 2007, p. 20; Grafton 2017, pp. 665–83).4
By virtue of what has just been briefly outlined from a political and military point of view, this article aims to explore the phenomenon of portraying the Turk in the light of the phenomenon of fashion, the so-called “Turqueries”, as a “status symbol” in the Italian Renaissance, through a historiographical analysis and sources.
The “Turqueries”, a term that indicates stylistic representations and imitations of Ottoman art and culture, emerged as a distinctive element in some Italian Renaissance courts. These elements not only conferred an exotic and refined aesthetic but also served as a means of demonstrating power and connection with the Eastern world in an era in which trade and diplomacy with the “Sublime Porte” were of fundamental importance for Italian cities, despite the conflicts between Islam and the Catholic West, which were taking place in the Mediterranean and on the eastern frontier.
Starting from the 16th century, it is possible to note how various representations of the Turk began to circulate in the arts, which became one of the most depicted subjects. This phenomenon was certainly attributable to the fall of Constantinople, which began to make the Turks’ assault on Europe a sign of the end of times and the “Great Turk” as the personification of the devil. The story of this can be traced back to artists of the caliber of Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528) with the woodcut “The Whore of Babylon” from 1498, currently preserved in the museum, in which the traditional apocalyptic scene is portrayed, and some of the subjects depicted on the left wear Turkish clothes, even a janissary and the sultan are depicted from behind (Figure 1).
Through an overview of the historiography on the topic, here we will examine the different interpretations and critical perspectives that have contributed to delineating the complex interaction between the representation of “The Turk” Ottoman fashion in relation to the different contexts of Italian Renaissance society.
Furthermore, we will focus on the influence of Ottoman fashion not only on clothing but also on how it influenced art and consumer practices in the courts of Renaissance Italy. Through a critical analysis of primary sources and visual testimonies of the time, we will try to understand the social and political meaning attributed to “Turqueries” and Ottoman fashion, highlighting the dynamics of power and identity that derived from them.
This work aims to offer an updated and critical overview of the role of Ottoman culture as a “status symbol” in the context of the Italian Renaissance, thus contributing to a deeper understanding of the cultural context and interactions from a transnational perspective.
2. Materials and Methods
This work is based on the analysis of primary, secondary and iconographic sources. Renaissance paintings, engravings and medals depicting Turkish figures provide a vivid representation of the subjects. From a documentary point of view, the study of sources such as chronicles and travel reports of the time played an absolute importance in analyzing and studying Ottoman clothing, culture, and the interactions between Italy and the Turks between the 16th and 17th centuries.
The secondary literature and studies conducted by economic historians, art historians, and fashion historians who examined the interaction between Renaissance Italy and the Ottoman world are fundamental. Of vital importance to this encounter are illustrations and miniatures: illustrations are present in manuscripts, which allow us to reconstruct scenes of daily life and the presence of elements of oriental style in Italy.
In this sense, artists such as Cesare Vecellio, Gentile Bellini and Costanzo da Ferrara are of great importance, as they have left us works of art such as portraits, sketches, commemorative medals and texts through which it is possible to analyze the relations between the Italian Peninsula and the Ottoman cultural universe.
Obviously, we cannot ignore the importance of digitizing the online catalogs of museums such as the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Museo del Traje in Madrid, and the Victoria and Albert Museum, which have preserved evidence of the encounter or influence that Ottoman fashion had between Europe and the Italian Peninsula.
3. Representations of the Turk in Renaissance Italy: Iconography and Political-Cultural Perception
The influence of Ottoman fashion in Italy was significant, reflecting a complex cultural and commercial exchange between the Ottoman Empire and the Italian cities of the Renaissance. This relationship underlines the encounter between Europeans and the so-called “Internal Other”, which between the 15th and 16th centuries was represented by the Moriscos, who capitulated in Granada in 1492 and by the Jews, who were expelled from Spain in the same year, and by the Gypsies.5 This article explores the various facets of this influence, examining the literary and iconographic sources that testify to the relations between the Ottoman Empire and Renaissance Italy, the representation of the “Turk”, the ideas of the intellectuals of the time and the means of the encounter between the two realities.
The representation of the Turk was characterized by a rich and complex iconography, reflecting the cultural perceptions of the time. Images of the Turk, often based on historical figures such as Mehmed II, appeared in paintings, medals and other artifacts, evidencing a mixture of admiration and fear. These iconographic representations not only reflected the exotic appearance and elegance of Ottoman costumes but also the political and religious tensions between Europe and the Ottoman Empire.
It is precisely in this period of strong hostility that we find the works of artists of the caliber of Gentile Bellini and Costanzo da Ferrara, who will produce the famous medals depicting Mehmed II “Al-Fatih” (the Conqueror). Both medals depict the “Great Turk”, the nickname by which the sultan was known in the West and celebrate him as a great sovereign and conqueror of peoples and cities.
(Figure 2) SULTANI MAOHAMETI IMPERATORIS MAGNI (Recto)…GENTILIS BELLINVS VENETVS EQUES AVRATUS COMESQ. PALATINUS (Verso).
(Figure 3) SVLTANVS MOHAMETH OTHOMANVS TVRCORVM IMPERATOR (Recto)…HIC BELLI FVLMEN POPVLOS PROSTRAVIT ET VRBES (Verso)…CONSTANTIVS F[ECIT].
It is fascinating to analyze how, through the medals, one can see how the sultan’s appearance changed over the years due to illness and show how a conquering sovereign had transformed into a dying man with a gaunt and emaciated face; in fact, Mehmed II died in Edirne in 1481 (Figure 4).
