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Learners' challenging behaviour is a growing concern in primary schools. Reports reveal that many learners in South African primary schools present with challenging behaviour - disrupting lessons, causing chaos, risking learners' and teachers' safety, and interrupting school functionality. A systematic review of literature spanning three decades was conducted to determine whether physical punishment on children leads to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools. The social cognitive theory emphasises how children learn and replicate behaviour, and punished children can quickly adopt punishing behaviours themselves. Thematic analysis of forty-five research sources on the impact of physical punishment on children's behaviour identified several primary types of challenging behaviours physically punished children displayed in primary schools. The review established a clear link between physically punished children and the manifestation of challenging behaviour in school settings. These results imply that physical punishment of children can be painful, and the types of challenging behaviour displayed in primary school typically result from physical punishment. These results further imply that physical punishment on children can lead to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools. Education stakeholders should consider the behaviours presented in this review to improve and change how they view, support and manage misbehaving children. This should encompass school curriculum and policy reform and practice, including the implementation of relevant intervention strategies such as the '15 key steps to support misbehaving learners: A teacher's guide to effective intervention' as recommended by the findings of this research.
Abstract
Learners' challenging behaviour is a growing concern in primary schools. Reports reveal that many learners in South African primary schools present with challenging behaviour - disrupting lessons, causing chaos, risking learners' and teachers' safety, and interrupting school functionality. A systematic review of literature spanning three decades was conducted to determine whether physical punishment on children leads to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools. The social cognitive theory emphasises how children learn and replicate behaviour, and punished children can quickly adopt punishing behaviours themselves. Thematic analysis of forty-five research sources on the impact of physical punishment on children's behaviour identified several primary types of challenging behaviours physically punished children displayed in primary schools. The review established a clear link between physically punished children and the manifestation of challenging behaviour in school settings. These results imply that physical punishment of children can be painful, and the types of challenging behaviour displayed in primary school typically result from physical punishment. These results further imply that physical punishment on children can lead to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools. Education stakeholders should consider the behaviours presented in this review to improve and change how they view, support and manage misbehaving children. This should encompass school curriculum and policy reform and practice, including the implementation of relevant intervention strategies such as the '15 key steps to support misbehaving learners: A teacher's guide to effective intervention' as recommended by the findings of this research.
Keywords: Challenging behaviour; physical punishment; physical punishment on children; impact on behaviour; primary schools; review of literature
1. Introduction and background
Physical punishment was accepted globally for decades as a typical response to children's misbehaviour (Naeem et al., 2022; Rimal 8% Pokharel, 2013; Durrant 8: Ensom, 2012). Parents disciplined their children at home by shouting at them and physically punishing them. Similarly, teachers exerted 'corporal punishment' to discipline learners in school (Engelbrecht, 2020; Moyo et al., 2014; Naong, 2007). However, the Abolition of Corporal Punishment Act No. 33 of 1997 (RSA,1997) was commissioned to prohibit corporal punishment on children in schools. Following this, the Children's Act No. 38, 2005 (RSA, 2006) was passed, preventing parents from physically punishing their children or using any other form of punishment. Chapter 1 of the Act refers to abuse on a child as "(a) assaulting a child or inflicting any form of deliberate injury to a child" (RSA, 2006: 16). This meant that whether a parent or teacher, the punishing perpetrator would face the full might of the law. However, decades later, reports show that physical punishment is still exceedingly rife - nationally and globally- in homes and schools (WHO), 2021; Rimal & Pokharel).
