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This study develops guidelines for conducting qualitative research with refugees and asylum seekers in Western host countries by examining how participants' vulnerabilities should inform research practices. The guidelines are derived from a critical review of literature on qualitative research with vulnerable groups, particularly refugees, and the author's experience as a forced migration researcher with a displacement background. The study underscores how asylum seekers' vulnerabilities, shaped by acculturation challenges and exposure to trauma in their countries-of-origin, during their asylum journeys, and in host societies, influence both the interview process and the dissemination of findings. Key recommendations emphasize the need to account for asylum seekers' distinct societal and cultural contexts, topics of concern, the risk of retraumatization, social and political divisions among asylum seekers, and variations in refugee family adaptation. These factors should guide qualitative interview procedures, including decisions related to interview locations, participant selection, interview topics, and the publication ofresults. Ultimately, this research advocates for a more nuanced understanding of refugee vulnerability and provides actionable insights to enhance qualitative research methodologies involving forced migrants.
This study develops guidelines for conducting qualitative research with refugees and asylum seekers in Western host countries by examining how participants' vulnerabilities should inform research practices. The guidelines are derived from a critical review of literature on qualitative research with vulnerable groups, particularly refugees, and the author's experience as a forced migration researcher with a displacement background. The study underscores how asylum seekers' vulnerabilities, shaped by acculturation challenges and exposure to trauma in their countries-of-origin, during their asylum journeys, and in host societies, influence both the interview process and the dissemination of findings. Key recommendations emphasize the need to account for asylum seekers' distinct societal and cultural contexts, topics of concern, the risk of retraumatization, social and political divisions among asylum seekers, and variations in refugee family adaptation. These factors should guide qualitative interview procedures, including decisions related to interview locations, participant selection, interview topics, and the publication ofresults. Ultimately, this research advocates for a more nuanced understanding of refugee vulnerability and provides actionable insights to enhance qualitative research methodologies involving forced migrants.
Keywords: forced migration, qualitative research, refugee interviews, refugee vulnerability, interview procedure
Introduction
In recent years, the number of refugees and other forced migrants has increased significantly. Between 2014 and 2021, over two million asylum seekers entered Europe, the majority of whom were Syrians who subsequently settled in Germany (UNHCR, 2023). By contrast, in 2010, Europe recorded approximately 184,900 asylum applications (Eurostat, 2025), underscoring a marked rise in forced migration over the past decade. This surge has led to various consequences, including substantial growth in research on and with these populations, often conducted in complex, challenging, and at times perilous conditions (Yoon et al., 2023). Despite the rapid expansion of the field, forced migration studies remain nascent and still face significant theoretical gaps and methodological challenges.
Several scholars have observed these gaps. For example, Stephen Castles (2003) argues that there is a dearth of sociological literature on forced migration, with limited empirical work and theory. Khalid Koser et al. (2004) and Biorklund and Hyndman (2022) similarly note a disconnection between theory and empirical research, as well as a lack of integration between practice and policy. McGrath and Young (2019), argue that much of the work in forced migration lacks clarity in research design and methodology. Reed et al. (2016) stress that one of the central questions in social science research on forced migration today concerns how to conceptualize the dynamics of structure and agency in migration processes. This study, seeking to address some of these theoretical and methodological challenges, focuses on how the vulnerabilities of refugees and asylum seekers should shape qualitative research practices. Before a more thorough review of the literature, 1 start with a brief background on forced migration.
Background on Forced Migration
The phenomenon of migration is typically classified into two broad categories: voluntary migration, which is often economically motivated, and forced migration, which refers to the coerced or involuntary movement of individuals from their homes (Reed et al, 2016). Forced migration can result from a variety of factors, including natural or environmental disasters, chemical or nuclear disasters, famine, development projects, and, notably, war and civil unrest (Cohen & Werker, 2008; Howard, 2004; Nanda et al., 1984; Schmeidl, 1997).
Forced migrants may experience either internal or external displacement. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) are those who are forced to flee their homes but remain within their country's borders (Castles, 2003; UNHCR, 2011). In contrast, externally displaced persons (EDPs) have crossed international borders of their country. While many externally displaced individuals seek asylum in host countries, not all are granted refugee status. Specifically, in a host country like Germany, which is the focus of this study, there are three primary categories of externally displaced individuals: asylum seekers, asylum applicants, and refugees. According to the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF), asylum seekers are individuals who intend to apply for asylum but have not yet been registered. Asylum applicants are those whose asylum proceedings are still pending, while refugees are individuals who have been granted refugee protection after their asylum claims have been processed.
The term "refugee" is often used generically to refer to anyone who has been displaced, but it is, in fact, a legal designation granted to individuals who are recognized under international law and the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention. In Germany, the refugee status is reserved for those whose asylum applications have been successful, distinguishing them from asylum seekers and applicants.
The following diagram illustrates the hierarchical relationship between these categories.