Portraits of Ottoman dignitaries and rulers, with their luxurious and detailed clothing, were emblematic of the power and cultural refinement of the East and helped to spread an image of the Turk as a powerful and sophisticated “Other”.6 A refinement that was even imitated within the Gonzaga court of Mantua, where we have direct testimony from Baldassare Castiglione, author of The Book of the Courtier (1528)
i qual manera si debba vestire il Cortegiano et che habito più se gli convenga et circa tutto l’ornamento del corpo in che modo debba governarsi, perche in questo veggiamo infinite varietà et chi si veste alla Francese, chi alla Spagnola, chi vol parer Tedesco; ne ci mancano anchor di quelli che si vestono alla foggia de Turchi, chi porta la barba, chi nò. Saria adunque ben fatto saper in questa confusione elegere il meglio.
(Castiglione 1550, p. 68)
The description of the Mantuan court provided by Castiglione is the representation of a world made of appearances in which there is an otherness due to the different styles, in which the Turkish one is also present. Among other things, the Turks were not completely foreign to the environments of the Gonzaga court, as there was a great friendship between Duke Francesco II (1484–1519) and Sultan Bayezid II, known to all in the Italian Peninsula, as is witnessed by the work of the humanist from Bassano Robilio Vitelliano, Libellus de amicitia Francisci Gonzagae et Belzeti [sic] imperatoris Turcarum (Kissling 1964, pp. 35–36; Bourne 2011, pp. 53–64).
The portraits and depictions, comparable to our present-day “mass media”, had a significant impact on the perception of “The Turk”, and provided interesting details about Eastern cultures.7
This interest in details and oriental exoticism can be found in the painting St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria (1504–1507), painted by the brothers Gentile and Giovanni Bellini and currently preserved at the Pinacoteca di Brera (Figure 5). The St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria depicts various elements such as minarets and obelisks, classics of the Mamluk and Ottoman architectural tradition, and studied by Gentile Bellini during his trip to Constantinople, which mixed with the Venetian style. The subjects represented are multiple and from different cultures; in fact, Christians, Jews and Muslims can be identified recognizable by their clothing (Joswig 2013, pp. 44–54; Rateb 2023, pp. 71–97). In the background, exotic animals such as giraffes and various dromedaries and palm trees can be distinguished.
The works of art from the period between the 15th and 16th centuries, which portray the Ottomans and other Islamic populations, do not aim to demonize the peoples of the Near East; rather, they want to highlight how a “peaceful coexistence” can be created between Christians and Muslims (Marcantoni et al. 2009, pp. 19–20).
The fascination with the Turk and his culture became such that during the 16th century, a flourishing literary production and studies on the Ottoman Empire began, especially regarding its political-military and economic organization.8
In this sense, the studies of intellectuals such as Paolo Giovio (1531), Francesco Sansovino (1578), Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi (1588) and Giovanni Botero (1591) were of fundamental importance. Their works contributed to the in-depth study of the political organization of the “Sublime Porte”, comparing it to that of Rome in the imperial age, which the sultan had managed to create through a stable policy under his control and whose military system could count on the efficient military caste of the janissaries, comparable to the Praetorian Guard.9 Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527) is also among those who analyze and admire the organization of the Ottoman model. In fact, he highlighted how power is concentrated in the hands of the sultan and how the bureaucracy and the army functioned effectively to maintain internal stability. Militarily, he recognized the strategic ability of the empire to conquer territories, often exploiting internal divisions among its enemies and highlighted how the Ottoman Empire combined pragmatism and strength to consolidate control over the conquered regions. Above all, he compares the Ottomans with a fragmented and defenseless Europe in the face of such a well-organized and invincible power (Hankins 2003, pp. 293–426).
The image of the “Turk”, his customs and his politics were the subject of discussion in the reports of the bailiffs of the Republic of Venice to the Senate of the “Serenissima”, extensively analyzed by Eugenio Albèri in the XIX century and studied more recently by Luigi Bonelli, Alessio Bombaci, Gino Benzoni and Maria Pia Pedani. The reports of the bailiffs represent not only a precious source for studying the diplomatic relations between the Republic of Venice and the “Sublime Porte” but also a means for reconstructing slices of daily life and the urban history of Constantinople or other urban centers.
Indeed, in some ways, the descriptions provided by the bailiffs seem more faithful and realistic than some travel reports of the 18th century.10 For example, the difference in customs between Westerners and Ottomans is mentioned. The Venetian senator Costantino Garzoni split on this subject “Hanno i Turchi costumi molto differenti dai nostri, anzi molti, bisogna dire, in tutto contrarij, come … portare li morti a seppellire senza luminari … vestirsi con la camicia fuori del calzone, e tante altre cose che sarebbe troppo lungo a narrarle” (Albèri 1840, p. 399).
Despite the difference in customs and habits being very different from those of the West, Ottoman culture managed to be perceived not only through diplomatic relations between the West and the East but also through travelers who decided to venture into those places attracted by exoticism and the obsession with collecting. In Venice, for example, precious goods began to circulate, not only fine fabrics, such as coffee, spices, and some words of the Turkish language began to become common use among the elite of Venetian society and beyond (Viallon 2008, pp. 41–60). That same language which, as reported by Bernardo Navagero, was difficult and complicated to understand for the Venetians who had relations with the Turks: “E però in tante difficoltà quante sono in negoziare a quella Porta, reputo che questa sia una delle principali ed importanti, ed alla quale difficilmente trovo rimedio; perché non potendo saper li baili e li ambasciatori la lingua turca, è necessario che riportino a quanto loro è riferito” (Albèri 1840, p. 102).
In fact, the services of the Dragoman families, as in the case of Venice and later other states, which were responsible for learning oriental languages such as Persian, Arabic and Turkish, would become crucial in order to be able to support the bailo or other foreign dignitaries on diplomatic missions to the “Sublime Porte” (Luca 2008, pp. 653–75; 2013, pp. 39–56; Tolan et al. 2013, pp. 245–47).