Divecha (2022) reveals that 31 countries have also internationally abolished corporal punishment in schools. Although corporal punishment in South African schools was replaced with alternatives to punishment such as positive disciplinary practices (leading by example), the use of guidance and counselling methods, and restorative justice to manage ill-disciplined learners, teachers' efforts to implement the alternatives have reportedly failed (Moyo et al., 2014; Masitsa, 2008; Naong, 2007). In some primary schools, learners' challenging behaviour intensifies (Rubbi Nunan, 2024; Mncube & Harber, 2013; Naong, 2007). Several studies (Gupta, 2023; Bhana, 2020; Engelbrecht, 2020; Khumalo, 2019; Moyo et al., 2014; Singh & Steyn, 2014; Mncube & Harber, 2013; Masitsa, 2008) confirm that learners' challenging behaviour in South African schools undermines teaching and learning and has a detrimental effect on learners' academic performance and school safety. Primary schools are experiencing disruptions to teaching and learning, school-based violence, gang violence, intimidation and bullying, brutality and assault on learners by learners, and confrontational behaviour by learners toward teachers (Rubbi Nunan, 2018; 2024; Mncube & Harber, 2013; SACE, 2011). The intensity of learners' behaviour in schools has even escalated to learner-onlearner stabbings, leading to death (Mncube & Harber, 2013; SACE, 2011). This phenomenon confirms Emerson's (2001) assertion that challenging behaviour can potentially release such intensity and force that it puts the physical safety of the self and others at risk. The display of such intensive behaviour by learners, however, can be attributed to what Chance (2009), Coon and Mitterer (2010) and Powell, Symbaluk and Honey (2009) assert that when children are continuously, excessively and severely punished, it can have profound psychological and emotional implications for the onset of future problem behaviour in children. Evidence also suggests that the use of physical punishment is deep-rooted (Divecha, 2022) and enflames children's behavioural problems with no constructive results (WHO, 2021).
Coon and Mitterer (2010) and Divecha (2022) refer to punishment as an act that is metered out on children to control or change their behaviour. Reprimands, threats, beatings, and detentions where children are restrained and forcibly locked up are used for this purpose (Coon & Mitterer, 2010). The Committee of the Convention on Human Rights affirms that physical punishment of children habitually involves "hitting children with a hand or implement, but it can also involve, for example, kicking, shaking or throwing children, scratching, pinching, biting, pulling hair or boxing ears, forcing children to stay in uncomfortable positions, burning, scalding or forced ingestion" (WHO, 2021). It has also been two decades since Maag (2004: 297) revealed that punishment is the most frequently "used, misused, and abused" form of correcting and suppressing behaviour. Alarmingly, worldwide, 60% of children aged 2 to 14 years (WHO, 2021), and three out of four (an estimated 300 million) children aged 2 to 4 years are frequently punished with violence, including physical punishment or verbal abuse from parents or caregivers (Divecha, 2022). As Engelbrecht (2020) points out, assault on people or animals is regarded as criminal, yet communities often ignore or overlook violence against children, who are the most defenceless, concealed as 'discipline'. This is why the court ruled that reasonable and moderate chastisement was unconstitutional. Engelbrecht (2020) argues that children cannot be expected to develop into responsible and sociable adults if no forthcoming behaviour is demonstrated and instilled during childhood.
Several studies (Divecha, 2022; Engelbrecht, 2020; Rimal & Pokharel, 2013; Powell et al., 2009; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Chance, 2009; Maag, 2004) maintain that punishment on children may prove to be beneficial and serve as instant compliance or a quick fix to correct their behaviour; however, punishment is painful and can have severe negative and adverse consequences on children's future behaviour. Studies consistently reveal that although all types of punishment will affect children's behaviour, physical punishment consequently causes them to misbehave (Durrant & Ensom, 2012; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009). Even if the physical punishment is 'light or mild', there will be an innate possibility of intensification (WHO, 2021). Globally, physical punishment is connected to various harmful consequences for children, ranging from physical and mental ill-health to impaired cognitive and socio-emotional development, poor educational outcomes, increased aggression and perpetration of violence (McLeod, 2023; Naeem et al., 2022; WHO, 2021 Engelbrecht, 2020). There are also assertions that "escape, aggression, apathy, abuse, and imitation of the punisher" are typical problem behaviours that children will develop and exhibit as a result of physical punishment (Chance, 2009: 220). Similarly, a study conducted in Pakistan reported that learners who experienced physical punishment in their childhood displayed problem behaviours such as "anger, fear, anxiety, and bullying others" (Naeem et al., 2022: 31). Kaiser and Rasminsky (2007; 2012) further assert that challenging behaviour can be classified into five categories of behaviour, namely, aggression, provocation, disruption, bullying and isolation-type behaviours. Also, while the consequence of being physically punished is equally similar for girls and boys, and children from poor or affluent homes alike (WHO, 2021), boys tend to act out more violently than girls (Cherry, 2022; Bhana, 2020). The more severe the punishment, the more severe and challenging the children's behaviour is likely to become (Engelbrecht, 2020). However, according to Durrant and Ensom (2012) and Rimal and Pokharel (2013), physical punishment is no more successful than other positive reinforcement practices in prompting compliance. While it may cause children to avoid punishment, the behaviour is not necessarily changed.