Figure 1 shows a nested categorical framework where each subgroup is a subset of the preceding one. For example, all asylum seekers are considered externally displaced persons (EDPs), but not all EDPs are asylum seekers. Similarly, asylum applicants represent a subgroup of asylum seekers, yet not all asylum seekers formalize their application. Refugees, as the most specific category, are those who have been granted asylum and thus enjoy legal protection. This structure reflects the varying degrees of legal recognition and the complexity inherent in the forced migration process.
This study focuses on asylum seekers, asylum applicants, and refugees in Germany- specifically those from war-torn regions such as Syria and Afghanistan. These groups were selected because their displacement is primarily driven by conflict, as opposed to natural disasters or development-related displacement. They also come from cultures and political systems that differ significantly from those in Germany, with a predominance of young male Muslim refugees (BAMF). Consequently, this group faces heightened vulnerabilities and is more likely to encounter acculturation challenges (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh & Qasmiyeh, 2010).
Reasons for the Lack of Theory and Methodological Issues in Forced Migration Studies
Scholars have identified multiple reasons for the lack of theoretical development and methodological challenges in forced migration studies. One key issue is the dominance of "sending country" perspectives over "receiving country" perspectives. Koser et al. (2004) highlights that much of the literature focuses on certain refugee-producing regions-such as Africa, Asia, and, to some extent, Latin America-while neglecting the experiences of refugees within Islamic countries. Additionally, the predominance of English-language publications reflects a Western and Northern bias, shaping both the academic discourse and research priorities in ways that limit the development of more globally representative theoretical frameworks (Koser et al., 2004).
The imbalance in research production further exacerbates this issue. Reed et al. (2016) note that refugees, particularly those living in camps or detention centers in developing countries, are often excluded from conducting their own research. Since research institutions and funding networks are primarily concentrated in the Global North, forced migration studies are shaped by external agendas rather than by the lived experiences of displaced populations themselves.
Another significant barrier to theory-building is the applied nature of much forced migration research. Since many studies are conducted in response to policy needs, they often prioritize practical solutions over theoretical advancement (Reed et al., 2016). While this policy-driven approach has contributed to valuable knowledge on refugee management, asylum processes, and integration strategies, it has also resulted in a field where theoretical frameworks remain underdeveloped, fragmented, or secondary to immediate policy concerns.
Beyond these structural and methodological challenges, I argue that the complexity of forced migration itself is a fundamental reason why the field lacks a strong theoretical foundation. Forced migration is rarely the result of a single, isolated cause; rather, it emerges from a convergence of economic, political, historical, and social factors. Many of these forces are deeply rooted in the past and cannot be understood solely through the lens of recent crises. The inability to disentangle these layered influences makes it difficult to formulate a single, unified theory that explains forced migration in all its dimensions.
Similarly, the experiences of refugees in host countries reflect this ongoing complexity. Even after arriving in a new country, refugees continue to face an array of challenges that shape their integration and well-being. These include the socio-political conditions of their home countries-such as oppressive regimes, especially against minorities and women-along with traumatic experiences from war, including exposure to torture, witnessing violence, and losing loved ones. The journey itself is often perilous, involving human smuggling, treacherous sea or desert crossings, and prolonged periods of uncertainty. Upon reaching the host country, refugees frequently encounter additional obstacles such as stigmatization, inadequate integration support, lengthy asylum procedures, racism, trauma, and acculturation stress. Each of these factors plays a role in shaping the refugee experience, but their interplay is difficult to reduce to a single theoretical model.
Thus, the inherent complexity of forced migration-spanning historical, political, socio-economic, and psychological dimensions-poses a significant challenge to theorybuilding in the field. Unlike voluntary migration studies, which often rely on clearer causal frameworks related to economic or social mobility, forced migration resists easy categorization. This complexity, combined with the dominance of policy-driven research and methodological limitations, has contributed to a field where theoretical development remains insufficient despite the growing volume of empirical studies.
Yet, social research entails the construction of theories, the design of appropriate research methods, and the systematic collection and analysis of data. Scholars have emphasized the necessity of ensuring a strong theory method alignment in qualitative research, highlighting the importance of integrating research questions, methodological approaches, and theoretical insights in a coherent manner (Chan & Clarke, 2019; Gehman et al., 2018; Gilbert, 2008). In practice, theory and method should be deeply interrelated, as theoretical frameworks without methodological implications risk remaining speculative and lacking empirical relevance, while methodological approaches devoid of theoretical grounding may result in technically sophisticated but substantively limited research (Van Maanen et al., 2007).
Consequently, the absence of a well-developed theoretical foundation in forced migration studies has significant methodological ramifications. A lack of clearly articulated theoretical frameworks in this field may weaken the coherence of methodological approaches, thereby contributing to inconsistencies in data collection and analysis. This issue is particularly salient in the present study, where the concept of vulnerability, despite its central role in understanding refugee experiences, remains under-theorized. While ethical considerations regarding the vulnerability of forced migrants have been extensively discussed in forced migration research, there is a notable gap in scholarship regarding how these vulnerabilities should inform interview procedures, participant recruitment strategies, and data dissemination practices. Addressing this gap is not only essential for enhancing methodological rigor but also represents a necessary theoretical advancement that accounts for the complexities of forced migration.