Such an “opening” towards the knowledge of the Ottoman world will become possible, above all, when the Turk is no longer seen as an impossible, invincible and dangerous enemy, essentially after the battle of Lepanto (1571).11 In fact, the iconic image that emerges, with the end of this “metus hostilis” or if we want “metus Turchourm”, is that of “la Luna Ottomanna tra li Artigli dell’Aquila Imperiale e l’orgoglio del Turco dibozzato in un mal fatto bassà sotto il piede augusto” (Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASV), Segreteria di Stato (SS), Malta 34, ff. 172–173).
In Florence in the following century, the drawings made by the Veronese Jacopo Ligozzi (1547–1627) became famous, representing oriental subjects such as the sultan with the dragon, a janissary with the lion or an armed Moor of the Barbary States. These images, as analyzed by Chiara Giulia Morandi, do not have so much the intent to represent a classic oriental subject but contain within themselves a symbolism such as the unstoppable force of the Ottoman power and the Turk as the dragon of the Apocalypse (Morandi 2018, pp. 26–49).
Knowledge of the Ottoman world and the Orient in general, in addition to becoming subjects of study for political scientists of the 16th century, will become for the following century a true literary “topos”, a paradise, a subject of narration in the travel literature: of travelers, pilgrims to the Holy Land and those who were held in “captivity” in the Barbary States of North Africa.12 The narratives of Giovanni Pesenti (1579–1658) from Bergamo and the Roman noble Pietro Della Valle (1586–1652) will be interesting, as they will give a great boost to the travels towards Turkey and Persia. Della Valle will become the most important case for the studies on travelers and the travel literature on the East, for having gone as far as India.13
Despite the representations and images of the Turk in the West, ceramics, fine fabrics, exotic clothing and elaborate jewelry imported from the Ottoman Empire not only transformed Italian fashion but also contributed to a cultural dialogue, transcending borders and religious conflict, which left a lasting imprint on the history of European fashion.14 Diplomatic and commercial relations between Venice and other Italian cities with the “Sublime Porte” led to a constant flow of precious fabrics, jewels and styles, which were quickly adopted and adapted by the Italians, and in turn, the Turks created an ever-closer relationship with Italy.
4. Diplomacy, Trade and Style: Textiles, Ceramics and Ottoman Culture as “Conspicuous Consumptions” in the Italian Peninsula
One of the most obvious contributions of Ottoman fashion and style to the Italian Renaissance trend was the introduction of luxurious fabrics such as brocade, velvet, and silk, not to mention the imaginative ceramics with their floral motifs (Molà 2000). The fabrics, often enriched with intricate patterns and bright colors, were imported mainly from cities such as Istanbul Thessaloniki, famous for its Jewish textile tradition, Izmir and Bursa.15 Ottoman manufacture was renowned for its superior quality, colors and elaborate decorations, which immediately won over the elites of the Italian courts (Figure 5 and Figure 6).
During the second half of the 16th century, Ottoman ceramics became a sought-after commodity in Europe and Italy for their colors and decorations. Despite the conflict in the Mediterranean and along the eastern frontier between the Christian West and the Ottoman Empire, the defeat suffered by the latter at Lepanto, the demand for Ottoman-produced ceramics made in the city of Iznik (Nicaea) was ever-increasing.
Despite the bitter conflict between Islam and Catholic Christianity between the 15th and 16th centuries, Turkish spices, fabrics, and styles became a real object of desire. In the 15th century, for example, thanks to Turkish-Ottoman textile production, there was a temporary revival in Florentine wool production, as attested by Hidetoshi Hoshino, which amounted to 7000–8000 cloths per year (Hoshino 1980, pp. 267–75).
From the 16th century and for the following periods, Ottoman style and fabrics arrived in the West through the dense diplomatic and commercial network; ambassadors and merchants became, in all respects, the vehicle through which exotic styles and goods passed through the Mediterranean and landed in Western Europe. The demand for such products became increasingly high, as this style in some elite environments was a real means of manifestation of power, ostentation and a “status symbol” (Riello 2012, pp. 14–15).
Diplomatic relations between Italy and the Turks date back to the times of the sultanate of Mehmed I (1413–1421), who sent his own legate to the Republic of Venice (Unat 1987, p. 221). The “Serenissima”, as the “Gateway to the East” (Pedani 2007, pp. 175–205; 2010, pp. 77–81), represented the emblematic case of diplomatic relations between the West and the East.16 Even more evident with the presence of ambassadors, consuls and bailiffs of the lagoon Republic in Constantinople and in other cities such as Alexandria, Cairo, Aleppo, Damascus and Izmir until the fall of the Serenissima with the Treaty of Campo Formio (1797).17
As proof of what has been said, it is possible to observe this close relationship between Italy and the Near East within the framework of The Accoglienza degli Ambasciatori veneziani a Damasco (Figure 7).
As the studies of Maria Pia Pedani and Emrah Safa Gürkhan have highlighted, the ambassadors had a fundamental role and great responsibility in collecting secrets and delivering them to their homeland; the Venetians had been present in Constantinople since before its fall in 1453 and were considered true masters of espionage and had relationships with officials and viziers of the new administration. Among other things, they also dealt, as was customary for the time, with the management of mercantile issues, which saw the members of their own community as protagonists (Pedani 2010, pp. 82–88; Gürkhan 2018, pp. 101–16).18
From an economic point of view, the Ottoman Empire was famous for its trading emporiums such as Izmir, Aleppo, Bursa and Thessaloniki, places where the production and trade of fabrics towards Western Europe took place. Thessaloniki was the center where Jewish textile production was established, and the most important families of the Greek city created a middle class of mercantile nature, which could count on the support of the military caste of the Janissaries, and played different roles in the fabric of the city such as collecting taxes and obviously practicing medicine.19 Bursa, on the other hand, represented another of the most important centers of Ottoman textile manufacturing in the 16th century, especially in the field of silk manufacturing (çatma), which between 1514 and 1520 was put into crisis by the embargo imposed by Sultan Selim I (1512–1520), which favored the city of Aleppo, where, among other things, there was no consolidated Florentine presence (Munro 2007, p. 129).
