A Spanish Dominican in Modern China: Manuel Prat Pujoldevall and His Mission

Abstract

The Catholic missions in early twentieth-century Xiamen represent a complex intersection between Western religious ambitions and the cultural intricacies of Southern Fujian, China. Here, the author examines the missionary work of Manuel Prat Pujoldevall, a Spanish Dominican active in Xiamen, including the Kulangsu International Settlement. Drawing on primary archival records and historical sources, this study assesses Prat’s strategies for governance, cultural adaptation, and resource allocation. The findings reveal that Prat’s pragmatic methods significantly influenced local community dynamics while highlighting the challenges he faced in reconciling religious objectives with shifting political and social conditions. Overall, this paper underscores that the long-term success of cross-cultural missionary work depends on a delicate balance between steadfast religious commitment and culturally adapted management, thereby contributing to broader discussions on the interplay between faith and culture in complicated historical contexts.

1. Introduction

The long history of Christian missionary activity in China has attracted considerable academic interest. Over the centuries, missionaries faced periods of exclusion and distrust but also held roles in Chinese society by contributing to infrastructure, cultural exchange, and social services. They helped to establish schools, provided medical care, and assisted in local governance. These contributions were both praised and criticised, depending on the context and the audience. This relationship led to conflicts and debates about their influence in China. The missionaries’ religious goals often clashed with China’s political and cultural realities, creating a complex and layered history. Their role was questioned—were they agents of colonial power, educators, or cultural mediators? Understanding these roles is key to assessing the impact of Western missionaries. They both helped with modernisation and caused tensions with local traditions. Extensive scholarship has examined the Jesuit mission in China (Lacouture 1991; Heyndrickx 1994; Brockey 2008; Vermander 2012; Strong 2018a, 2018b; Cummins 1993) and the broader history of Catholicism in China (Hayward 1974; Tang 2006; Goossaert and Palmer 2011; Bays 2012), yet research on the Dominican mission remains comparatively underexplored. The Dominican Order, although less renowned than the Jesuits, was nevertheless an important actor in these cross-cultural exchanges, particularly in Southern China.

Moreover, recent historiographical debates have shifted focus from the singular, heroic figure of the missionary to the dynamic zones of intercultural contact (Hernández and López-Ribao 2023, pp. 5–13). Scholars now emphasise that the evangelisation of Asia was not solely dictated by the exclusive control of the regular clergy and Iberian patronatos before 1622, but also by direct papal intervention and a shared strategy of cultural accommodation adopted by multiple orders. Early defences of papal authority, as evidenced in the Libellus ad Leonem by Paolo Giustiniani and Pietro Quirini, Erasmus’s Eclesiástico published in 1535, and Tomás de Jesús’s reflections written in 1613, show how both secular and regular Catholicism were concerned with preserving the essential character of the mission from procedural excesses. In 1585, the strategy of “adapting dress and ceremony”, originally advocated by Claudio Acquaviva, was not new but rather a continuation of practices dating back to Late Antiquity and the missions in India, further reinforced by the Iberian Atlantic expansion. This re-evaluation reveals that the missionary encounter in Asia was a process of mutual adaptation. Local customs influenced conversion efforts instead of simply being replaced by Western norms.

Early studies on the Dominican mission in China were mainly conducted by church historians. For instance, Diego Aduarte’s Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores en Filipinas, Japón y China, first published in 1640, provides a detailed account of the province’s first fifty years by outlining its missionary activities among indigenous peoples and Chinese communities in the Philippines. Similarly, José Maria González’s multi-volume Historia de las Misiones Dominicanas de China, covering the period 1632–1954, and Hilario Ocio’s Misioneros Dominicos en el Extremo Oriente 1587–1835 (Ocio and Neira 2000), offer rich archival data, including biographical details and territorial maps. Additional resources, such as the periodical El Correo sino-annamita, comprising 40 volumes from 1862 to 1913, and Pablo Fernandez’s compilations, later published in English as One Hundred Years of Dominican Apostolate in Formosa, 1859–1958 (P. A. Fernández 1994), have further contributed to our understanding of these early efforts.

In recent years, scholars have re-examined the Dominican mission from fresh perspectives. Researchers such as Anna Busquets Alemany have explored the role of Dominican missionaries as cultural intermediaries between the Philippines and China (Busquets Alemany 2019, pp. 169–83). Studies of individual figures, such as Victorio Riccio and the linguistic contributions of Fernández de Navarrete, have shown the varied nature of Dominican work in China (Busquets Alemany 2008, pp. 77–96). Chen-Chen Fang’s examination of Dominican administrative reports in Taiwan, analysing four key letters and official documents from 1886, provides valuable insights into the practical challenges and cultural negotiations involved in establishing missions in the Far East (Fang 2011, p. 206). Other scholars have examined organisational structures, financial considerations, and the distinctive missionary methods employed by the Dominicans in the competitive field of evangelisation in Asia (Ferrando and Fonseca 1871; Puebla Pedrosa 1987; P. E. Fernández 1958; Alberts 2013; Crewe 2015; Borao Mateo 2017). Thus, while early studies documented the history of the Dominican missions in East Asia, modern research increasingly adopts an interdisciplinary approach. This approach places the missionary encounter within broader cultural and political exchanges and offers a more detailed understanding of how the Dominican Order adapted its practices to local realities and global debates on evangelisation.

Most early Dominican records were initially kept at the Convent of Santo Tomás, under the Province of the Holy Rosary. Due to political instability in Manila, these records were later moved to a newly constructed shelter to ensure their preservation. During Manila’s reconstruction and changes in political power, the archives were relocated several times, eventually settling in 1987 at the Convent of Santo Tomás in Ávila, Spain. Today, the convent holds a significant collection of letters, manuscripts, books, and photographs from the missionaries, systematically organised by regions such as China, Japan, and Vietnam. Using these archival resources, this article takes a micro-historical approach. It focuses on the work and experiences of Manuel Prat Pujoldevall (1873–1947), a Dominican missionary active in China in the early twentieth century. His letters give insight into his challenges with governance, cultural adaptation, and efforts towards indigenisation. The analysis begins with an overview of the historical context of the Dominican mission in China, then moves on to explore the specific social and cultural environment that Prat faced. It closely examines his correspondence to show the obstacles he encountered and the strategies he used to match missionary aims with local realities.