Ethical Considerations in Research with Forced Migrants and Other Vulnerable Groups: A Review of Key Debates and Gaps
In reviewing the literature on research with refugees and other vulnerable groups, it becomes clear that much of the focus has been on ethical considerations related to participant protection, rather than on how these vulnerabilities should shape research methodology, particularly interview procedures. Fisher (2013) introduced the concept of "structural coercion," describing how broader social, economic, and political contexts may compel individuals to participate in research. Similarly, Ravinetto et al. (2015) found that in socioeconomically disadvantaged communities, individuals often view research participation to access better healthcare or other indirect benefits, potentially undermining the principle of informed consent.
Davidson et al. (2024) highlight the structural disadvantages refugees and asylum seekers face before and after migration, emphasizing the need for special protection when they engage in research. Many refugees endure severe human rights violations in their countries-oforigin, including torture, armed conflict, sexual violence, and other forms of persecution (Abdi, 2005; Schweitzer et al., 2006). Their experiences during the asylum journey may involve additional trauma, such as being smuggled or navigating dangerous routes, further compounding their vulnerability (Lazarevic et al., 2012; Schweitzer et al., 2006).
Even after resettlement, refugees often spend years searching for missing family members, adding to their psychosocial burden. The experience of forced migration contributes to various mental health challenges, ranging from anxiety to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Oliva, 2015; Phillimore, 2011). Social exclusion in refugee camps and stigmatization in host societies further exacerbate these challenges (Kreichauf, 2018; Szczepanikova, 2013; Turner, 2016).
Moreover, the term "refugee" itself carries a negative connotation, often associated with desperation, loss, and inferiority (Abdi, 2005). Refugees also experience acculturation stress, struggling to reconcile their home culture with that of the host country (Berry & Sam, 2006; Clarke, 2009; Lazarevic et al., 2012). These intersecting challenges place refugees in positions of limited power, necessitating robust ethical safeguards to protect their autonomy, dignity, and well-being during research.
As a result, vulnerability has become a central theme in forced migration research and refugee policy, particularly in legal frameworks concerning asylum (Freedman, 2019; Sözer, 2020). The principle of "do no harm" is now widely recognized as a cornerstone of ethical research with refugees and asylum seekers (Clark-Kazak, 2017). Researchers must take extra precautions to prevent re-traumatization, stigmatization, and the risk of discrimination, particularly when engaging with sensitive topics such as sexual violence, persecution, and forced displacement.
However, despite growing awareness of these vulnerabilities, a significant gap remains in the literature regarding how these factors should practically shape research methodologies. While ethical guidelines emphasize participant protection, they often provide limited insight into how researchers should adapt interview procedures, recruitment strategies, and data analysis to account for refugees' lived experiences. This study seeks to bridge that gap by exploring how refugee vulnerabilities should not only be acknowledged ethically but also actively integrated into interview procedures.
Research Questions and Objectives
The primary question guiding this study is: How should the vulnerabilities of refugees be considered in the practical aspects of research involving them, particularly in Western countries? This study will explore how these vulnerabilities, along with the experiences of refugees and asylum seekers living in distinct societal and cultural contexts, should inform qualitative interview procedures, including decisions related to interview locations, participant selection, interview topics, data analysis, and the publication of results.
The aim of this study is not to introduce new rules for qualitative research, as these have been well-established by scholars such as Flick (2018) and Leavy (2014), but to focus on how the specific vulnerabilities of refugees and asylum seekers should shape qualitative research practices in this context. To the author's knowledge, this methodological dimension has not been adequately addressed in prior forced migration studies.
Methods
This study is grounded in extensive qualitative research conducted with asylum seekers, asylum applicants, and refugees in Germany. It draws on my firsthand experience in participant recruitment, data transcription, analysis, and the publication of findings in the field of forced migration (e.g., Al Ajlan, 2019, 2021, 2022). These research experiences have been further enriched by my teaching of undergraduate and graduate courses on forced migration, discussions with students, and engagement with colleagues' work in the field.
My dual experience of living and conducting research in both the Global South (Syria) and the Global North (Germany) has provided valuable comparative insights into academic freedoms, research orientations, and qualitative interview procedures. Additionally, my personal experience as a forced migrant offers a unique perspective on the challenges associated with conducting research with displaced populations. This perspective has shaped my understanding of the methodological and ethical complexities involved in interviewing asylum seekers and refugees.
The motivation for this study emerged when I began my academic career in Germany nearly a decade ago, where I observed the dominant role of qualitative methods in migration and forced migration research. This led me to critically reflect on the relationship between qualitative research, academic freedom, democratic principles, and the recognition of individual agency-an issue I will discuss in greater detail later in this study. Over time, 1 became increasingly aware of the necessity of addressing the vulnerability of refugees and asylum seekers within qualitative interview procedures. While existing ethical guidelines provide essential frameworks for conducting research with vulnerable populations, a significant gap remains regarding how refugee vulnerability should inform the practical aspects of qualitative interviews. This gap extends to key methodological considerations such as interview locations, participant selection, interview topics, and the dissemination of findings.