The fabrics that were produced in gold and silver at the looms of Bursa were so renowned that they started competing with the Palatine factory, established by Suleiman the Magnificent. However, in the 1570s, the production of gold fabrics by the palace weavers was privileged, further damaging Bursa textile production. Another interesting fact is represented by the raw silk of Bursa, which became fundamental for the development of the textile sector of Venice, Florence and Genoa, whose products began to invade the market (Contadini 2014, pp. 57–73).
The Venetian painter Cesare Vecellio, in his comprehensive work De gli Habiti Antichi e Modérni di Diversi Parti di Mondo (1590), reports, not explicitly, elements of Ottoman culture and fashion within the trends in some areas of the Italian Peninsula. For example, he states that “the Maids of Venice, when they go out of the house, wear on their heads a white silk veil, called by them fazuolo, of very large width, with which they cover [sic] their face and chest”; the brides-to-be wear it in black and even the widows “wear their hair and face covered” (Vecellio 1590, pp. 81–88).
Venetian silk fabrics were very famous in Europe, and the first consumers of this refined product were Germany and the Ottoman Empire. (Sella 1961, pp. 83–86; Ciriacono 1981, pp. 167–99). They became so renowned that these luxury goods were requested from the highest officials of the Ottoman government up to the sultan. Emblematic were the cases of the Grand Vizier Rüstem Pasha, who had requested silk fabrics from Venice in 1554, despite his intention to promote Ottoman production, and that of the sultan Murad III, who requested silk fabrics from the Venetian doge Cicogna (Iida-Shoma 2006, pp. 63–75). In the great celebrations in Venice or Florence, the dress code was fundamental, and the city elites, such as the magistrates, dressed in the toga that was made of velvet or damask with some gold embroidery; most of the fabrics that were used by the Italian elites were of Turkish manufacture and probably produced in Bursa or Istanbul.
Furthermore, caftans (Figure 8 and Figure 9) and tunics made of velvet, brocade and gold or silver embroidery were in common use, not to mention medallions that recall the tradition of the Italian craftsmen (Lessi 2000, pp. 134–35).
Another aspect that fascinated the members of the elite of the courts of the Italian Peninsula was the colors and elaborate decorations present on the fabrics of Ottoman manufacture. The most used colors were certainly red, gold, green and geometric decorations or floral motifs (Grossman and Walker 2013). In the Turkish tradition, colors contain meaning and red or gold represent the blood and wealth of the person wearing a dress; even the very particular embroidery on both women’s and men’s garments, it is possible to trace geometric shapes that hold a real symbolism. In some garments, there were often arabesques, which are a tribute to Allah and represent the union with the divine (Necipoğlu 1992, pp. 48–66; Bloom 2001; Aboufadil et al. 2013, pp. 1834–41). The shapes given by the arabesques have a particular meaning: the square represents the four elements (water, fire, air and earth), and the triangle, depending on the position, acquires a different meaning: if it is facing upwards, it is synonymous with life if it indicates death.
Among other shapes present on the clothes, zigzag lines can be traced, symbolizing water which, according to ancient beliefs, had magical powers of protection and healing against sterility; since water in the Islamic tradition is a metaphor for sperm and consequently for the regeneration and creation brought about by Allah. The Ottoman style, in addition to being a “status symbol”, acquired an added value during the early modern age, as through the study of fashion, it is possible to read and interpret trends and above all, it becomes an element through which it is possible to interpret the concept of “otherness” (Ağaç and Dengin 2015, pp. 113–28).
Looking at the contemporary age, it is possible to note how the Turkish style has spread over the centuries to other areas of continental Europe and to other non-European contexts. The collections of the Museo del Traje in Madrid and the Museo Sefardí in Toledo preserve coats and caftans made during the twentieth century, which recall the styles and decorations of Ottoman fashion from the period between the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic (Quataert 1997, pp. 403–25; Jirousek 2004, pp. 231–51; Calcara 2024, pp. 95–120).
The fascinating aspect is to see how, in the twentieth century, as well as in the Renaissance, this type of consumer goods was more present in the women’s wardrobe. We can mention the Abrigo en terciopelo cortado de seda negro made by the granadino Mariano Javier Fortuny y Madrazo (1871–1949), which recalls the Ottoman style between the 15th and 16th centuries; in fact, there are floral motifs in gold and Murano glass buttons (Figure 9). We find the style and geometric motifs of the Ottoman caftans made of wool or cotton (Figure 10 and Figure 11) in a silk and cotton caftan, made between 1965 and 1975 in Mexico and preserved at the Museo del Pueblu d’Asturias in Gijón (Figure 12).
The turquoise blue silk caftan has wide sleeves and a crew neck. It closes at the front with decorative buttons and has openings on the side hems. It is decorated with a woven application of beige cotton thread that designs geometric patterns and waves. In the mid-1960s, the cultural diversity of fashion captured and mixed East and West. The caftan became an emblematic garment that indicated belonging to an elite and symbolized if we wanted a privileged and hedonistic life (Nicolás Martínez 2000; de Osma 2012).
Many of the great designers of the time joined together in the design of this type of loose and comfortable “T” shaped garments inspired by these caftans. They were once made of airy and fine fabrics and bright colors (Jirousek and Catterall 2019). It is made with fabrics chosen for the quality and nobility of their fabric, such as taffeta, natural silks, cashmere, velvet and brocades. The fabrics were then decorated with trimmings of braids, plaits, buttons and loops, etc. (Figure 13).