Although the existing body of literature attempts to report the realities of punishment on children, there is limited evidence on how punishment, particularly physical punishment, can develop challenging behaviour that children later display in primary school. The need to understand how physical punishment on children can lead to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools can perhaps change the way parents and teachers view, support, and manage misbehaving children. Hence, this research aims to highlight this phenomenon and recommend a framework of support, informed by the findings, for teachers to potentially manage learners' challenging behaviour in primary school. To achieve this, the researcher addresses the critical research question, 'How does physical punishment of children lead to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools?
2. Theoretical framework
The social cognitive theory underpinned this review of literature. This theory suggests that children learn and imitate behaviour socially through observational learning and modelling (McLeod, 2023; Cherry, 2022; Lansford, 2012; Bandura, 1977; 2005). Observational learning infers that those whom children observe become the role models they later emulate (McLeod, 2023; Cherry, 2022; Lansford, 2012; Bandura, 1977; 1986; 2005). What children experience, they also display. The Bobo Doll experiment by Bandura (1977; 1986; 2005) was instrumental in demonstrating how children can acquire new responses by observing the behaviour of those around them. In the experiment, children who witnessed adults punishing the Bobo Doll responded with higher levels of aggression when asked to do the same. Bandura's experiment showed that children learn new behaviours through observation, and reinforcement can play a crucial role in children displaying more intensive behaviour (McLeod, 2023; Bandura, 1977; 1986; 2005;).
The theory suggests further that children who are exposed to aggressive environments are more likely to exhibit high levels of aggression in contrast to children in social environments that are less aggressive (Cherry, 2022; Bandura, 1977; 1986; 2005). Hence, it is common for children witnessing hostility to create hostile environments wherever they go (Bandura, 1977). Moreover, punished children usually turn into the punisher (Engelbrecht, 2020; Bandura, 1977; 1986;). Children who are not able to defend themselves against their perpetrators tend to suppress their emotions and nurture deep levels of anger and aggression (McLeod, 2023; Engelbrecht, 2020; Bandura, 1977; 1986). Suppression of emotions may, in turn, lead to them exhibiting outbursts, causing destruction - and is commonly redirected toward hurting themselves or others who are vulnerable, including things that do not hit back (Bandura, 1977). Moreover, teachers are not supposed to "hit back", making them soft targets. Nonetheless, the theory maintains that children cannot be blamed for their misbehaviour, which is attributed to and influenced and shaped by their environments (Lansford, 2012; Bandura, 1977; 1986; 2005). Therefore, to understand why children exhibit challenging behaviour in primary schools, itis important to understand the impact of physical punishment on children's behaviour as the first step toward transforming their behaviour.
3. Method
This literature review was motivated by a broader qualitative research study, conducted by the researcher, which delved into the dynamics of learners' challenging behaviour in South African primary schools. It encompasses a systematic review of literature spanning over three decades, aiming to address the critical research question: 'How does physical punishment of children lead to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools?'
Lame (2019) notes that a systematic review involves synthesising scientific evidence to answer a specific research question in a visible way that can be reproduced. It is an attempt to incorporate published scholarly works on a phenomenon and review the findings' quality (Lame, 2019). This review of literature employs a qualitative research approach, wherein the author analysed previously published non-numerical scholarly works to seek meaning and interpret and describe scholars' perceptions and findings regarding the phenomenon (Lim, 2024). Aspers and Corte (2019) posit that qualitative research is a naturalistic approach used to understand a phenomenon by focusing on asking 'why' and 'how' questions. The literature presented herein was reviewed by searching for relevant scholarly works based on the phenomenon and analysed using the thematic analysis technique (Caulfield, 2019; Braun et al., 2016;). This involved narrowing the search criteria in stages. The author began by searching scholarly works, including books, accredited journal articles, and online sources like Google Scholar, focusing on studies on children's punishment spanning three decades. The search was then narrowed to include only studies examining children's physical punishment. Following this, the search was refined to include only studies on how physical punishment impacts children's behaviour. The keywords that emerged (for example, abuse, aggression, bullying, disrespect, disruption, isolation, violence) were further searched to understand the link between physical punishment and children's behaviour in primary schools. Literature that included other forms of punishment on children, not equalling physical punishment, was excluded from the review.