Through this study, I seek to highlight this gap and advocate for a more nuanced approach to qualitative research with forced migrants. The development of these guidelines has been an iterative process, shaped by years of engagement in forced migration studies. However, I acknowledge the need for further research to examine these methodological considerations across different Western host societies. While established researchers in the field may already be familiar with some of the principles discussed here, this study is particularly relevant for students and early-stage researchers who may lack practical experience in conducting qualitative interviews with displaced individuals from the Global South. Furthermore, it aims to expand methodological discussions on how refugee vulnerabilities should be incorporated into interview procedures.
The guidelines outlined in this study demonstrate how the vulnerability of asylum seekers-resulting from acculturation challenges, exposure to traumatic events in their countries-of-origin and during migration, and difficulties encountered in their host countries- creates distinct challenges in both the interview process and the dissemination of findings. For instance, many asylum seekers come from contexts where they have been marginalized, had limited access to social and economic opportunities, and lived under non-democratic governments. As a result, they may have little familiarity with social research, leading to misconceptions about the role of researchers and the purpose of interviews. These misunderstandings can affect both their willingness to participate and their responses during the research process. To address these issues, my guidelines propose strategies to clarify the research purpose, manage participants' expectations, and enhance their understanding of the interview process.
Another critical consideration is the demographic composition of asylum seekers, the majority of whom are men from predominantly collectivist and patriarchal societies. These cultural and social structures pose challenges in recruiting female participants and can lead to potential misunderstandings regarding gender relations in the host society. The guidelines emphasize the importance of selecting appropriate interview locations and carefully structuring focus group discussions to ensure inclusivity and cultural sensitivity.
Furthermore, masculinity norms play a significant role in shaping emotional expression, particularly among male asylum seekers. In many cases, these norms discourage open discussions of personal experiences, especially in the presence of family members. Interviews conducted in the presence of spouses or children may lead to restrained or superficial responses. To mitigate this, my guidelines recommend conducting individual interviews in neutral settings to create an environment where participants feel comfortable sharing their experiences openly.
In the following sections, I provide a more detailed explanation of these guidelines.
Guidelines for Conducting Interviews with Refugees and Asylum Seekers from the Global South
I have organized the guidelines presented in this study into several categories: clarifying the researcher's role and nature of the study; considering the interview environment and cultural context of forced migrants; identifying and addressing topics of concern for refugees and asylum seekers; recognizing refugees as individuals with distinct national, cultural, social, and political backgrounds; and ensuring the anonymity of refugees' and asylum seekers' identities. I also present a few other considerations for addressing vulnerability while conducting interviews with these populations. Specific situations or cases that might arise during interviews and suggestions for actions by the researcher are summarized in Table 1.
Clarify Your Role as a Researcher and the Nature of Your Study
Failing to clearly explain the researcher's role and the nature of the study to participants can significantly disrupt the interview process. Participants may struggle to concentrate on the research topics, frequently diverting the discussion toward unrelated personal or resettlement challenges. This misunderstanding can also lead to unrealistic expectations, with some 1f the researcher holds decision-making power over asylum applications, housing, or employment. Consequently, participants may experience disappointment upon realizing that the study does not directly address their personal concerns. Establishing clarity from the outset is therefore crucial to maintaining the integrity of the interview, ensuring participant focus, and fostering ethical and productive researcher-participant interactions.
Many refugees and asylum seekers in Western countries originate from the Global South, where qualitative research involving interviews with individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds is less common than in the Global North. Based on my experience as a social researcher in both contexts, I have observed that in non-democratic countries, research is often conducted using structured questionnaires designed to test predefined hypotheses rather than exploratory, qualitative interviews (Adams, 2014; Hsiung, 2015). In such settings, research typically prioritizes input from political elites, media figures, and academic experts rather than from marginalized individuals.
Additionally, individuals from non-democratic regimes often develop a reluctance to express their opinions openly due to political or social restrictions. As a result, some refugees and asylum seekers may initially perceive research interviews as unfamiliar or even ambiguous. This perception can lead to varied reactions: some participants may be hesitant to engage, while others-particularly those from historically marginalized groups such as women, minors, or individuals with lower socioeconomic status-may feel a sense of excitement, as they are being asked to share their perspectives for the first time. Conversely, refugees who held higher social status in their home countries, such as professionals or former state employees, may find the interview process less novel or emotionally significant.
Given these dynamics, it is essential that researchers conducting interviews with forced migrants provide a comprehensive explanation of the study's purpose, methods, and ethical considerations. This is particularly important during the initial resettlement phase, when participants may be unfamiliar with the language, legal system, and research culture of the host country. Before beginning an interview, researchers should explicitly outline why social research is conducted, the role of participants in the study, and the specific objectives of the research.
Moreover, some participants may misconstrue the researcher's role, if they possess influence over their legal status or access to resources. Others may equate social researchers with psychological therapists, seeking advice on family dynamics or social integration challenges. For instance, married refugee men might expect researchers to provide insight into perceived shifts in their spouses" behavior post-migration, while parents might seek guidance on managing generational conflicts with their children. Without a clear delineation of the researcher's role, such misconceptions can lead to interview disruptions, participant disengagement, or post-interview dissatisfaction.