5. Conclusions
The rise of Ottoman culture: its ceramics, styles, and textiles in the Italian Peninsula during the period under review is a fascinating example of how contacts between different cultures can lead to stylistic hybridizations to a mutual enrichment that transcends geographical boundaries. Despite the perceived danger of Ottoman expansionism and the constant wars, especially those that culminated with the Battle of Vienna (1683), the attraction to Ottoman cultural elements remained strong.20
Europeans began to incorporate aspects of Ottoman fashion as a symbol of refinement and exoticism, with the adoption of “Turkish” clothing in social occasions such as masked balls. In these representations, Ottoman fashion served as a mask to explore cultural and sexual identity in a free manner and away from conventional European norms. “Dressing in the Turkish” and the adoption of Ottoman objects and costumes in noble environments represented a transgression and a departure from rigid European etiquette, offering a more relaxed and freer alternative to luxury clothing.21 Ottoman fashion also influenced the way Westerners saw themselves, allowing them to project themselves into a culture that was close but sufficiently “Other” to allow freedom of expression (Bevilacqua and Pfeifer 2013, pp. 116–18). In fact, oriental fashion became very popular in France at the court of Louis XV (1715–1774) through the figure of Madame de Pompadour (1721–1764), who introduced Turkish styles and objects; in Holland through the affirmation of a mercantile democracy, which to demonstrate its social status will be portrayed with Ottoman-style clothes by artists such as Rubens (Gülgün Yılmaz 2007, pp. 181–93; Meredith 2011; Calcara 2023b, pp. 2223–37).22
The historiography of the last century, as well as the most recent one, has analyzed how the consumption of objects coming from the Ottoman Empire to Europe—where a real “consumer revolution” took place during the 18th century, which has its roots in the Renaissance—has contributed to the analysis not only of what concerns the studies on material culture but also of the daily life and the private sphere of a group of individuals.23 The Turkish style literally created a real obsession; one could call it a “Turcomania”, not only about ceramics or clothing but also regarding home furnishings.
This need arose because of the “race for prestige” and the need for the elite to show off. In fact, oriental objects became a “conspicuous consumption”, to put Thorstein Veblen’s way.24 A characteristic element that arises in this period as a piece of furniture is certainly our sofa. In other cultures, known as a sofa, this will become a new decorative element in the homes of the elites throughout Europe.
The stylistic influence was not a unidirectional phenomenon, as Italian culture and style were highly sought after in the Ottoman Empire. In this regard, Miki Iida-Shoma has analyzed how the Venetian textile market was not only influenced by the Ottoman one but how the latter depended on the former, and this is evident through the creation of the sultan’s Italian silk clothes (Jirousek 1997, pp. 203–15; Iida-Shoma 2006, pp. 70–75). The relations between the Italian Peninsula and the Ottoman Empire were very prolific, to the point that Italian would become one of the most spoken languages in the territories under the aegis of the “Sublime Porte” until the 19th century.25
The use of Turqueries became an instrument of prestige and sophistication that, while maintaining a respect for Ottoman culture, was nevertheless filtered through a Western vision in which both admiration and suspicion persisted. The conflict between the Ottoman Empire and the Western powers provided the context for “Turqueries”, which was not only fashion but also a phenomenon of cultural translation that integrated, transformed and rewrote the image of “The Other”.
As we have seen, during the modern age, the image of “The Turk” will acquire multiple forms, becoming from a bitter enemy to be feared and becoming an object of analysis of political and economic science and the protagonist of literary and theatrical works. During the empire of Maria Theresa of Austria (1740–1780), the Hungarian inventor Wolfgang Von Kempelen created an automaton with the ability to play chess against human opponents, which had the appearance of a man with Ottoman clothing and called his invention “The Turk” (A Török).26
The empress herself had her portrait painted in 1744 by the Swedish painter Martin van Meytens (1695–1770), wearing Turkish clothes and holding a theatrical mask in her right hand, exhibited in the “Oval Chinese cabinet” of Schönbrunn Palace. This depiction symbolized that Maria Theresa was a sovereign protector of the arts and that theater was a source of national pride and entertainment (Morris 2007, pp. 92–93). Theater, especially in the comic genre, between the 17th and 18th centuries would use disguise, which would use models of Turkish fashion on Italian and French stages, first, to represent the cultural interactions between Christian and Muslim culture through characters such as slaves, corsairs and concubines. Secondly, the Turkish disguise in comedies such as those of Giovan Battista Andreini (1576–1654), Carlo Goldoni (1707–1793) and Molière (1622–1673) in France are means of exploration to analyze the dynamics between power and identity.
The comedy of this period, and especially these themes, had a dual purpose: on the one hand, it was used to explain the relationship between interreligious conflict and themes such as slavery, trade and personal relationships. As Stefano Agostino Moretti has highlighted, in works such as La Turca (1611), Lo Schiavetto (1612) and La Sultana (1620) by Andreini or in Le tre Ircane e la Dalmatina (1758) by Goldoni, there are several references to oriental culture and Turkish fashion, sometimes very simplified. However, they are functional in explaining in a realistic way the idea of the Orient in that period, for example, through clothing that had a symbolic nature and purpose within the narrative. In the work La Sultana, clothing is used to explore themes of gender and identity.
The character of the Ottoman merchant’s daughter dresses up as a man, and her oriental appearance attracts the attention of other characters, creating a dynamic of desire and mystery also linked to the costume. In La Turca and lo Schiavetto, we find the twins dressed up as a male and female, creating moments of confusion; in fact, the disguise of Florindo, mistaken for his sister, represents an element of great significance at the same time dramatic and cultural (Moretti 2011, pp. 1–13). Obviously, there will be a different interpretation between the French and Italian reality. French reality, thanks to the circulation of literary works such as The Thousand and One Nights, had an image of the Orient that was totally fantastic and exotic, steeped in otherness; it is no coincidence that the aforementioned Madame Pompadour was portrayed by the painter Carle André Van Loo (1705–1765) in the painting Sultana Take a Coffe (1755); differently from French reality, in the Italian context there was an attempt to pay greater attention to the realistic representation of the Orient through everyday life.