A total of 45 sources (17 books, 15 peer-reviewed journal articles, one report, and 12 online sources, inclusive of a report), as well as two Master's dissertations, were used to extract and analyse relevant data on the phenomenon. The thematic analysis process was steered by the six steps, as guided by Braun et al. (2016) and Caulfield (2019): obtaining an understanding of the literature, coding and classifying standard literature, searching for emerging themes, reviewing the themes, naming the themes, and preparing the research review. Data on common interpretations of the impact of physical punishment on children were extracted and separated into colour-coding categories to form emerging themes. The coding categories were further analysed and six predominant themes were identified as primary types of challenging behaviour children display in school due to physical punishment. The author subsequently presented the findings derived from the reviewed literature.
The trustworthiness of the research is embedded in the careful selection of literature from books, peer-reviewed journals and online sources spanning over three decades (1993-2023). This comprehensive approach collectively contributes to and significantly enriches scholarly discourse on the phenomenon.
4. Findings of the review of literature and discussion
This literature review aimed to determine how physical punishment on children leads to the onset of challenging behaviours in primary school. After thoroughly analysing the literature, six predominant themes were identified as the primary types of challenging behaviour exhibited by physically punished children in primary school. They include incitement of aggression and violence, cyclical abuse through replication and re-enactment of the punisher, bullying and the need for power and control, disruption and disregard for authority, evasion tactics and a lack of empathy, and apathy and dissociation. These behaviours and how they become ingrained in children guided the presentation of the literature and the subsequent discussions.
4.1 Incitement of aggression and violence
Studies conducted in the 1990s and 2000s (Engelbrecht, 2020; Durrant & Ensom, 2012; Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009; Pringle, 1993) show substantial evidence that physical punishment is a risk factor for child aggression and antisocial behaviour. Coon and Mitterer (2010) refer to aggression as the result of aggressive behaviour, which releases anger and aggression. Scholars (Gupta, 2023; Botha, 2014; Singh & Steyn, 2014; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Campbell, 1995) agree that aggressive behaviour is usually intended to cause deliberate hurt or harm through violence to another person or thing. According to Singh and Steyn (2014), aggression in learners may be the cause of school-based violence. The finding by Gupta (2023) that an estimated 246 million children experience school-based violence yearly is a reason for concern. Mncube and Harber (2013: 4) state, "School violence is a problem of particular significance in South Africa". It serves as a barrier to learning, contributes to learners' underperformance, and poses a risk to teachers and learners (Mncube & Harber, 2013). The extent of violence that learners demonstrate is also indicative of the amount of aggression and violence they are exposed to or which they internalise (Singh & Steyn, 2014; Lansford, 2012).
Cleaver, Unell and Algate (2011) suggest that learners' display of aggression in schools may indicate an array of underlying problems they experience, including punishment. Recurring aggression in children may also signify the emergent presence of emotional problems and frustration (Lansford, 2012; Cleaver et al., 2011;). Punished children harbour feelings of frustration, and aggression becomes a common reaction that results from their frustration (Engelbrecht, 2020; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Maag, 2004). Studies (Durrant & Ensom, 2012; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Malott 8: Suarez, 2004; Pringle, 1993) concur that physical punishment is agonising and can drastically incite and accelerate aggression and violence in children. Continued punishment on children causes them to become angry, stubborn and frustrated and to act out and retaliate aggressively towards others (Engelbrecht, 2020; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Powell et al., 2009; Maag, 2004).
Campbell (1995: 18) attests that "aggression is one of the common immature expressions of anger." Since children are not able to control their emotions, they act out in destructive ways (Marais & Meier, 2010). They learn to deal with their daily problems using aggression (Engelbrecht, 2020; Rimal & Pokharel, 2013). Children also find difficulty expressing themselves appropriately; hence, they often use aggression and violence as a form of expression. This expression through behaviour is mainly shaped by the children's family and environment (Lansford, 2012; Maag, 2004). Mncube and Harber (2013) and SACE (2011) confirm that children coming from violent homes usually form gangs, which increases the risk of gang-related violence in schools. School theft also increases through learners' gang violence (Mncube & Harber, 2013). As Marais and Meier (2010) and Singh and Steyn (2014) explain, pushing, punching and physical fighting leading to violence are among the behaviours aggressive children exhibit. Marais and Meier (2010) concur that behaviour which includes fighting results from abusive backgrounds where children witness adverse environments and violence in the home. Learners then re-enact and reproduce the violence in school (Chance, 2009). The social cognitive theory also posits that hostile children portray hostility wherever they go and can display more aggression than initially witnessed (Bandura, 1977). According to Botha (2014), learners are also more prone to display aggression toward other learners outside the classroom when teachers do not directly supervise them.