By proactively addressing these potential misunderstandings, researchers can ensure that interviews remain focused, participants remain engaged, and ethical boundaries are upheld. Providing a clear, thorough introduction to the research process is thus a fundamental step in conducting meaningful and methodologically sound qualitative studies with forced migrants.
Consider the Interview Environment and Cultural Context of Forced Migrants
It is imperative to acknowledge the distinct demographic composition of the refugee and asylum seeker population in Western countries, where a significant proportion consists of young males. This demographic pattern emerges from the hazardous nature of the asylum journey, the cultural gender-based restrictions on the mobility of women, and the considerable financial burdens associated with the asylum process. Consequently, families in countries of the Global South often opt to send a young male relative, with the expectation that he will secure employment and remit financial support to his family.
The demographic imbalance has a profound impact on the lives of forced migrants in various ways. For instance, many young male refugees in these Western countries encounter significant challenges in finding female peers within their communities with whom they might establish marital or romantic relationships. Additionally, under the asylum laws derived from the Geneva Convention, refugees are prohibited from returning to their country-of-origin once asylum has been granted, as this would result in the forfeiture of their asylum status. This restriction further complicates the ability of young male refugees to marry, as they are unable to return to their home countries for such purposes.
Furthermore, most refugees arriving in Western countries hail from cultural backgrounds characterized by collectivist orientations (Schwartz et al., 2006). In these collectivist, patriarchal cultures, the responsibility for safeguarding the family's honor traditionally lies with male family members, who are often regarded as the "owners" of the family, while women are, whether explicitly or implicitly, considered as their property (Vandello & Cohen, 2003). In such cultural contexts, feminine honor-encompassing attributes such as virginity prior to marriage, restraint in sexual relations, and modesty in social interactions with men-serves as a crucial determinant of family reputation (Rodriguez Mosquera, 2016). This cultural framework imposes strict limitations on cross-gender romantic and sexual relationships, particularly outside of marriage. Consequently, refugees and asylum seekers from these societies may experience significant difficulty in comprehending, or may misinterpret, the nature of gender relations in their Western host countries.
Such cultural differences may influence the dynamics of the research interview. For instance, a female researcher visiting a single male refugee in his private residence may be perceived in ways that lead the interviewee to misinterpret the researcher's intentions, potentially prompting unwanted romantic or sexual advances. Additionally, the way Western women dress may be seen as unconventional or inappropriate by individuals from some refugee populations. In such cases, it may be advisable for female researchers to conduct interviews with a male colleague or to choose public interview settings where the presence of others ensures a greater level of comfort and safety.
Another critical consideration with respect to interview settings and refugee cultures concerns the presence of family members. Specifically, it is advisable for qualitative researchers to avoid conducting interviews with male refugees about their lived experiences in the presence of their wife and/or children. In certain cultures, it is deemed unacceptable for men to reveal their vulnerabilities, concerns, or difficulties, such as feelings of loneliness or anxiety about dying far from their homeland, especially in front of their spouse or children. To do so would undermine the image of masculinity that is culturally constructed in these societies. Failing to observe this cultural norm could result in participants offering evasive, inauthentic, or abbreviated responses to avoid discomfort or perceived shame during the interview.
Identify and Address Topics of Concern for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Western Countries
Understanding the key concerns of refugees and asylum seekers in Western countries is essential for conducting meaningful research. Refugees often navigate a complex landscape shaped by their past experiences of displacement, the challenges of resettlement, and the persistent uncertainty surrounding their legal status. While their concerns vary based on individual circumstances, several overarching issues-such as the fear of forced return, legal precarity, and socio-cultural adaptation-are particularly pressing. These concerns not only influence refugees' lived experiences but also shape their responses during research interviews, making it imperative for researchers to approach these topics with sensitivity and awareness.
One of the most significant of these concems is the issue of "forced return" to their countries-of-origin. Legally, refugee status has always been considered temporary, as stipulated in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Although historically refugee status has evolved into a more permanent status in some cases, the Convention affirms that states retain the right to regulate their borders and deport rejected asylum seekers (Koser et al, 2004). Notably, rightwing political movements in Western countries have leveraged the issue of forced return as a tool for political gain, often casting refugees as economic and cultural threats to national identity. This rhetoric persists despite the devastating consequences such policies have on refugees' lives, and particularly on vulnerable groups such as children (Al Ajlan, 2019).
Many asylum seekers in Western countries have fled war zones, such as Syria and Afghanistan, where they often lost everything-homes, livelihoods, and loved ones. To finance their journey, families frequently sold valuable land or accrued substantial debt, anticipating that their relatives would send remittances once settled in the host country (Furst-Nichols & Jacobsen, 2011; Gladwell & Elwyn, 2012). Moreover, refugees typically endured multiple traumatic events throughout their prolonged asylum journeys, which often lasted years before they reached their destination.