Despite the rhetoric of crusade, enemy construction and stereotypes, the access of Turkish power to the European diplomatic and commercial table preceded the establishment of a system of avowedly secular international relations. Ottoman culture, style and fashion represent one of the many realities present in the Mediterranean, that same sea which, as Fernand Braudel said in his La Méditerranée et le Monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II (1953), is «A thousand things together. Not one landscape but countless landscapes. Not one sea, but a succession of seas. Not one civilization, but a series of civilizations piled on top of each other […] the Mediterranean is an ancient crossroads. For thousands of years, everything has flowed into it, complicating and enriching its history» (Braudel 2010).
Not applicable.
The images contained within the text are accessible to any user through the institutional websites of the institutions cited in the text.
The author declares no conflict of interest.
Footnotes
1. Fashion is a non-verbal language and, as such, must be interpreted; it is a means of manifestation of power and, at the same time, becomes a means of analyzing social mobility and ceremonies. As Giulia Calvi has well highlighted, fashion, colors and styles “construct the immediately visible language of belonging and distance” (
2. From a cultural point of view, Lepanto represented, for a long time, the triumph of Christianity over Islam and was celebrated by several poets of the 16th and 17th centuries, even though in this context, the Ottomans conquered the island of Cyprus. Some of the poets who celebrated the battle can be mentioned: Gaspare Caffarino, author of Il Naval Conflitto di Christiani con Turchi (1571), Vittorio Baldini with Cinque Canti (1572) and Scipione Carignano with La Felice vittoria de la Santa lega (
3. Luther portrays the Turks as an instrument of divine judgment to punish the sins of Christians. In this perspective, their conquests and aggressions represent a punishment for the corruption and internal divisions of Christianity. In his writings, Luther links the Ottoman expansion to apocalyptic events, interpreting it as a sign of the imminent end of the world. Although he criticized the Crusades because he thought that the word and not the sword was necessary, he was in favor of armed intervention against the Turks if it was conducted under the guidance of secular authorities and with the aim of protecting lives, property and the social order. Luther emphasizes that victory over the Turks required not only military action but also a moral and spiritual renewal within Christianity (
4. Luther wrote on the subject in Vom Kriege wider die Türken (1529), or On the War against the Turk, in which Luther’s interpretation of Muslim ideology and the need to wage a just and holy war against the Ottomans is explained in detail. Obviously, the idea that Muhammad was a “false prophet”, and the Koran was only a “sacrilegious book” also came out, not to mention that everything concerning Islamic culture and lifestyle was the consequence of something corrupt and fake. Before the Siege of Vienna in 1529, Luther considered the Turks as God’s lightning rod. Their preeminence and military successes were the result of their role as God’s lightning rod. That is why Luther was against fighting them. Second, Sebastian Franck translated into German the “booklet about the rituals and customs of the Turks”, a memoir written by the Transylvanian monk George of Hungary (Georgius de Hungaria; Georg von Muelbach), who spent many years in Turkish captivity. The book he translated bore the name “Chronicle and Description of Turkey, containing its meaning, its contents, its regions, its peoples, fundamentally, wars, travel to, beliefs, religions, laws, customs, gestures, ways, police, its piety and malice with the introduction of Dr. Martin Luther” (
5. This clarification is necessary since the discovery of the New World (1492) coincides with the encounter with the so-called “External Other”. Obviously, there are clear differences between the “Internal Other” and the “External Other” since the latter is the emblem of a completely new experience for the European who finds himself faced with a completely unknown reality. Indeed, it is pointed out that the Europeans “Immediately saw naked people” (
6. Between the 15th and 16th centuries, themes related to Otherness and the Other became topics of public debate and literary production in the early modern age. The Valladolid dispute (1550–1551) between the Dominican Bartolomé de Las Casas (1484–1566) and Juan Ginés de Sepulveda (1490–1573) represents the starting point for studies on otherness, knowledge of the other and above all, the way in which it was necessary to approach it. Las Casas argues that the Native Americans are rational beings, capable of accepting Christianity and governing themselves, while Sepulveda argues that their supposed moral and intellectual inferiority justifies conquest and slavery. This debate reflects a contrast between universalistic and hierarchical visions of humanity, which profoundly influenced the construction of otherness in the period. Las Casas develops a revolutionary idea for the time, presenting the Native Americans not as primitive barbarians but as peoples with their own civilization, like that of the ancient Greeks and Romans (
7. The political thought that developed in this period on empires, such as the Ottoman one, can be seen in those famous reports of the Venetian ambassadors to the Senate of Venice, which have been studied and used by historiography to analyze the management of power by the sultan. This tyranny, which is always much talked about in the West during the 16th century, is inherited from classical culture; in fact, if we look at the Persian Wars, there are on one side the Greek cities against the tyrannical Persian empire of Xerxes I (Chabod 2018, pp. 51–52;
8. Like the artists of this period, political scholars also analyse the Ottoman political-military system with great admiration. Paolo Giovio in his work Commentarii delle cose de’ Turchi (1531) looks with admiration at the discipline and efficiency of the Ottoman military functioning. In fact, Giovio highlights how “Sono li Turchi per tre ragioni migliori de’ nostri soldati, prima per l’obbedientia, qual poco si trova fra noi, la seconda perché nel combatter si va alla manifesta morte con una pazza persuasione ch’ognuno abbia scritto in fronte come et quando habbia da morir. La terza perché vivono senza pane e senza vino, et il più delle volte gli basta riso et acqua, e spesso la passano anchora senza carne, et quando non hanno riso si rimedian con polver di carne salata, qual portano in un piccolo sacchettino, et con acqua calda distemperano e si nodriscono con essa (…) et sopportano ogni disaggio assai meglio che li nostri soldati usati etiandio in campo a voler più vivande” (
9. Niccolò Machiavelli, for example, was an admirer of the Ottoman political and military model. In fact, he celebrates some sultans such as Selim I or Süleyman I Kanūni (The Legislator), who became famous for their sense of justice and fight against corruption. He highlights how the Ottoman army was the exact example of how a soldier lived with privations and iron discipline. Among these, the janissaries can certainly be mentioned (Bisaha 2004;