2. The Dominican Order and the Xiamen Mission

Before the arrival of the Dominicans, the Jesuits had already been actively evangelising China for almost half a century. The spread of the Gospel in Xiamen¹ dates back to the late Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). According to Juan González de Mendoza, the Augustinian friars Martín de Rada and Jerónimo Marín were the first Spaniards to reach Tansuso (the old name for Xiamen) on 5 July 1575. Mendoza described it as “the first port where they landed when they arrived from the islands to the mainland” (González de Mendoza 2008, p. 234). The missionaries continued their journey along the coast to Quanzhou and later travelled further north to Fuzhou, the provincial capital. This coastal route ensured Xiamen’s position as a key entry point for missionaries for many years. In 1626, the Spanish governor of Manila occupied northern Taiwan, seeking to establish a trade channel with China while also looking for opportunities to send missionaries without relying on the Portuguese-controlled Macau (Borao Mateo 2009, p. 4). This foothold in Taiwan enabled Dominican missionaries to advance their presence on the Chinese mainland (Aduarte 1693, p. 620). However, it was not until 1632 that the Dominicans made a lasting impact in China, with the arrival of the Italian missionary Ángel Cochi.²

On 1 January 1632, Ángel Cochi, later known as Ángel de San Antonio, arrived in Fujian. He had joined the Province of Our Lady of the Rosary in the Philippines, the hub for Dominican activities in East Asia. After arriving in the Philippines in 1622, Cochi studied the languages of the Chinese community in Manila and even adopted the Chinese name Gaoqi (高琦) to build connections. In 1630, Cochi and his companions departed from Taiwan to strengthen diplomatic and commercial ties between China and the Spanish Empire. Although the journey was fraught with danger due to pirate attacks, Cochi managed to survive and eventually reached the Chinese coast (Busquets Alemany 2013, p. 206). Once settled in Fujian, he set up the first Dominican mission in Fu’an and constructed the Order’s first church on the mainland. His early achievements laid the groundwork for future Dominican activities in southeastern China, allowing missionaries like Juan Bautista Morales to continue and expand the work after his death. With the involvement of Chinese converts, the influence of the Dominicans grew steadily. By 1649, Albino Andrés recorded that over 5400 individuals had been baptised through their efforts (Andrés n.d., p. 17).

The dominant religions in Fujian included Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism (Andrés n.d., p. 6). Buddhism, the first foreign religion to enter China during the Han Dynasty, went through a long adaptation process. It mixed with local traditions such as Taoism and Confucianism and evolved over centuries. During the late Ming period, the formal articulation of “Three Teachings in Harmony” took shape. In this context, Yangming Wang established the theoretical framework for the unity of the three teachings, while Zhaoen Lin, influenced by the prevailing fusionist intellectual climate and Wang’s thought, founded Sanyiism by merging the conceptual and practical dimensions of this integration (Hong 2024, p. 21). This convergence helped to cement Buddhism’s position within Chinese society (Cheng 2006, pp. 469–70). These three beliefs coexisted in a layered spiritual system, often mixed with animistic traditions, ancestral worship, and deep family rituals (Puebla Pedrosa 1987, p. 163). Early Western religions, such as Islam, also had an impact. The city of Quanzhou in Fujian became a major trading port for Muslim merchants from the eighth to the fifteenth century. These traders came via the Maritime Silk Road, which connected China’s southeastern coast with Southeast Asia.³ At the same time, Christianity, brought by Nestorians, first appeared in China, although it left little trace. Later, Franciscan missions arrived, followed by the Jesuits in the sixteenth century and finally the Dominicans in the seventeenth century. Influential writers like Martín de Rada, Bernardino Escalante, and Juan González de Mendoza documented China during this period and helped shape European views of the region (Serna Arnaiz 2019, pp. 249–64).

Fujian’s coastal location made it a natural gateway for external influences and shaped its cultural and religious development. For the Dominican Order, both Fujian and Taiwan emerged as centres for their missionary activities. By the seventeenth century, efforts to introduce Catholicism in these regions had made progress. After Ángel Cochi established the first mission district in Fujian in 1632, more missionaries from Spain continued the work. Many became martyrs, such as Francisco Fernández de Capillas (1607–1648), who arrived in Fujian in 1642 and dedicated his life to apostolic work.⁴ Others, like Pedro Sanz (1680–1747), who reached Xiamen in 1715, continued to spread the faith despite challenges.⁵ Joaquín Royo (1691–1748), who travelled with Sanz, also contributed by working in areas near Xiamen. Other friars, including Juan Alcober (1694–1748), Francisco Serrano (1695–1748), and Francisco Díaz (1713–1748), carried out their missions in Fujian with dedication, building local Christian communities and strengthening Catholicism through consistent outreach and spiritual guidance.⁶

Victorio Riccio was another notable figure who built on Ángel Cochi’s work. He was born in 1621 to a noble family in Santa Maria di Cintoia, Italy, and joined the Order after completing his theological training in Rome.⁷ Motivated by the missionary zeal of the seventeenth-century Catholic Church, Riccio joined a group of friars sent to strengthen the Dominican presence in East Asia (Riccio n.d., Book I, chap. XXXI, no. 7). His journey to China began with his work in Manila, where he immersed himself in the study of the Fujian dialect. His linguistic proficiency later proved instrumental in facilitating the missionary activities. Riccio arrived in Xiamen in 1655 during a period of political and social upheaval (Ferrando and Fonseca 1871, p. 18). The Ming–Qing transition increased regional instability, while Xiamen’s prominence as a maritime trade centre brought both opportunities and challenges for missionary efforts. During his mission there, Riccio prioritised rebuilding and enhancing existing missionary infrastructure, including revitalising a modest chapel initially established by Jesuits. His efforts went beyond spiritual guidance to address social challenges, such as caring for abandoned children, a common issue during recurrent epidemics. Riccio introduced an early form of social welfare by issuing public notices and encouraging locals to leave unwanted infants in the mission’s care (Andrés n.d., p. 55).

Riccio also recorded detailed observations of Xiamen’s cultural and geographic context. He described it as a dynamic port city shaped by the convergence of diverse languages and customs (Riccio n.d., Book III, chap. VIII, no. 2). While this cultural diversity enriched the region, it also made missionary work challenging, especially in communication and in building united Christian communities. His books offer clear accounts of the daily difficulties he faced, such as the humid climate, poor health conditions, and logistical problems in remote areas. Moreover, his relationship with Zheng Chenggong, the military leader controlling Xiamen, granted him a rare opportunity to carry out his mission with relative freedom (Busquets Alemany 2006, pp. 393–94). Zheng’s family had links to Catholicism, which likely influenced his decision to allow Riccio to continue his work near the centre of political power.⁸ Riccio established a chapel close to Zheng’s palace and later expanded this modest chapel into a larger church, which became a place for the local Catholic community.