Powell et al. (2009) and Pringle (1993) attest that severe punishment on children also loses effectiveness when children develop resilience. Children learn to respond with aggression and violence toward their punisher and "attack those who punish" to avoid punishment (Chance, 2009: 221). Maag (2004: 298) also highlights that punished children will react by "lashing out at the punisher or someone else". Subsequently, aggression becomes a valuable and powerful protective means of gaining control of the punisher (Chance, 2009).
The intensity of aggressive outbursts can very quickly accelerate into violence if not controlled, particularly if it leads to favourable results (Maag, 2004). Thus, if children can fulfil their needs using aggression, they will continue to display aggressive behaviour (McLeod, 2023; Pringle, 1993). Where results are unfavourable, though, the intensity of the aggression may either gradually decrease or become more situation-specific. Situation-specific aggression occurs only in specific situations, which aggressive children can manipulate to fulfil their needs. The school environment that other children share becomes the ideal space for angry and aggressive children to offload their anger and aggression on others. Punished children often respond with vandalism and property damage (Marais & Meier, 2010). Ultimately, releasing anger can make them feel better and may therefore encourage aggressive behaviour (Coon & Mitterer, 2010). However, Campbell (1995: 12) infers that "anger interferes with children's basic development and later with adult behaviour".
4.2 Cyclical abuse through replication and re-enactment of the punisher
Chance (2009) posits that abuse and imitation of the punisher are problematic behaviours that result from the physical punishment on children. Characteristically, children who are abused or who witness abuse often become abusers themselves (Divecha, 2022; Pingley, 2017; Powell et al., 2009). Chance (2009) agrees that punished children usually develop a need to abuse and punish others. When children are exposed to and become accustomed to certain punishing behaviours from their punisher, they are likely to perpetuate cyclical abuse by replicating and re-enacting these behaviours on others (Divecha, 2022; Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009).
Like Chance (2009), Coon and Mitterer (2010) and Engelbrecht (2020) highlight physical punishment as a cycle of abuse. Physical punishment in the home can lead to abuse, causing children to learn and replicate abusive and punishing behaviours (Engelbrecht, 2020; Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Chance, 2009). Typically, in the home, when the husband hurls abuse or hits his wife, the wife abuses and hits her child, the child abuses and hits the smaller sibling, and the smaller sibling might then abuse and hit the family pet (Chance, 2009). However, children's abuse is not always directed at their punisher or aggressor alone but toward anyone or anything in their path that is less threatening and does not pose any risk - such as a harmless child, a helpless animal, or even concrete objects (Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009). Maag (2004: 298) agrees that when children are not strong enough and are unable to "attack" the one who punishes them, they will "attack" others who are weaker and whom they can punish. This vicious cycle of physical punishment and abuse continues in the child's home and is later displayed at school. Chance (2009) and Powell et al. (2009) concur that replication and re-enactment of the punisher is standard among school-going children.
The author once dealt with a case in her school where a grade three learner removed his belt and proceeded to hurl abuse and abrasively hit other lower-grade learners who were at play, screaming and running on the playground. While communicating with the learner, it was clear that he could not be blamed for his misbehaviour. Firstly, the learner's behaviour replayed and re-enacted his father's behaviour. Secondly, the learner did what his father always did: punish him with his belt to control his behaviour when he misbehaved. Thirdly, since the learner could not punish his father, he chose to punish the younger learners who, according to him, were misbehaving and, therefore, had to be punished to get their behaviour under control. Seemingly, the learner sought to gain power and control over the other learners, like his father had power and control over him.
Marais and Meier (2010) report that abuse-type behaviours by children toward other children in schools typically include swearing, punching, kicking, pinching, biting, throttling, pushing and shoving, tripping, hair pulling and dragging. These behaviours result in them becoming punishing children. Such children grow accustomed to their punisher's abuse by observing and learning the different forms of physical punishment they demonstrate (Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Powell et al., 2009; Bandura, 1977; 2001). They follow the same behaviour when faced with a difficult person or situation (Chance, 2009). Bandura's (1977) experiment also revealed that the force children display may be increasingly more destructive than what they witness, suggesting that children not only imitate observed punishing and aggressive behaviours, but their actions may escalate over time, leading to more severe outcomes.