For refugees in Western countries, the prospect of forced return signifies a return to the very war zones from which they barely escaped, involving the loss of not only the financial resources spent on the journey but also the time invested in reaching and settling within the host country. In some cases, refugees have spent years living in war zones before managing to flee. Most significantly, "forced return" undermines their aspirations for a stable future in their new country, effectively destroying any hope of rebuilding their lives. Such returns are often imposed by certain Western nations on refugee populations originating from countries classified as "safe," a policy that has, tragically, driven some asylum seekers to suicidal acts. A particularly poignant illustration of this experience is captured in an interview conducted with young men from African countries, classified as "safe countries of origin" under German law:
Sometimes they leave you here for three years, then they tell you to go back to your country. Then you start thinking about different things, including thinking about hurting yourself... The pressure you feel when you think about when you are in the desert, reasons that prompted you to leave your country... these things drive a man crazy and make him suffer from nightmares. (Al Ajlan, 2022)
With the potential for forced return, many refugees in Western countries experience profound uncertainty regarding their future. This uncertainty is reflected in an interview with a refugee living in Germany, who described the psychological toll of such instability:
I suffer from thinking about my future in this country, too many pressures here in Germany. I am worried if they will send us back? Now I started learning the language and maybe it needs two years, then I can do an apprenticeship. But after that maybe they send us back!! This thinking, I suffer from it a lot, there are people who said they will send us back when the three years asylum residency are expired. I sit at night thinking; it could happen that I learn and finish everything then they return us. That means I lost five years in Germany, and before I lost five years because of the war, then I will be thirty-five and nothing will have been achieved in my life. (Al Ajlan, 2022)
Additionally, specific refugee groups face distinct concerns. For instance, elderly refugees share many of the anxieties typical of older migrants, such as the fear of severe illness in a foreign country, the experience of aging in an unfamiliar cultural context, the prospect of dying away from their homeland, and concerns over losing control over their children, including fears of their children abandoning their original religious and cultural identities (Al Ajlan, 2021; Gozdziak, 1988; Grognet, 1997).
As a result, recognizing and addressing the concerns of refugees and asylum seekers is essential for conducting effective research interviews. These concems-rparticularly the fear of forced return, legal uncertainty, and socio-cultural adaptation-shape not only refugees' lived experiences but also their willingness to engage in research. Researchers must approach these topics with sensitivity, acknowledging the psychological and emotional weight they carry. By fostering a safe and empathetic interview environment, researchers can ensure that participants feel heard and respected, ultimately contributing to a more accurate and nuanced understanding of refugee experiences.
Recognize Refugees as Individuals with Distinct National, Cultural, Social, and Political Backgrounds
It is crucial to recognize that although the term "refugees" is commonly used to categorize individuals seeking refuge in countries other than their origin, these individuals do not form a cohesive community characterized by shared solidarity or unity. Refugees come from diverse nationalities, possess distinct personal histories, face varying reasons for fleeing their home countries, and hold different expectations regarding their future lives in host countries. Therefore, the use of a single term-"refugees"-to describe this population does not accurately capture the complexity and diversity of their experiences. Often, refugees in Western host countries are individuals from disparate backgrounds who find themselves grouped together under this label, without common bonds beyond their status as displaced persons.
In contrast to migrants, who typically seek to improve their quality of life (Bartram, 2015), refugees and asylum seekers are often displaced from war-torn regions where deep political, religious, and social divisions exist. Upon arrival in their host countries, refugees may bring with them the divisions and associated violence that were among the direct causes of their displacement. In some cases, refugees may even choose to leave interview settings upon encountering others from areas where they previously experienced conflict.
For instance, Gandolfo's (2022) study on Libyan refugees in Malta illustrates how the political and social distrust instilled by the Gaddafi regime as a means of control continues to shape both Libyan society and its diaspora. This is exemplified in the following quotation from an interview with a Libyan asylum seeker, conducted by the same author:
We are divided along political lines. Some of us are pro-Misrata, some of us are against Misrata; some are pro-Gaddafi, some are against Gaddafi, and this has created many cracks in the Libyan community. It's unfortunate. I only talk to people I trust are on my side. They are pro-democracy. It's only when you sit with people that you know and trust that you can relax. It's why I don't sit in other cafés [than this one]. If I sit with you and there's another table of Libyans, I can't speak the same way, and about the same things, that I am talking to you about, now. (Gandolfo, 2022)
Likewise, Richlen (2022) found that Darfurian refugees in Israel, despite being grouped under one communal designation, continued to view themselves as separate ethnic groups, a fragmentation that complicated efforts to address them as a singular entity. These examples underscore Hynes" (2009) observation that mistrust within refugee populations can stem from deep ethnic, religious, linguistic, or political divides that persist even in the host country.
Thus, it is evident that organizing refugees from diverse backgrounds into a single group for the purpose of group discussions or interviews can prove challenging and may not yield authentic or representative responses. This is particularly true when the topics addressed involve sensitive issues related to their countries-of-origin, such as politics, social norms, and cultural values. It is worth noting that such challenges tend to be more pronounced among newly arrived asylum seekers, whose sense of identity may still be heavily influenced by their experiences in their country of origin. Over time, as refugees integrate into their host countries and are granted asylum, these divisions may lessen, and greater unity within refugee communities may emerge.