In 1662, Riccio was sent to Manila to negotiate with Spanish authorities (Busquets Alemany 2019, pp. 169–83). Zheng wanted to strengthen his power in Taiwan and the Philippines, using Riccio as an envoy to demand tribute and propose trade agreements. However, the situation escalated when violence broke out against Chinese communities in Manila, disrupting Zheng’s plans. Riccio’s role as mediator was crucial but difficult, as he had to balance conflicting interests. In April 1663, he travelled to Manila again, carrying a letter from Zheng Jing, the son of Zheng Chenggong (González 1955, p. 61). The Governor General of the Philippines received him warmly. Riccio then sent a reply by letter from Xiamen. In 1664, all missionaries in the Qing Empire were called to Beijing. Of the ten Dominican missionaries residing in Fujian and Zhejiang, six remained stationed in Fu’an, while four travelled to Beijing but were later exiled to Guangzhou. Riccio, however, avoided going to Beijing. Instead, he relocated to Fuzhou, where “he remained hidden for ten months, and then moved to a Dutch trading post near Fo-cheu, from where he publicly carried out his ministry, dressed as a flamenco”.⁹ That same year, the alliance between the Qing Dynasty and the Dutch East India Company resulted in the occupation of Xiamen. Riccio was then sent to Keelung (Jilong) in Taiwan to carry out missionary work among the soldiers and local inhabitants. Following the Dutch withdrawal from Taiwan, Riccio returned to the Philippines in March 1666. In La Laguna, his superiors assigned him to the Casa de San Juan del Monte, a residence near Manila, so he could rest after his work in China. During this time, he wrote his books under the mandate of the Provincial. Riccio spent the last nineteen years of his life in the Philippines, where he continued his religious work until his death on 17 February 1685.

Under the efforts of Victorio Riccio, the foundations of missionary work in Xiamen were laid, but challenges persisted, particularly as mistrust from Chinese authorities grew. As mentioned earlier, Riccio departed from Xiamen in 1663, and his missionary responsibilities were passed to his companion, Gregorio López. However, López’s tenure in Xiamen was brief, as the Provincial of the Philippines soon tasked him with visiting all missions across the empire. There is little archival evidence in both Spanish and Chinese on the development of Xiamen’s missions in the following years. It is likely that growing opposition to missionaries, which intensified in 1664, temporarily halted their activities.

The next significant figure was Arcadio del Rosario, who arrived between 1676 and 1686. He built a church in Xiamen and preached across the prefectures of Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, and Xinghua, effectively reviving the Xiamen missions. Another important figure was Magín Ventallol, who reached Xiamen in 1682 and worked there for 45 years. Ventallol’s contributions extended beyond church construction; he also established a religious house that became a model for future institutions. In 1706, Ventallol was appointed the first Apostolic Administrator of the Dominican Order in Fujian and later became the Apostolic Vicar of the province in 1718 (Andrés n.d., p. 65). In his early years in Xiamen, he hosted Francisco Pallú, the first Apostolic Vicar of all China, and accompanied him on visits to nearby missions.

Despite these efforts, Christian evangelisation in Xiamen made limited progress between 1655 and 1852. Political opposition to foreign religions, marked by repeated persecutions, hindered missionary activities. Key episodes of unrest included 1707, 1723, 1736, 1796, and 1821. Additionally, logistical challenges made communication between Xiamen and other regions difficult. The Jesuits, for instance, evangelised in Zhangzhou but rarely visited Xiamen, viewing the island as a hub of revolutionary activity and piracy. Xiamen’s transient population, drawn by political, military, and commercial interests, further complicated sustained missionary engagement. In 1842, Xiamen’s opening to foreign trade brought new opportunities for missionary work. With fewer restrictions, missionaries established schools, churches, Holy Infancy societies, and hospitals. This newfound freedom also allowed them to travel and preach in other parts of China (Andrés n.d., p. 68).

In 1852, Ángel Bofurull arrived in Xiamen, initiating the second phase of evangelisation in the area. Nicolás Guixá reported to the Philippines in 1868 that prior to Bofurull’s arrival, no Christian presence remained in the port. At the time of Bofurull’s passing, there were approximately forty converts in Xiamen, all originating from other inland regions, with nonnative to Xiamen itself. In one letter, Bofurull recorded adopting eleven girls in Xiamen in 1853, emphasising that childhood was one of the most critical means of spreading the gospel and gaining followers (Anonymous 1903, p. 145). He also noted that Fujian was afflicted by rebellion and clashes with the Qing army in Xiamen during that year, resulting in widespread panic and the closure of shops throughout the city. In 1854, Bofurull sought a house for missionary activities, though the property he found most suitable was beyond the budget. By 1859, however, he reported receiving MXN 1020, equivalent to ESP 1000 in Xiamen, which was allocated for the construction of a church. He meticulously detailed the expenses associated with the church construction to ensure transparency for other religious members (APSTA, t. 11). Under Bofurull’s leadership, the Xiamen Mission made notable progress, especially with the arrival of the Canossian nuns in 1877, who established efforts under the banner of the Holy Infancy. Their work laid the groundwork for continued missionary success, and in 1890, Dominican nuns assumed responsibility, further strengthening the mission’s presence.

The latter half of the nineteenth century was a period of institutional reorganisation and growth for the Dominican Order in China. In 1883, the Vicariate of Fujian was formally divided into two distinct regions: Northern Fujian, centred in Fuzhou, and Southern Fujian, with Xiamen as its administrative seat. Taiwan, which had previously belonged to the Northern Fujian, was also incorporated into the Southern Vicariate (Andrés n.d., p. 88). Later that same year, a decree by the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda formally separated the Taiwan mission, elevating it to the status of an Apostolic Prefecture. Meanwhile, the civil prefecture of Xinghua was placed under the authority of the Xiamen Vicariate. By 1919, the Xiamen Mission had expanded its reach, comprising five prefectures: Zhangzhou, Quanzhou, and Xinghua as first-order prefectures, and Yongchun and Longyan as second-order prefectures (APSTA, t. 16). The prefectures covered various sub-prefectures, extending the mission’s influence across Southern Fujian and nearby islands.

