The Sacred Theater in Goguryeo Tomb Murals: Myth, Belief, and the Pictorial Performance of Political Authority

Abstract

The 4th and 5th centuries marked a pivotal phase in the development of the Goguryeo regime. Its tomb murals epitomize the visual strategies of state-building, serving to establish a “sacred theater” of power. Taking Tomb No. 4 of the Wukui complex as a case in point, the murals reveal localized adaptations of the Fuxi–Nüwa imagery, blending the Central Plains’ sun-deity worship with Goguryeo’s ancestral mythology through the symbol of the sun-centered Three-Legged Crow, thereby legitimizing the sacred lineage of royal authority. The function of the Four Symbols (Sishen) imagery evolved from mere directional markers into guardians of sovereignty, reflecting deeper cultural transformations. The diachronic evolution of mural themes traces the trajectory of political change: in the 4th century, murals centered on wrestling and banqueting scenes, reinforcing ethnic identity and consolidating tribal alliances through ritualized displays of strength and hierarchical banquet etiquette. By the 5th century, the themes shifted to hunting, processions, and Buddhist rituals, where military metaphors and ceremonial norms underscored the rise of a centralized bureaucratic system and the imperatives of territorial expansion. Through three interlocking mechanisms—symbolic reconfiguration, spatial narrative, and sensory manipulation—Goguryeo tomb murals constructed a closed value system linking worldly authority to posthumous order, serving as material testimony to the enduring “covenant between humans and deities.”

1. Introduction

Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE) was a major polity in ancient Northeast Asia. As a tributary state under the Chinese central dynasties’ jimi (Wei 1995) administrative system, Goguryeo maintained a dual relationship with China—both as a vassal and as a recurrent adversary in conflicts with dynasties such as the Han and Tang. It was eventually conquered in 668 CE through a joint campaign by the Tang dynasty and Silla. Throughout its formation and development, Goguryeo was profoundly influenced by China. It not only emulated Chinese political institutions (Sun 2023, pp. 183–199; Yang and Gao 2014; L. Li 2008, pp. 212–14), but also actively assimilated elements of Chinese culture, including Confucianism and Buddhism (Jiang 2004, pp. 36–41). Nevertheless, it ultimately developed a distinctive Goguryeo culture with its own unique characteristics. Among its most important material cultural legacies, Goguryeo tomb murals provide a concentrated reflection of the daily life, ideology, and culture of its people.

Current scholarship on the ideological functions of Goguryeo tomb murals still reveals significant theoretical gaps. While existing studies have demonstrated that these murals transmitted values through mythological narratives and symbolic representations of belief (Yang 2021, pp. 30–37), and have systematically analyzed how images constructed political authority through spatial arrangements and ritualized expressions (Jeon 2016, pp. 31–61), the dynamic interplay between symbolic networks and power structures within the murals has yet to be adequately examined. Some scholars have attempted to apply semiotic analysis to explore the forms, functions, and cultural meanings of Goguryeo mural symbols, even extending this inquiry to their digital re-creation in modern educational contexts (Shi and Saelee 2025, pp. 170–78). Yet, the operative mechanisms by which visual performances transform secular authority into representations of divine order remain insufficiently clarified.

Traditional iconographic studies have tended to overemphasize decoding the symbolic meanings of isolated motifs—such as the Four Symbols and celestial imagery—thus fragmenting image elements from their larger contextual frameworks. Researchers have not fully recognized the essential nature of murals as political theaters, and have offered no effective explanation of how prearranged protocols of viewing transformed spectators into intermediaries for the dissemination of power. This neglect of the three-dimensional interaction between pictorial space and embodied perception has hindered access to the core logic of tomb murals as ideological apparatuses.

To address the research dilemmas arising from the aforementioned theoretical blind spots, this study explicitly formulates a central research question and a systematic methodological framework for an in-depth investigation into the mechanisms of political authority construction in Goguryeo tomb murals. The overarching research question is: How did the Goguryeo ruling elite transform tomb spaces into bidirectional converters for the “sanctification of power” and the “empowerment of sanctity” through visual symbols and spatial narratives? This central inquiry is further refined into three interconnected sub-questions: (1) How are the dialectical processes of sacredness construction and power legitimization manifested through specific visual symbols such as the Three-Legged Crow, the Four Symbols, and ancestral mythological imagery? (2) What ideological orientations of the Goguryeo ruling class are reflected in the concept of the “political theater”? (3) As deliberately constructed “political theaters,” how do the compositional structures of banquet, hunting, Buddhist ritual, and procession scenes in tomb murals encode power hierarchies?