Moreover, it is essential to acknowledge that the settlement experience in Western countries does not have the same impact on all members of refugee families. Women and young children generally have more opportunities for integration, often adapting to the host country's language and culture more quickly than men and older refugees. Refugee women typically fare better in terms of employment opportunities, language acquisition, and integration into society. Similarly, children of refugees, who typically learn the language faster and adapt more easily to the educational system, experience lower levels of acculturation stress (Berry & Sam, 2006; Schwartz et al., 2010).
As a result, attitudes toward life in host countries tend to differ significantly between women and younger refugees, who are often more optimistic about their prospects, and older male refugees, who may have held higher social status in their countries of origin. This discrepancy can lead to feelings of frustration and resentment among refugee men, particularly husbands, who may perceive their loss of status and control over their families because of their inability to integrate into the host society. For instance, Darvishpour (2002) found that Iranian men in Sweden often felt dissatisfied, believing their status to be lower than that of women, which contrasted with the experiences of Iranian women, who reported more positive views of the laws in their host country.
Additionally, Liversage (2013) observed that shifts in gender power structures in Denmark allowed Turkish women to access new resources, empowering them to challenge the traditional gender roles within their families. Such transformations in family dynamics often lead to different views on gender equality and social norms, with refugee women generally more accepting of the laws and opportunities afforded to them in host countries. This shift may, however, create tension in family discussions, where women and children may feel unable or unwilling to express their true opinions in the presence of male family members.
Considering these dynamics, researchers should carefully consider the limitations of group interviews, particularly when involving refugees from diverse backgrounds or different family members. These settings may create challenges in ensuring that all participants feel comfortable sharing their experiences, potentially inhibiting authentic expression, especially on sensitive topics. To obtain more accurate and meaningful insights, conducting separate interviews with individuals from diverse backgrounds or different family members may be more effective.
Ensure the Anonymity of Refugees' and Asylum Seekers' Identities
The issue of participant anonymity assumes critical importance when working with forced migrants, distinguishing their situation from that of other migrant populations or citizens. This is particularly pertinent due to the explicit or implicit perception of refugees by their (often nondemocratic) national governments as opponents or "enemies of the state." Refugees frequently escape with their lives, fleeing areas that are no longer under the control of their national governments. Their departure from government-controlled territories is often interpreted as an indication of the legitimacy crisis of the state in question.
Furthermore, certain governments fear that the refugee issue may be politicized by host countries, which may exploit it as a pretext for intervention in the refugee's country of origin. Host nations might assert that, because of the damage caused by conflict, they have the right to intervene in the interest of self-preservation. In this context, governments frequently hold their citizens who seek asylum abroad responsible for triggering such international interventions. Even though asylum is universally recognized right under the 1951 Geneva Convention (Shacknove, 1985), refugees and asylum seekers are often criminalized by their home governments.
The impact of civil wars on family dynamics further complicates these concerns. Civil wars can result in the displacement of family members across different regions and states. While some family members may remain displaced internally-often in areas controlled by the national regime due to reasons such as poverty, disability, or old age-others may successfully cross borders to seek asylum in Western countries. In some cases, brutal political regimes may retaliate against those who seek asylum by persecuting their relatives and friends left behind. Thus, the protection of asylum seekers' identities is crucial not only for the individuals themselves but also for their families, relatives, and friends who remain in conflict zones.
This consideration is underscored by the works of Gandolfo (2022) on Libyan forced migrants in Malta and Almohamed and Vyas (2016) on Afghan refugees in Australia, both of which highlight the importance of safeguarding the identities of participants. Researchers, therefore, bear a significant responsibility to protect the personal information of respondents and to refrain from disclosing any identifying characteristics that could compromise the anonymity of participants, particularly in cases with small sample sizes. The confidentiality and privacy of participants must be prioritized, especially when the immigration status, liberty, and safety of both the participants and their families may be jeopardized by the release of research findings (Clark-Kazak, 2017, 2019).
Anonymity should not be limited to the alteration of participant names but must also extend to the careful anonymization of locations. For instance, the real names of villages or neighborhoods where participants lived before fleeing should be omitted. Additionally, when discussing specific military actions-such as air raids, the use of prohibited weapons, or instances of genocide-it is advisable to anonymize the names of the places and dates involved.
The issue of anonymity becomes even more pressing when researchers report on refugee populations from smaller, more specific groups within host countries, such as refugees from African or North African nations residing in Germany. In such cases, the researcher should avoid identifying the participant's nationality, opting instead to describe them in broader geographic terms. For example, rather than identifying a participant as "a Nigerian refugee," the researcher could instead refer to them as "a refugee from an African country," and similarly, instead of saying "a refugee from Morocco," one could say "a refugee from North Africa."
Moreover, when employing "triangulation" to enhance the trustworthiness of data analysis, a process where data is shared with an external expert who is not part of the research team to compare and validate findings (Thomas, 2003), the researcher must exercise caution. It is imperative that the sharing of data with a third-party individual does not inadvertently compromise participant anonymity or reveal their identities.