3. Manuel Prat’s Missionary Work in Xiamen and Kulangsu

Manuel Prat arrived in China during a time of great change and uncertainty. The collapse of the Qing Dynasty had left a fragmented political landscape, with regional power struggles and foreign influence shaping the nation’s trajectory. In this environment, Xiamen emerged as both a thriving commercial hub and a stage for cultural exchange. Historically valued for its military importance, the city had grown into a centre for international trade after being designated as a treaty port following the First Opium War. Kulangsu, a small island adjacent to Xiamen, reflected these broader dynamics. It was a unique enclave where Chinese traditions coexisted with foreign influences, creating a complicated social and cultural fabric. The island’s blend of local heritage and global connections made it an intriguing and challenging setting for missionary work. Prat entered this intricate environment with a mission to foster faith and establish lasting ties with the community, facing the dual challenges of adapting to local customs and navigating the influences of colonial-era interactions.

3.1. Early Life

Manuel Prat was born in Batet de la Serra, Girona, Spain. He joined the Dominican Order at the age of sixteen. After his profession in Ávila and completing his ecclesiastical studies, he travelled to Manila, where he was ordained as a priest on 18 September 1897 (Andrés n.d., p. 94). A year later, he arrived in Taiwan, disembarking in Tamsui. There, he initiated his missionary work while at the same time studying the Minnan dialect. When serving at Luocuo Catholic Church in Zhanghua County, he recognised the importance of preparing local preachers and, in 1905, established Taiwan’s first Catholic missionary school. Prat was appointed as the Apostolic Vicar of Xiamen on 27 January 1916, and was consecrated in Zhangzhou on 8 October. Under his guidance, the mission included 21 European missionaries, 9 indigenous missionaries, and 12 Dominican nuns, with many churches, catechists’ colleges, and hospitals founded during this period (APSTA, t. 16).

Around 1880, the Dominicans built the Mission House on Kulangsu, one of the earliest missionary buildings in the area. Although it served as the Spanish consulate for several years, ownership remained with the Dominican Order. In 1918, Prat took up residence in the Mission House. Between 1922 and 1923, he oversaw the construction of a Gothic-style Catholic church and a two-storey school on Kulangsu. This property occupied 3200 square metres, of which the house covered 400 square metres, the church 200, and the school 175 (Andrés n.d., p. 97). Prat documented his efforts to purchase land for an additional school in a letter dated 23 May 1919:

“The house we went to see, according to the information gathered so far, is up for sale, but purchasing it will not be easy at the moment. There are three brothers, who have already divided their estate in Formosa among themselves, but this house is still jointly owned, albeit in unequal shares. They wish to sell it, but they distrust each other regarding the distribution of the money, as each one wants to seize the largest portion. One of them, who holds the largest share of the property, has responded evasively, saying he will think it over. Another, who seems intent on gaining whatever he can, has responded affirmatively, stating that the house and land cost them 160.00$, and he is willing to lose ten to twenty thousand pesos; this was his initial offer without further negotiation. We have entrusted the matter to a wealthy local man who is well acquainted with the owners and seems to have taken an interest because we told him we wanted it for a school, without specifying the type of school. He has promised to do his best to negotiate. Initially, he mentioned he hoped to secure it for around 80.00$, but I later told him that, based on the Corporation’s intentions, we might offer eighty or ninety thousand. However, I also told him that if, as suggested by one of the brothers, they were asking over a hundred thousand, the deal would not be possible. In matters like these, one must proceed cautiously, even if the people involved appear trustworthy, and keep half of one’s thoughts to oneself. Let us see how things develop and whether they truly wish to sell and are willing to negotiate. I also indicated that if they decided to postpone the sale, I could not guarantee that we would still be interested in buying it later […].”¹⁰

Although Prat did not provide detailed information about the new school in this letter, it is possible that this effort contributed to the establishment of the Weizheng Primary School. This institution primarily served girls, offering education in religion and literature, and placing a special emphasis on musical instruction:

“It would be highly beneficial to select a young priest who can teach harmonium to the students. Furthermore, it is crucial to have someone who can instruct the young Chinese girls in piano, ideally a Spanish Mother or Sister, as they have shown remarkable results in teaching music, piano, and English.”¹¹

Pupils at the mission school attended Mass each week at a fixed time. The headmistresses of the school were the most qualified female beatifics, who had received formal training. Prat highlighted that these women could have a significant impact on newly converted women, indirectly influencing male converts as well. However, at the outset, female converts in the Xiamen Christian community faced multiple difficulties if they wished to teach: many lacked adequate catechism training; others were unwilling to travel to remote areas without access to sacraments; and some feared harsh treatment if they became ill or needed to stop teaching (APSTA, t. 16).

To resolve these issues, Prat founded a College of Blessed Sisters to improve training for women. He also proposed allowing rest periods for female converts living far from the residence of Father Champagnat—enabling them to attend religious services regularly. To allay concerns over care during illness, he advocated creating a Beguine, similar to the St. Infancy of Kang-bué, where these women could recover from long illnesses or old age if no other support was available. He further recommended drafting specific regulations to enhance the contributions of these women to both the mission and their own spiritual growth, inviting additional suggestions for improving their role (APSTA, t. 16).

3.2. Educational and Community Initiatives: Schools, Preachers, and Social Engagement

Prat’s commitment to expanding Christianity through practical actions led him to recommend methods for strengthening missionary outreach. He recognised that books were one of the most effective tools for spreading religious ideas, but many residences and congregations (kong-sé-s) lacked sufficient literature. They often only had a few novenas and catechisms, which were insufficient for broader outreach. Prat suggested making well-written Chinese books available, with some offered for free and others lent or sold as needed. He also proposed setting up temporary missionary residences in different parts of the city, where evening preaching sessions could help spread religious knowledge. Lastly, he stressed the importance of involving existing Christians and catechumens in missionary activities to increase their engagement and enthusiasm for propagating the faith (APSTA, t. 16).