4.3 Bullying and the need for power and control
Physical punishment causes children to externalise behaviour ( Engelbrecht, 2020; Durrant & Ensom, 2012). Scholars (Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009; Maag, 2004; Bandura, 2001) agree that children who witness, or who are victims of, harsh punishment also learn to bully and use physical force to attack and overpower other learners, just to gain command and control of their behaviours. Bullying-type behaviours display cruelty toward other learners (Singh & Steyn, 2014; Marais & Meier, 2010). Among other things, bullies use physical violence to torment and frighten their victims (Mncube & Harber, 2013) and take advantage of them through force and control (Bhana, 2020; Kaiser & Rasminsky, 2007; 2012). Physical blows are also typical acts bullies use to overpower other learners, as Marais and Meier (2010) noted. They form gangs to threaten and control other learners (Rubbi Nunan, 2018; 2024; Mncube & Harber, 2013; SACE, 2011; Marais & Meier, 2010). Even if some learners are not part of a gang, they show their support for bullying by watching it happen and inaction (Mncube & Harber, 2013). As Donald, Lazarus and Lolwana (2002) maintain, children who bully feel a sense of gratification by hurting, instilling fear in other learners, and knowing they are feared.
Bullying among learners and the need for power and control cause disruptions in primary schools and instil fear among learners (Rubbi Nunan, 2024; Bhana, 2020; Marais & Meier, 2010). Teachers have revealed that bullying occurs daily through "name-calling, teasing, taunting, mocking, as well as intimidating other learners" (Marais & Meier, 2010: 51). Learners engage in "kicking, biting, hitting, punching and deliberate pushing and shoving" type of behaviours (Marais & Meier, 2010: 51). Other forms of bullying, as observed by Mncube and Harber (2013: 8), include "physical violence, threats, spreading rumours, exclusion from a group, tormenting, humiliation, and abusive comments". Alarmingly, some parents encourage their children to bully others as they ascribe violence to attaining power (Gupta, 2023). According to Bhana (2020), these behaviours have resulted in girls dropping out of school. Unfortunately, although bullies may feel power and control in school, they are usually the victims of punishment at home (Marais & Meier, 2010).
4.4 Disruption and disregard for authority
Disruption-type behaviours cause classroom disturbances and undermine teaching and learning (Kaiser & Rasminsky, 2007; Singh, 2012). In this regard, Marais and Meier (2010) point out that disorderly conduct and troublesome behaviour by learners in the classroom may include excessive talking, shouting, throwing things, running around the classroom, disturbing others, ridiculing, displaying disrespect, and rebelling against the teacher. Such behaviour reveals a disregard for authority and interferes with school functionality (Singh, 2012; Marais & Meier, 2010; Kaiser & Rasminsky, 2007; 2012).
Campbell (1995: 24) maintains that learners' "anti-authority attitudes are formed in childhood". Harsh physical punishment by parents causes children to develop anger and "hatred" toward their parents and others, and in particular toward their teachers, whom they also view as authoritative and punishing figures (Engelbrecht, 2020; Coon & Mitterer, 2010: 113). Maag (2004) maintains that to protect themselves from getting hurt, children act out defensively and respond negatively toward their teachers if they feel intimidated or threatened by them in any way. Campbell (1995: 24) confirms that learners' "rebellion against authority comes from anger," which they cannot control. When children are unhappy, they often vandalise school property, destroy things, and protest against and assault teachers (Marais & Meier, 2010; Chance, 2009; Maag, 2004). There are also cases where children misbehave to insult and undermine the teacher's authority (Marais & Meier, 2010). Teachers are concerned about how learners treat them in the classroom (Govender, 2015). Learners use vulgar and offensive language and cause chaos in the classroom, which prevents teaching and learning (Kaiser & Rasminsky, 2007).
Naong (2007: 284) posits that disruptive behaviour "creates conditions of fear and intimidation" and contributes to a negative culture of learning. Several studies (Segalo & Rambuda, 2018; Govender, 2015; Singh & Steyn, 2014; Marais & Meier, 2010) show that learners are confrontational toward teachers. Learners, unwilling to learn, walk around the classroom and cause disturbances and prevent other learners from learning (Kaiser & Rasminsky, 2007; 2012). They display arrogance and non-adherence to classroom rules; they talk nonstop and laugh during lessons - even after being cautioned by the class teacher (Marais & Meier, 2010). Loitering around the school, smoking in the toilets (Marais & Meier, 2010), and coming late to the classroom (Kaiser & Rasminsky, 2007) also cause disruptions, interfere with teaching and learning, and undermine the teacher's authority. Moreover, when children witness their parents disrespecting teachers to defend their wrongdoings, it encourages them to behave similarly (Rubbi Nunan, 2018; Marais & Meier, 2010).