10. A clear example will be the travel report written by the abbot and satirist Giovan Battista Casti (1724–1803), author of the Il poema tartaro (1783), Gli Animali Parlanti (1802) and the report Relazione di un viaggio a Costantinopoli (1822), in which there are stereotyped descriptions of Turkish culture, especially of women. Unlike many Italian travelers or intellectuals of the eighteenth century, such as Francesco Gemelli Careri (1651–1725), Luigi Ferdinando Marsili (1658–1730) and Giuseppe Sorio (1663–1742). Casti does not enter much into the internal dynamics of Constantinople and court politics, as he resided in the capital for a short time. He limits himself to observing some marginal aspects of the sultanal court, such as the Seraglio, in which he does not appreciate the presence of eunuchs and looks at Constantinople in a superficial way, leaving out the real causes of the political, economic and social problems that afflicted the empire. For exemple, he stated that Ottoman women have no other company than their moorish slaves or «degli schifosi eunuchi» or on the appearance of the women, he stated that «Sono esse per lo più grasse anzi che no, ed hanno quasi comunemente il difetto d’essere panciute» (
11. The naval clash between the Holy League and the Ottoman fleet did not stop the advance of the “Sublime Porte” in the Mediterranean, as the Ottomans took the island of Cyprus (1573), but despite everything it represented for the Catholic West one more reason to return to talk about the Crusades against the infidel Turks and the reconquest of the Holy Land. The victory was celebrated with numerous poems and artistic representations and will have a very important echo from a cultural and symbolic point of view in the areas of the “periphery” of the Spanish monarchy and other areas of the Italian Peninsula. There is the episode of the graduating slaves, cited by Lucetta Scaraffia, who, after being freed, brought the chains with which they had been taken prisoner, and with these, the door of the sanctuary of the Madonna di Loreto was made (
12. The image of the Turk became a theme discussed even outside the borders of the Italian Peninsula, especially in the following century. In fact, between the 16th and 17th centuries, we find the narratives of travelers such as the Belgian pilgrim Jean Zuallart or Giovanni Zuallardo (1587) or the chronicle of the Irish abbot
13. The journey undertaken by Pietro Della Valle represents something extraordinary, a unique experience, as he was the first to venture towards India; he visited the Persian court of Shah Abbas (1587–1629) with the aim of creating a political alliance between the Safavids and the West in an anti-Ottoman function. However, during his journey, unique experiences also occur, such as marrying the “generosa Sitti Maani” (Della Valle 1658, p. XXI), who will die in childbirth in Persepolis and will be buried upon her return from the journey to Rome and whose funeral will be described by Girolamo Rocchi (1627). Within Pietro Della Valle’s account, it is possible to analyze not only the description of the territories and the customs of the populations encountered but also the emotions and hopes of the Roman nobleman in the face of certain events. Among these is the desire for redemption and to become a “Heroe” in the eyes of the Roman nobility and for the West, trying to create that famous anti-Ottoman alliance with Abbas of Persia (Della Valle 1658, pp. 101–3).
14. Ottoman fashion and its articles would become a true “status symbol”, an object of desire for the elite of the courts of all of Europe and Italy was certainly no exception (
15. The fabrics produced in Thessaloniki became very famous, and consequently, the Jewish craftsmen were also recognized throughout the Mediterranean basin. The Jews of Thessaloniki became so important that they had the privilege of producing woolen cloths for the uniforms of the Janissaries (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), C.ML., 136/5826, 14 Ra 1241; (BOA), C.AS., 229/9739, 29 Z 1189;
16. Diplomatic and commercial relations between Venice and the “Sublime Porte” became very prolific. If we look at the Adriatic area, as Vera Costantini has highlighted, there was a strong relationship between Ottoman productive activities and the Venetian economic-commercial system. In fact, in addition to fabrics, the raw materials involved in this network were salt, pitch and alum (
17. In the sixteenth century, the bailo was chosen from among the members of the families of the Venetian oligarchy and was not only responsible for diplomatic aspects but was equated to the religious leaders who governed the religious minorities of the “millet” system. In fact, the bailo resided in the so-called “casa bailaggia” in Constantinople, located in the Galata district, and was responsible for governing the Venetian community present in the Ottoman capital. Obviously, the role of bailo was not simple, as confirmed by Marcantonio Barbaro in his report, “it was similar to someone playing with a glass ball” (
18. The reports written by ambassadors and bailiffs have been widely studied and analyzed by historiography, which has declined the documentation on the subject under many aspects and analyses (
19. By the mid-16th century, as Mustafa Nuri Pasha has exhaustively analyzed, it is estimated that there were 41 Jewish physicians at the Sultan’s court compared to 21 surgeons (
20. As Georg Schreiber has highlighted, many Ottoman prisoners, following their imprisonment, decided to remain in the Austrian capital (
21. “Dressing in the Turkish style”, “taking the turban” or “Giving oneself to the Turk” were terms used in the West to indicate those who had abandoned the Christian religion to embrace Islam. In fact, those who had followed this type of operation, more for economic and social convenience than religious, were called “Renegades” (
22. In 17th century England, a flared jacket based on the oriental model called a coat was introduced and worn with trousers that were worn to the knee. Among other things, English culture did not look favorably on Turkish fashion, as it was thought to be a sort of disguise for the differences between members of different social orders (
23. As far as the historiographical panorama is concerned, one can certainly mention the works of Donald Quataert, Halil Sahillioğlu, Halil İnalcik and Suraiya Faroqhi, who shed light on what the aspect of social and economic history of the Ottoman Empire. On the concept of the “Consumer Revolution” one can certainly mention De Vries, while on its Renaissance origins, see Mukerji and Jardine (
24. The leisure class, according to Veblen, is characterized by its pursuit of social prestige through the display of signs of wealth and status. This conception of society contrasts with conventional economic theories that attribute value to the production and exchange of goods and services. A key element of the theory of the leisure class is the concept of “conspicuous consumption”, which refers to the act of purchasing goods and services not so much for their intrinsic utility, but rather for the positive effect they have on social perception (
25. The Italian language effectively becomes one of the most spoken languages in the Ottoman Empire, a testimony to the close diplomatic and economic-commercial relations between the West and the East. Mustafa Soykut makes a clarification regarding the languages spoken in the Ottoman Empire, specifying how peace treaties such as those of Carlowitz (1699) and Passarowitz (1718) were written in two languages: Latin, the language of Western diplomacy and of course in Turkish; while that of Küçük Kaynarca (1774) already featured the Italian language (
26. The invention of Baron Von Kempelen would become famous throughout the world, later reaching the other side of the Atlantic. The American writer Edgard Allan Poe (1809–1849) will use the story of this automaton as the basis for his essay Maelzel’s Chess Player, which will be preparatory to the exposition of the investigation method used by Dupin in The Murders in the Rue Morgue (1841).