Despite these plans, however, the mission confronted numerous challenges triggered by external factors. On 30 July 1919, Prat sent a letter from Kulangsu describing a cholera outbreak on Xiamen Island, Kulangsu, and surrounding areas, which claimed the lives of several missionaries (APSTA 1919b). He wrote again on 29 August 1919, noting that, while building a church on Kulangsu, a severe typhoon had just devastated the coastline. Although the number of cholera cases had fallen, many Christians had perished, including children in the Holy Children’s Villages in Aupoá (Houban, Zhangzhou) and Kulangsu (APSTA 1919c). Regional dialect differences further hindered missionary communication. As Prat reported,

“As for the state of this Mission, I believe that a lack of spiritual formation, as noted by Your Reverence, is a significant problem. Poor missionary training, the newness of the mission sites, and the lack of adequate resources, particularly catechists, have all contributed to the current sense of pessimism and discouragement. The circumstances here are particularly challenging; ongoing contact with foreigners complicates communication, increases the cost of living, and fosters a desire for independence, making it difficult to find reliable local servants even at higher pay. This situation has affected the catechists’ schools negatively, and I attribute much of this to the late Father Vicar, whose leadership was detrimental to the Mission […]. Yesterday, at the same time as Your Reverence’s letter, I received a letter from Sr. Leonor asking me not to send it to Hing-hoa because it is another language […].”¹²

The challenging conditions were exacerbated by regional conflicts and wars. Prat detailed an incident involving two warships that approached Xiamen, fired upon the forts, and engaged briefly with local forces. He recounted the following:

“You may have heard rumours of war here in Amoy … Two warships arrived, fired a few cannon shots at the forts, and entered the harbour. Two days later, they had a minor skirmish with local forces near the station leading to Chiang-chiu. The following night, the ships left again but remained stationed in an inlet near Amoy, raising fears of their return. Nothing more has happened so far. We have been cut off from Chuanchiu for several days, and even communication with Amoy was disrupted for two days. Any sampan that approached was fired upon, resulting in the deaths of four or five boatmen and several others being wounded.”¹³

Prat also described the complex social and political environment surrounding the mission. He detailed how a group of agitators arrived from Fuzhou on the same steamer as the priests and sisters. They joined with local instigators to launch a campaign against the missionaries, spreading calumnies through newspapers, anonymous pamphlets, and public rallies in the streets and plazas. This hostile atmosphere endangered not only the missionaries but also the entire foreign community on Kulangsu for several days. Although the Xiamen Naval Authorities offered some protection, they were reluctant to confront the agitators directly. Seven girls were exhumed for examination, and although nothing suspicious was found, the agitation continued to spread inland (APSTA, t. 16).

After Prat officially established the mission on Kulangsu, this Christian community, together with the one on Xiamen Island, became the two most successful centres of faith in the Diocese. Previously, the Christian community in Zhangzhou had been the most vibrant in Southern Fujian, hosting frequent evangelical activities and drawing important involvement from local believers in the development of schools. However, despite Xiamen’s strategic and symbolic role as the centre of the Mission, it faced persistent challenges, including insufficient financial resources and a lack of personnel. This contrasted sharply with Zhangzhou, which had enjoyed greater stability and stronger support from its Christian community. Recognising these disparities, Prat proposed reallocating funds from Zhangzhou to Xiamen to establish a secondary school. A portion of these funds came from donations made by Chinese Christians in Zhangzhou, reflecting their commitment to the broader mission. In a letter, Prat articulated his reasoning and outlined his proposal in detail:

“The Father Vicar is discussing with the Chinese here the possibility of setting up a secondary school in Amoy, and I intend to support this initiative as much as I can. I believe this is where we should have started, and I think it would have been done that way if proper leadership had been in place and there had not been individual ambitions. The people of Chuan are unwilling to go to Chiang to study, and those of Chiang are even less inclined to go to Chuan. Meanwhile, Amoy is regarded by everyone as the capital and, therefore, a neutral ground between the two. Moreover, Amoy will always remain the centre of this Mission. Without additional initiatives, we risk losing our Christian base due to a lack of anything that lends us a sense of prestige. It is, in truth, a shame for the Mission. With this, I think you can infer my proposal: that the 3000$ previously allocated to Chiangchiu be granted to Amoy. With the help of the Chinese community, construction can begin on a secondary school, which can be expanded as it grows and as needs arise. As for the people of Chiangchiu, they can focus on maintaining their primary school. If, in the future, the hospital for which the building was originally constructed can be opened, they can construct another facility themselves, as they have committed to do.”¹⁴

The administration of the Diocese was difficult during Manuel Prat’s time because each region had its own problems. For example, Prat noted that the Christian community in Xinghua was very different from the one in Xiamen. They spoke a different dialect and had different customs. Missionaries from these areas did not work together on internal matters. Prat’s letters show how Christian communities grew in Southern Fujian, especially on Kulangsu. His writings also offered ideas for improving the Diocese. He wanted to set up schools and shelters for children, which he considered very important. Prat also identified a need for dispensaries in Xiamen. He believed these would ease the workload of the children’s shelters and provide opportunities to baptise more children. He argued that missionaries should receive training in paediatrics and that these facilities should offer help without seeking profit (APSTA, t. 16). Before Prat arrived at Kulangsu, there were no records of a permanent missionary or an organised Christian system there. During his time, the mission grew, and by the end of his work, there were more than 300 Christians on the island. He died on 6 January 1947, and Juan Bautista Velasco Díaz (1911–1985) succeeded him as Bishop of Xiamen.¹⁵ After heavy fighting, the People’s Liberation Army entered Xiamen and Kulangsu on 17 October 1949. In 1950 and 1951, the number of adult baptisms reached its peak.

3.3. Letters from Kulangsu: Challenges, Governance, and Vision

One of the most pressing issues identified by Manuel Prat was the absence of a unified leadership structure within the mission. In his letters, he frequently expressed concern about the “duality of government”—a situation in which administrative and ecclesiastical authorities shared overlapping responsibilities. This lack of clear boundaries often led to misunderstandings, inefficiencies, and internal conflicts. Prat described situations where missionaries were unsure of their roles, which resulted in confusing interpretations of policies and inconsistent decision-making. This confusion weakened the mission’s stability and hindered its ability to operate effectively. He stressed the need for clear communication and well-defined leadership roles to resolve these issues. He argued that a unified governance structure was essential to reduce friction and encourage collaboration among the missionaries. In his correspondence, he underlined that peace within the mission was not merely desirable but vital for its success. He observed that disputes often arose from personal pride and competition for authority, which diverted attention from the mission’s objectives (APSTA, t. 16). Prat’s vision of leadership prioritised cooperation, mutual respect, and a focus on shared goals, reflecting his belief that organisational unity was critical for spreading Christianity and maintaining the mission’s credibility.