Additional Considerations for Addressing the Vulnerability of Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Qualitative Interview Procedures
When conducting interviews with refugees and asylum seekers, additional considerations must be made regarding how their vulnerabilities reflect on both individual and group qualitative interview procedures. These vulnerabilities may impact how participants respond, share information, and interact within a group setting. Researchers must be mindful of these factors to ensure that the interview process is respectful, sensitive, and conducive to gathering accurate and meaningful data.
Recognize Emotional Triggers and Respect Participant Boundaries
When conducting interviews with refugees and asylum seekers, it is essential to anticipate and recognize emotional triggers related to their past trauma, especially when discussing sensitive topics such as family, safety, sexual violence, torture, or their previous lives. Interviewees may become emotional in response to these subjects, and researchers must be prepared to manage such emotional moments by offering participants the space and time to express their feelings.
Respecting participant boundaries is also crucial, particularly when working with vulnerable populations who have experienced trauma. If a participant expresses reluctance to discuss certain topics or shows signs of distress, the researcher should avoid pushing them to continue. Prioritizing the participant's emotional well-being helps prevent re-traumatization and ensures that the interview remains respectful and productive.
Acknowledge the Need for Identity Assertion
Refugees may feel compelled to discuss their previous social status or professional achievements, particularly if they held prominent roles in their home countries. This need to express their former identity can be an essential part of the interview process, as it helps refugees regain a sense of dignity. Researchers should allow space for these conversations, even if they are not directly related to the interview topic, as it may foster rapport and ensure the interviewee feels respected and heard.
Clarify Practical Arrangements Before the Interview
Effective communication regarding logistics is essential to avoid misunderstandings. Many refugees, particularly those who have recently arrived, may not be familiar with the punctuality norms of Western countries. Researchers should ensure that interview times and locations are clearly confirmed, with expectations regarding timeliness made explicit. It is also important to clarify any travel costs, as some participants might not be aware of the logistics, assuming the researcher will cover them.
Create a Comfortable Interview Environment
The physical environment of the interview plays a significant role in accommodating the vulnerabilities of refugees. Consider selecting locations that offer a neutral or familiar setting to reduce any discomfort or anxiety. Public spaces or community centers may provide a sense of ease for participants. Researchers should also be mindful of language barriers and ensure that appropriate translation services are available, helping to create an environment conducive to sharing sensitive experiences.
Discussion
This study aimed to explore how the vulnerabilities of refugees should be considered in the practical aspects of research involving them, particularly in Western countries. By examining key elements of qualitative interview procedures, this study reveals how refugees diverse vulnerabilities-shaped by trauma, displacement, and the experience of living "in between" two societies-inform research practices. These findings contribute to the growing literature on qualitative methods and refugee studies, offering insights for adapting research to the complex realities of forced migration.
Existing literature highlights the vulnerability of refugees and the lack of theoretical frameworks in forced migration studies (Davidson et al., 2024; Fisher, 2013; Koser et al, 2004; Lazarevic et al., 2012; Schweitzer et al., 2006). This study extends this understanding by emphasizing that refugee vulnerabilities are not uniform but are shaped by specific sociopolitical, and cultural contexts. Accordingly, qualitative research procedures-particularly decisions on interview settings, participant selection, interview topics, data analysis, and dissemination-must reflect these varying vulnerabilities.
A central finding is the need to recognize the diversity within refugee populations. Refugees are not a monolithic group but are shaped by their national, cultural, ethnic, and political backgrounds. Researchers must account for this diversity, particularly in group settings where tensions between different refugee groups can arise. Careful selection of participants and structuring of interviews is necessary to foster a space for honest, reflective dialogue that respects these differences.
Equally critical is safeguarding refugees' identities. Given the politically sensitive nature of their displacement, anonymity must extend beyond personal identifiers to include details that could link refugees to politically precarious contexts. These precautions help mitigate the risk of further harm, particularly for refugees from marginalized groups.
The study also emphasizes the importance of the interview environment. Refugees often experience heightened anxiety or stress due to their displacement and unfamiliarity with research processes. Thus, choosing a safe, neutral setting conducive to open communication is essential. Additionally, logistical concerns-such as travel costs and scheduling-must be addressed beforehand to minimize stress and ensure a smooth process.
Finally, the study stresses the need for flexibility in interview procedures. Given the emotional complexities often associated with the refugee experience, researchers must be responsive to participants' emotional states. Allowing for pauses, rescheduling, or even cessation of interviews, if necessary, ensures that refugees can participate without feeling retraumatized. Such flexibility fosters trust and rapport, which are essential for obtaining meaningful data.
This study focuses on refugees in Western countries, which may limit the applicability of the findings to non-Western contexts where different socio-political dynamics shape refugees' vulnerabilities. Future research should explore refugee populations in diverse settings to identify additional factors that may influence interview procedures. Additionally, while the study mainly examined refugees from the Middle East, further research on refugees from regions like sub-Saharan Africa or Central America is needed to determine the generalizability of these findings across different refugees' groups. It is my hope that this work will encourage additional studies that deepen our understanding of the complex relationship between refugee vulnerability and qualitative research.
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