Maag (2004) posits that disruption-type behaviours can also be caused by children with attention problems; however, some children choose to behave inappropriately just to get the teacher's attention. Attention-seeking learners also believe that "negative attention is better than no attention at all" (Maag, 2004: 32). Unfortunately, the "good" learners also observe what disruptive learners do and then do the same. The social cognitive theory confirmed that learners observe and replicate behaviour (Coon & Mitterer, 2010).
4.5 Evasion tactics and a lack of empathy
The use of evasion tactics by children to avoid punishment has existed for decades, although not termed as such. Evidence (Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Powell et al., 2009; Malott & Suarez, 2004) suggests that children who suffer punishment often use escape or evasion tactics to avoid the cause of the punishment. Maag (2004) agrees that children try to evade reality to protect themselves from the pain and suffering associated with punishment. They use evasion as a defence behaviour to mislead their punisher(s) and rid themselves of any adverse circumstances they may face (Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Powell её al., 2009; Malott & Suarez, 2004). The success of this type of behaviour determines its increased or decreased frequency of response (Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009; Malott & Suarez, 2004). Evasion becomes a more probable type of behaviour if it instantaneously decreases - or altogether relieves or gets rid of - the pain of past punishment (Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Malott & Suarez, 2004).
Chance (2009) asserts that children often use tactics such as cheating, lying and fabricating stories to get out of trouble and escape punishment. Consequently, these tactics become habitual behaviour types that children display in the school environment - a persistent problem for teachers.
Punished children may develop innate fear and suffering due to punishment (Maag, 2004; Powell et al., 2009), which can cause them to have a lack of empathy for others. They show little or no remorse or concern for others and are seldom affected by punishment or praise (Cleaver et al., 2011). Their lack of empathy toward others increases as they cheat other children and then lie and fabricate stories to tell their teachers, whom they perceive to be their punishers, just to get themselves out of trouble (Chance, 2009). As a result, the punishing learners get away with their wrongdoings and sidestep the punishment, imposing a massive injustice on their victims. Children who cheat, lie, make up stories and shift the blame on others learn to avoid taking responsibility. They do not realise their actions' far-reaching consequences, causing the problem behaviour to persist and get worse (Chance, 2009). They also develop the misconception that cheating, lying, and making up stories are favourable responses to help them escape punishment. However, their dishonest behaviour and lack of empathy towards others increase, leading to social isolation and damaged relationships.
When they cannot evade the punishment, children may also react emotionally to it and engage in evasion tactics such as crying or making up excuses just to avoid punishment (Naeem et al., 2022; Powell et al., 2009; Maag, 2004). The greater the punishment or threat of punishment children face, the more they will try to improve their evasion tactics of cheating, lying, crying or making up stories and excuses as avoidance of punishment and a strategic means of survival (Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009). The social cognitive theory also confirmed that reinforcement can increase the intensity of the behaviour (Bandura, 1977; 2005). Evasion tactics may also temporarily protect children from punishment; however, the effects can be harmful - leading them to suicide as the ultimate avoidance to permanently end the pain of punishment (Coon & Mitterer, 2010; Chance, 2009).
4.6 Apathy and dissociation
According to Durrant and Ensom (2012) and Engelbrecht (2020), physical punishment is linked to mental health problems - such as unhappiness, depression, fear, and psychological disturbances - in children. Scholars (Lloyd, 2018; Pingley, 2017; Donald et al., 2008) concur that punished children endure psychological suffering and demonstrate at-risk behaviours. Physically punished children also develop apathy and dissociation toward themselves, others and their learning environment (Chance, 2009; Maag, 2004). Apathy may be referred to as a complete suppression of behaviour (Chance, 2009; Powell et al., 2009). When children experience intense emotions of fear and anxiety, it is likely to "interfere with learning" (Maag, 2004: 298). The pain of punishment can cause children to become unusually quiet, noninteractive and non-participative in classroom activities, and reluctant to ask or answer questions (Chance, 2009). Similarly, Maag (2004) accedes that punishment instils fear and nervousness in children and causes them to become noticeably withdrawn and non-responsive to their environments. They appear dissociated and unable to express themselves adequately, leading to becoming unconcerned with the happenings around them (Maag, 2004). Punished children may also refuse to allow themselves to feel or experience any emotions. Continued punishment on these children may increase their apathy, resulting in complete dissociation and shutdown of communication.