Financial challenges were another major obstacle for the mission. The region’s vulnerability to natural disasters, such as the 1919 cholera epidemic, and its political instability put great pressure on the mission’s resources. In his letters, Prat expressed sorrow over the impact of these crises, noting that they increased the death rate among local Christians and children in the mission’s care. He also mentioned the rising cost of living due to the ongoing revolution, which worsened the mission’s financial difficulties. Prat showed a practical approach to managing resources. He advocated for reallocating funds to areas of greatest need, such as education and healthcare. For example, he expressed gratitude for financial support directed toward the college in Zhangzhou, which he viewed as a critical investment in the mission’s future. Prat also worked to overcome logistical challenges, such as acquiring construction materials during periods of availability, to ensure the continuation of key projects. His letters reflect a deep understanding of the mission’s immediate and long-term needs, as well as his ability to adapt resource allocation strategies to changing circumstances. He also sought support from external sources, recognising the importance of building partnerships with local communities and relying on their contributions to sustain the mission. He noted that Chinese Christians in Zhangzhou helped fund educational projects (APSTA, t. 16). This collaboration helped reduce the mission’s financial difficulties. It also created stronger connections with the community, encouraging a shared sense of responsibility and commitment to the mission’s goals.

Education was at the heart of Prat’s vision for the mission, as he believed it was key to fostering cultural integration and addressing social inequalities. His work to set up schools was a broader strategy of using education to build relationships with the local community and promote Christian teachings in a manner that resonated with local values. The primary school in Xiamen, which Prat helped to establish, is a clear example of this approach. Targeted primarily at young girls, the school sought to provide them with opportunities for growth and empowerment, addressing a meaningful gap in the local educational landscape. Prat’s educational initiatives went beyond religious instruction to include secular subjects and cultural elements, such as music and traditional studies. He recognised that integrating local customs into the curriculum was essential for creating an inclusive environment that respected the community’s traditions (APSTA, t. 16). By doing so, the mission was able to foster goodwill and establish itself as a valuable part of the community’s social fabric. Prat viewed education not merely as a tool for evangelisation but as a means of addressing the broader needs of the society, thereby embedding the mission within the local context.

Healthcare was a vital part of the mission’s efforts to connect with and support the local community. The cholera outbreak of 1919 exposed the fragile state of public health in the region and the urgent need for proper medical facilities. Prat’s letters show his dedication to setting up dispensaries to provide essential healthcare while serving as spaces for engaging with the community. These dispensaries offered critical services during the epidemic and helped build trust between the mission and the local population. For instance, in one letter, Prat described how several Christians in various districts had succumbed to the outbreak, while even children in the St. Infancy shelters were not spared (APSTA, t. 16). Prat understood that responding to physical needs was strategic to earning the community’s acceptance. These facilities represented the mission’s commitment to both service and spiritual care. They were practical tools for building connections.

The internal conflicts among missionaries made governance more difficult. Missionaries came from various cultural and professional backgrounds, which often led to differing opinions about how the work should be carried out. Prat worked to resolve these disagreements. In a letter dated 30 July 1919, he expressed concern over the inadequate preparation of new missionaries, urging them to study Chinese and local traditions seriously (APSTA, t. 16). He emphasised that language learning was not just an academic exercise but a necessary tool for effective communication and trust-building with the local population. Prat also recognised that resistance to cultural immersion among missionaries often hindered their ability to connect with the community. To address this, he encouraged missionaries to learn the Minnan dialect and understand local traditions. This, he thought, would help them work better with the community. Practical preparation, including training in local customs, held equal importance to spiritual teaching in his approach. These measures were integral to his vision for enhancing the mission’s effectiveness and fostering meaningful connections.

Dealing with local authorities required careful diplomacy. As a foreign organisation, the mission often faced suspicion and mistrust from local leaders and the broader population. Prat worked hard to build peaceful relationships with local leaders. In his letter dated 13 June 1919, he discussed the need for clarity and fairness in interactions with local power structures, highlighting the importance of maintaining transparency in the mission’s operations (APSTA 1919a). Prat portrayed himself as a mediator during conflicts, describing how he relied on negotiation to ease tensions and protect the mission’s work from disruption. He emphasised the value of mutual respect and regarded diplomacy as essential for maintaining stability. His efforts showed that strategic relationships could support the mission’s goals.

Prat focused on creating a strong foundation for the mission. He prioritised projects that could bring lasting benefits to the community and reinforce the mission’s presence. Schools and dispensaries were central to this vision. He saw these initiatives as ways to meet immediate needs. They also helped the mission gain acceptance in the community. Prat’s 1919 letters stress his support for constructing a chapel alongside establishing educational institutions (APSTA 1919a, 1919b, 1919c). He linked education, healthcare, and cultural understanding. He believed these areas supported each other. He wanted the mission to be seen as valuable to the community. This vision guided his approach to development projects. Prat’s leadership style was practical and focused. His letters give detailed examples of his strategies. Prat tried to balance the mission’s spiritual goals with the needs of the local people. He dealt with both internal and external challenges.

The Jesuits originally planned to integrate into Chinese society as scholars. They sought to gain respect and to convert the country from the top down, with a primary focus on converting the Chinese Emperor. This approach proved successful in Japan, even though it was not the strategy recommended by the Holy See at the time (Hsia 2009, pp. 1–11; Wiest 1997, p. 675). Their advanced scientific knowledge and technological skills captured the interest of the Chinese. They also became proficient in Chinese language and culture, striving to build bridges between Western and Chinese traditions. By the mid-twentieth century, the Jesuits had established their main base in Shanghai. They constructed a large complex of institutions, including a university, library, hospital, schools, and orphanages. They also maintained centres in Beijing and several provinces across China. Their main aim remained the promotion of science and education alongside cultural dialogue, which included learning Chinese. Although they no longer focused solely on converting the Emperor, they continued to seek influence by educating the elite through their university (Wiest 1997, p. 674).

By comparison, Manuel Prat took a different approach. He concentrated on converting ordinary Chinese from all walks of life in Fujian, building on the missionary foundation established by earlier figures such as Victorio Riccio. Unlike the Jesuit mission, which was based in Shanghai, the Dominican mission was centred in Fu’an, Fujian. Prat established schools that integrated local cultural elements, for example, a girls’ school that offered both religious instruction and secular subjects. In these institutions, many young women were raised in mission households; some were later adopted by local Christian families, and others were sent to boarding schools for further education, with several eventually becoming preachers and nurses. Prat also prioritised the training of local catechists and adjusted resource allocation to address regional disparities. He made efforts to learn the Minnan dialect and to adapt his practices to local customs, enabling him to operate in the international environment of Kulangsu Settlement. This model represents a more flexible strategy based on community engagement rather than the strictly hierarchical approach sometimes employed by other missionary groups.