Footnotes
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Enlarge this image.Figure 1. Albrecht Dürer, The Whore of Babylon, 1498, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. “The Print in the North”, 6 May–13 July 1997.
Enlarge this image.Figure 2. G. Bellini, Medaglia con il ritratto del sultano Mehmed II, 1432 ca., National Gallery of Art Washington D.C.
Enlarge this image.Figure 3. C. da Ferrara, Medaglia raffigurante Mehmed II a cavallo, 1477 ca.–1480 ca., National Gallery of Art Washington D.C.
![View Image - Figure 4. G. Bellini [attr.], Ritratto del Sultano Maometto II, 1480, London, The National Gallery.](https://media.proquest.com/media/hms/THUM/14/mqLMb?_a=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%3D%3D&_s=T6Mp7CI7TMaAszCTP3ySd8uQZ9Q%3D "View Image - Figure 4. G. Bellini [attr.], Ritratto del Sultano Maometto II, 1480, London, The National Gallery.")
Enlarge this image.Figure 4. G. Bellini [attr.], Ritratto del Sultano Maometto II, 1480, London, The National Gallery.
Enlarge this image.Figure 5. Gentile and Giovanni Bellini, St. Mark Preaching in Alexandria, 1504–1507, Milano, Pinacoteca di Brera.
Enlarge this image.Figure 6. Middle East, Textiles. Child’s kaftan in two parts, brocaded silk with design of staggered gold medallions against blue ground, probably Istanbul or Bursa, Turkey, 1575–1625, Victoria and Albert Museum, (Inv: 752–1884).
Enlarge this image.Figure 7. Anonymous, L’accoglienza degli ambasciatori veneziani a Damasco, 1511, Parigi, Musée du Louvre.
Enlarge this image.Figure 8. Child’s kaftan, two front panels only, silk lampas with metal-wrapped thread, design of ogival trellis, Istanbul or Bursa, Turkey, 1550–1600, Victoria and Albert Museum (Inv: 762–1884).
Enlarge this image.Figure 9. Child’s kaftan in two parts, brocaded silk with design of 8-pointed stars in blue and gold against a cream ground, probably Istanbul or Bursa, Turkey, 1575–1625, Victoria and Albert Museum (Inv: 771–1884).
![View Image - Figure 10. Mariano Fortuny y Madrazo, Abrigo en terciopelo cortado de seda negro, Madrid, 1914[ca]–1920[ca], Museo del Traje di Madrid, (Inv: CE088392).](https://media.proquest.com/media/hms/THUM/26/mqLMb?_a=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%3D%3D&_s=ULCrSgIwew3JSJcAD4baGl8Qh7k%3D "View Image - Figure 10. Mariano Fortuny y Madrazo, Abrigo en terciopelo cortado de seda negro, Madrid, 1914[ca]–1920[ca], Museo del Traje di Madrid, (Inv: CE088392).")
Enlarge this image.Figure 10. Mariano Fortuny y Madrazo, Abrigo en terciopelo cortado de seda negro, Madrid, 1914[ca]–1920[ca], Museo del Traje di Madrid, (Inv: CE088392).
![View Image - Figure 11. Caftán (Mujer), Madrid, Museo del Traje. Centro de Investigación por el Patrimonio Etnológico, 1900[ca]–1925[ca], Turkey (Inv: CE009100).](https://media.proquest.com/media/hms/THUM/4/mqLMb?_a=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%3D%3D&_s=tE5k5h5ZarJewNQ5tnyw5JXgRXU%3D "View Image - Figure 11. Caftán (Mujer), Madrid, Museo del Traje. Centro de Investigación por el Patrimonio Etnológico, 1900[ca]–1925[ca], Turkey (Inv: CE009100).")
Enlarge this image.Figure 11. Caftán (Mujer), Madrid, Museo del Traje. Centro de Investigación por el Patrimonio Etnológico, 1900[ca]–1925[ca], Turkey (Inv: CE009100).
![View Image - Figure 12. Caftán (Hombre), Madrid, Museo del Traje. Centro de Investigación por el Patrimonio Etnológico, 1900[ca]–1925[ca], Turkey (Inv: CE009101).](https://media.proquest.com/media/hms/THUM/6/mqLMb?_a=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%3D%3D&_s=lKPQt4J%2FzWvOMCbPWbUIh1rNpkY%3D "View Image - Figure 12. Caftán (Hombre), Madrid, Museo del Traje. Centro de Investigación por el Patrimonio Etnológico, 1900[ca]–1925[ca], Turkey (Inv: CE009101).")
Enlarge this image.Figure 12. Caftán (Hombre), Madrid, Museo del Traje. Centro de Investigación por el Patrimonio Etnológico, 1900[ca]–1925[ca], Turkey (Inv: CE009101).
Enlarge this image.Figure 13. Caftán (Mujer), Gijón, Museo del Pueblu d’Asturias, 1965–1975, México (Inv: FM011815).
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