5. Limitations of the study
Forty-five relevant sources were systematically selected to extract data in alignment with the research question. The review is limited to the literature available at the time of analysis. As a result, it does not account for recent or emerging research that has not yet been published or included in databases. Additionally, literature that included other forms of punishment on children not equalling physical punishment was excluded from the review. These factors should be considered when interpreting the results.
6. Recommendations
This literature review identified several primary types of challenging behaviour that physically punished children typically adopt and display in the school environment. It is recommended that these behaviours be considered by schools, teachers and parents alike so that they can (1) understand the harmful consequences of physical punishment on children's behaviour, (2) avoid physical punishment on children, and (3) improve and change how they view, support and manage misbehaving children through school curriculum and policy reform and practice, including intervention.
Additionally, teachers and parents should be trained on this phenomenon to recognise behaviour patterns that indicate physical punishment and provide appropriate intervention and support. They should be taught how to introduce physical punishment into the curriculum, what constitutes physical punishment, how it occurs, why it occurs, what it can result in, and what can be done to empower children to seek help. Engelbrecht (2020) agrees that there is also a dire need to prioritise intensive parental education and intervention strategies to uphold the law and dignity of children effectively. Rimal and Pokharel (2013) concur that parents and teachers should be educated on the most effective forms of discipline that will help them to guide and sustain children's behaviour positively. This can be achieved through awareness programmes or during parent-teacher meetings. Home-school partnerships, including learner and parent support groups, are essential for change. Teachers should be trained to facilitate these partnerships to effectively support positive behaviour change in children.
This literature review also appeals to the education authorities to introduce guidance counsellors back into schools to support and reform misbehaving learners accordingly. Guidance counsellors should hold qualifications in counselling or psychology and undergo specialised training to support learners and parents effectively. The author agrees with Gupta (2023) that children who experience violence can benefit from therapy, where they can learn to deal with their suffering, get in touch with their emotions and develop coping skills to help them overcome their ordeal. In line with Naeem et al. (2022), this review advocates for a systemic approach toward protecting children in school. A systemic approach involves developing child protection systems through collaboration between administrators, teachers, parents, and students, along with a multidisciplinary strategy to address violence against children in all settings. Intervention can improve learners' physical and mental health, cognitive and socioemotional development and educational outcomes and help reduce challenging behaviour in primary schools. By all means, children must be surrounded by caring adults who can guide them in distinguishing between sociable and unsociable behaviours and teach them strategies to self-regulate their behaviours (Rimal & Pokharel, 2013). Future research should explore positive and sustainable alternatives to physical punishment of children from both teachers' and parents' perspectives.
Based on the findings of this systematic review, the researcher has developed and recommends 15 Key Steps To Support Misbehaving Learners: A Teacher's Guide To Effective Intervention (see Table 1). These steps offer practical strategies to potentially help teachers manage learner misbehaviour.
7. Conclusion
This literature review aimed to determine whether physical punishment on children leads to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools. The review established a link between physical punishment and the challenging behaviours displayed by children in primary schools. The findings identified several specific challenging behaviours exhibited by physically punished children in these settings. These behaviours include incitement of aggression and violence, cyclical abuse through replication and re-enactment of the punisher, bullying and the need for power and control, disruption and disregard for authority, evasion tactics and a lack of empathy, and apathy and dissociation. This research concludes that physical punishment on children can cause them pain and lead to the onset of challenging behaviour in primary schools.
Given the prevalence of challenging behaviour among primary school learners, ensuring their protection and safety becomes imperative. Primary schools should strive to restore and create a safe and non-threatening environment which fosters a culture conducive to teaching and learning. Failure to intervene, address the root causes, and curb challenging behaviour in primary schools can nurture an environment where perpetrators and victims thrive. Like Divecha (2022), the author contends that physically punishing children represents a direct failure of adults in many ways. Ultimately, causing children pain and discomfort yields no positive outcomes. Discipline should be about grounding positive, supportive, loving relationships between adults and children. It should be built on effective interventions and constructive, sustainable reinforcement strategies that have the potential to positively influence behaviour (Engelbrecht, 2020; Rimal & Pokharel, 2013), thereby reducing challenging behaviour in primary schools.
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