4. Conclusions

This study has examined the missionary work of Manuel Prat Pujoldevall in early twentieth-century Xiamen and Kulangsu, based on primary archival records and historical sources. The analysis reveals how Prat’s approach reflected a deliberate adaptation of the Dominican tradition to the specific cultural and social conditions of Southern Fujian. His missionary efforts focused on the conversion of common Chinese individuals rather than the elite. His establishment of a school specifically for girls is particularly notable, as it provided both religious and non-religious subjects. Many of these young women were raised in mission households, with some later adopted by local Christian families or sent to boarding schools for further education. In several instances, they later became preachers and nurses, thereby strengthening the mission’s presence within the local community. This approach allowed Prat to expand the scope of conversion and gain deeper roots in the local society, particularly through the empowerment of women. However, while this initiative contributed to social change, it also encountered limitations.

Prat’s commitment to cultural adaptation is evident in his efforts to learn the Minnan dialect and familiarise himself with local customs. This effort to bridge Western missionary practices and local traditions was a pragmatic response to the diverse social environment of Southern Fujian, yet it also revealed the difficulties of fully integrating into a culture with long-established traditions. His strategy for managing resources, including the reallocation of funds to support essential services such as education and healthcare, was crucial for the mission’s survival in the context of financial constraints and political instability. Still, these measures highlight the ongoing tension between maintaining organisational control and adapting flexibly to local conditions.

The setting of Xiamen and the international character of the Kulangsu Settlement profoundly influenced Prat’s methods. Kulangsu was not just a local community; it was a dynamic enclave where diverse cultures intersected. Local traditions mingled with influences brought by foreign merchants, diplomats, and expatriates. This mixture created both opportunities for meaningful dialogue and challenges that required careful navigation. Prat had to manage varying social norms, multiple languages, and sometimes conflicting expectations from local residents and the international community. His efforts to learn the dialect and to adjust his educational programmes illustrate his ongoing commitment to addressing these challenges. At times, local customs conflicted with the expectations of the missionary organisation, prompting Prat to seek compromises that respected local practices while still following his religious objectives. In this multicultural environment, Prat’s adaptive strategies enabled him to maintain effective engagement, even as the social landscape evolved.

Overall, the findings of this study suggest that the success of missionary work in cross-cultural settings relies on the balance between strong religious commitment and adaptable, locally informed strategies. Prat’s work—characterised by individual conversion efforts, community engagement, cultural adaptation, and resource management—demonstrates how missionary organisations can thrive in complex cultural and political environments. These examples contribute to ongoing discussions about the evolving strategies of missionary organisations and their ability to navigate cross-cultural complexities. They also provide a broader framework for understanding the transformative role of religion in diverse historical and cultural contexts.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the research team from the project “Evangelización en femenino. Mujeres agentes de cristianización y Orden de Predicadores en el mundo ibérico, ss. XVII-XIX”, funded by MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033 and the European Union NextGenerationEU/PRTR (grant number PID2023-146272NB-I00), for providing a useful framework and scholarly context for my work. I would also like to thank the three anonymous reviewers and the editors for their insightful comments.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

Footnotes

Notes

1. In historical documents, the name of the city “Xiamen” appears as “Amoy”, “Hia-men”, “Emoui”, “Emuy”, and other similar variants.

2. There are differing opinions regarding the date of Ángel Cochi’s arrival on the Chinese coast: 1631 or 1632. The Dominican Albino Andrés stated the following in his unpublished book, (Andrés n.d., chap. II, no. 8, p. 16): “On 30 December 1630, two zealous and intrepid Dominican missionaries, Ángel Cochi and Tomás Sierra, embarked at the Formosan port of Tamsui [Dan shui], acting as envoys of the Governor of Formosa to the Viceroy of Fokien. In the early hours of the 31st, the Chinese crew mutinied and killed Tomás Sierra, while Cochi miraculously saved his life and managed to set foot on Fokien soil on 1 January 1631.” Similarly, Victorio Riccio recorded the following in (Riccio n.d., Book I, chap. VI, no. 1, p. 15): “On the celebrated day of the Circumcision of Christ, the first of the year 1631, the holy man Ángel set foot in this empire to erect new trophies for Christ and subject a new world to the yoke of the immaculate faith of God.” However, José María González asserts, “The first Chinese land that Cochi stepped on was the island where he disembarked on 1 January… It seems sufficiently demonstrated that Cochi’s entry into China was in 1632, not in 1631,” in (González 1964, vol. I, pp. 49, 71–79).

3. For more information, see (Clark 2006; Abt 2014; Fan 2001).

4. Francisco Fernández de Capillas was born in Baquerín de Campos, Palencia, on 14 August 1607. He later entered the Convent of San Pablo in Valladolid. In February 1632, he arrived in Manila, and by 1641, he had reached the island of Formosa [Taiwan]. Once in China, he tirelessly propagated the faith, baptising those who would later become the most steadfast Christians of Fu’an. The fruits of his efforts were so abundant that the years 1644 to 1646 came to be known as the golden era of the mission.

5. Pedro Sanz was born in Ascó, Tarragona, and was baptised in the parish church on 3 September 1680. He arrived in the Philippines in 1713. Two years later, he and Matéu reached Xiamen.

6. For more information about the martyrs of China, see (Puebla Pedrosa 1987).

7. This noble family gave the Order of Preachers many illustrious members. Contemporary with Victorio Riccio was the renowned Timoteo Ricci, Prior of the Convent of San Marco in Florence, a celebrated preacher and fervent promoter of the Rosary, who was honoured by the General Chapter following his death with the title “Second Blessed Alan”. Saint Catherine of the same surname is also said to have belonged to this Ricci family, as did another noted religious man named Timoteo Ricci, both her companion and uncle. Another member was Santiago Ricci, a highly regarded professor, Secretary of the Sacred Congregation of the Index, Provincial of the Dominican Roman Province (1679–1683), and Procurator General of the Order (1684), who died in 1703. His brother, Miguel Ángel Ricci, humbly declined the cardinalate that Pope Innocent XI intended to confer upon him. Victorio Riccio was also a close relative of the celebrated Matteo Ricci, one of the founding figures of the Jesuit China missions. For further details, see (González 1955).

8. However, Zheng’s son did not convert to the Catholic faith like his father and grandfather, and he caused trouble for the Mission during Zheng’s absence in Xiamen. Riccio noted, “While at Father Riccio’s house, Zheng’s son came one day to the said house to see the decorations of the Church, as the feast of the Most Holy Rosary was being celebrated at the time. He took some small images out of curiosity (despite the Father’s objections), doing so not of his own will but due to the insolence of his servants, who were wicked and intolerable men, solely intent on causing harm and instilling fear,” in Hechos, chap. VIII, no. 4.

9. Original text: “donde estuvo oculto durante diez meses, y luego se trasladó a la factoría que los holandeses tenían cerca de Fo-cheu, y desde allí, ejerció públicamente el ministerio, vestido de flamenco”, from APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 4, doc. 4. In this context, “flamenco” likely refers to Flemish or Dutch attire.

10. Original text: “La casa que fuimos a ver, según los informes adquiridos hasta ahora, quieren venderla, pero sin embargo no será tan fácil comprarla por ahora. Son tres hermanos, cuya hacienda de Formosa han dividido ya entre sí, pero la casa esta es común de todos ellos, aunque en partes desiguales: desean venderla, pero se temen mutuamente por el dinero que han de recibir, pues cada uno quiere arramplar la mayor parte. Uno de ellos, el que tiene mayor parte en la propiedad, ha contestado dando largas, que lo pensará mejor; otro que está a lo que pueda pescar, ha contestado que sí, que la casa y terreno les ha costado de 160.00$ y está dispuesto a perder de diez a veinte mil pesos: esto lo que ha propuesto de buenas a primeras… Lo hemos encargado a un ricachón de aquí muy conocido de los dueños, y que parece que lo ha tomado con interés porque le hemos dicho que lo queremos para colegio, sin decir qué clase de colegio, y ha quedado en hacer lo que pueda para arreglarlo. Él al principio dijo que esperaba sacarla por unos 80.00$, y yo ahora le he dicho que enterado de las intenciones de la Corporación, unos ochenta o noventa mil puede darlo, pero que si, como indicó el otro, quieren ciento y pico mil, no habrá arreglo posible. Aquí en estos asuntos hay que andar con mucho cuidado aunque parezca gente de confianza, y hay que callarse la mitad de lo uno piensa … A ver ellos por donde salen, y si realmente quieren y se avienen a venderla. También le indiqué que si lo querían dejar para más tarde, yo no respondía de que entonces se quisiera comprar […]”. From APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 16, doc. 1.

11. Original text: “Sería utilísimo escogen para ello [sic] a un P. Joven que sepa tocar y enseñar harmonium a los estudiantes del Colegio. Es más preciso aún que la segunda sepa enseñar piano a las jóvenes chinas que estudien en la normal, y, a ser posible, la M. Directora desea que la escogida para eso sea una Madre o Hermana española, que suelen ser las que dan mejores resultados en estas misiones para enseñar música, piano e inglés a los jóvenes chinas”. From APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 16, doc. 11.

12. Original text: “En cuanto al estado de esta Misión, creo es verdad que a algunos les falta una dosis de espíritu de oración, obediencia y virtudes apostólicas, como dice V. R. y una de las causas principales creo ha sido la mala formación que tuvieron, pero tampoco está solo en esto el mal: el ser la mayor parte misiones nuevas, y la falta de medios, sobre todo de catequistas, para hacer algo de provecho, creo influye mucho también en este pesimismo y desaliento tan pronunciado. Las circunstancias de esta Misión son de las más difíciles; la comunicación continua con el extranjero dificulta las conversaciones, encarece la vida como en ninguna parte de China, y excita el espíritu de libertad, de modo que nos es muy difícil encontrar ya ni criados que nos sirvan, aun pagando mucho más que en ninguna otra parte de China. Por esto tenía yo sumo interés en las escuelas de catequistas, pero los líos aquellos estropearon las dos, y la culpa principal, según mi opinión, ya le dije quien la tiene, el P. Vicario pasado, que ha sido funesto a la Misión […]. Ayer, al mismo tiempo que la de V. R., recibí una carta de Sor Leonor pidiendo por favor que no se la envié a Hinghoa por ser otra lengua […]”. From:APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 16, doc. 10.

13. Original text: “Habrán oído por ahí rumores de guerra etc. aquí en Amoy … vinieron dos barcos de guerra, tiraron unos cuantos cañonazos a los fuertes y entraron en el puerto; a los dos días tuvieron una pequeña pelea con las fuerzas de aquí, en la parte de la estación para ir a Chiang-chiu, y a la noche siguiente se salieron los barcos fuera otra vez, pero están en una ensenada cerca de Amoy y se tema que vuelvan: no ha pasado más. Con Chuanchiu estamos incomunicados hace ya días, y dos días estuvimos incomunicados hasta con Amoy, y disparaban a todo champán que se acercaba, y murieron cuatro o cinco barqueros y algunos más heridos”. From: APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 16, doc. 10.

14. Original text: “Por otra parte el P. Vicario está tratando con los chinos de aquí para ver de poner un colegio de segunda enseñanza en Amoy, y por mi parte le he de apoyar todo lo que pueda, pues creo que por aquí se debía haber comenzado, y aun creo que así se hubiera hecho si hubiera habido dirección y no se hubiera procedido con miras particulares, pues los de Chuan no se resignan a ir a estudiar a Chiang, y los de Chiang menos en a Chuan, mientras que Amoy es mirado por todos como la capital, y por lo tanto neutral entra los dos. Además, siempre será Amoy el centro de la Misión esta, y si no se ponen otros medios llevamos camino de quedarnos sin cristianos, por no tener nada que nos de un poco de prestigio: es realmente una vergüenza para la Misión. Con esto creo habrá adivinado lo que pienso proponer, esto es, que concedan para Amoy los 3000$ que tenía Chiangchiu, y con la ayuda de los chinos se puede comenzar a edificar para un colegio de segunda enseñanza y agrandarlo a medida que vaya prosperando y haga falta, y los de Chiangchiu que se entiendan con su colegio de primera enseñanza, y si con el tiempo se puede poner el hospital para lo cual se hizo el edificio, que levanten ellos otro como se comprometen”. From APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 16, doc. 10.

15. The letters of Juan Bautista Velasco Díaz can be found in APSTA, Sección 34 China, t. 29.

Footnotes

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