To answer these questions, this study adopts an interdisciplinary methodological framework integrating perspectives from semiotics, political anthropology, spatial archeology, and visual culture studies. Theoretically, it draws on Bourdieu’s (1984) “field” theory and Eliade’s (1959) “sacred space” theory to construct a three-dimensional symbol–space–power analytical model. Empirically, the research focuses on representative Goguryeo noble tombs, examining three core mural elements: sacred symbols (cosmic emblems such as the Three-Legged Crow and the Four Symbols), ancestral narratives (portraits of tomb occupants and mythological scenes), and power rituals (hunting, processions, and related activities). The analytical methods include semiotic decoding, which interprets the signifiers and signified of visual imagery, and spatial narrative analysis, which explores the interactions between mural layouts and tomb architecture. In addition, the study incorporates Barthes’ (1977) “sign–significance” theory to investigate the metaphorical functions embedded in various mural elements, thereby analyzing the social culture and hierarchical systems conveyed by different mural themes, as well as the symbolic order they collectively constitute (Leschziner and Brett 2021). It should be emphasized that the tombs examined in this research are exclusively those of the Goguryeo nobility, thereby reflecting the ruling class’s deliberate construction of political power.

2. Spatial Ordering of the Sacred Theater

Goguryeo tomb murals constructed a unique cosmic model by delineating three spatial strata: the celestial universe, the realm of deities, and the mortal world (Yang 2021, p. 30). Drawing on Mircea Eliade’s theory of sacred space, this tripartite division reflects the hierophany of sacred space, wherein the tomb functions as an axis mundi connecting the profane with the transcendent (Eliade 1959, p. 38). The celestial universe was typically represented by astronomical images such as the sun, moon, Big Dipper, Altair, and Vega. Since at least the Western Jin dynasty, the central Chinese court had issued explicit bans on private astronomical study (Jiang and Niu 2005, p. 250). Thus, the inclusion of celestial maps in tombs itself affirmed the noble status of the deceased. The realm of deities featured the Four Symbols, celestial beings, and various mythical creatures. The Four Symbols—Blue Dragon, White Tiger, Vermilion Bird, and Black Tortoise—represented the cardinal directions of east, west, south, and north, embodying cosmic order and stability. By depicting them in tombs, the Goguryeo people sought to guide and escort the deceased toward immortality (Yang 2021, p. 30). This spatial configuration accords with Eliade’s argument that sacred spaces are imago mundi, microcosmic replicas of the universe designed to restore order through ritualized architecture (Eliade 1959, p. 20). Mythical creatures, often serving as tomb guardians, were believed to expel evil spirits and avert disasters, thereby protecting the soul of the deceased (J. Zhang 1992, pp. 60–73). The mortal world primarily depicted scenes of banquets and processions. Banquet scenes replicated the indulgent lifestyle of the tomb owner during his lifetime, reflecting aristocratic opulence and hierarchical order, while processional formations underscored the authority and status of the deceased. The significance of this tripartite spatial stratification lies not only in its visual representation of cosmic structure but also in its profound religious and political implications. By positioning the tomb owner within this cosmic model, it emphasized his connection to heaven, earth, and divine beings, thereby elevating his status and authority and achieving the sanctification of political power.

The Dexingli Tomb, a typical example of aristocratic burials from the mid-to-late Goguryeo period (circa 5th–6th centuries), serves as a focal case study in this section to elucidate the spatial construction of the sacred theater within Goguryeo mortuary contexts. Located in Dexing Cave, Jiangxi District, Nampo City, North Korea, the Dexingli Tomb is a two-chambered structure comprising a corridor, anterior chamber, connecting passage, and posterior chamber (Jeon 2016, p. 77). Two portraits of the tomb owner are prominently featured in the Dexingli Tomb. The first is located on the western side of the northern wall in the anterior chamber, depicting the tomb owner seated on a couch within a tent, receiving homage from the prefects of thirteen commanderies and their generals. The second is positioned at the center of the northern wall in the posterior chamber, showing the tomb owner seated on a couch with civil and military attendants wearing black headbands standing beside him. This centripetal design significantly reinforces visual authority. As the focal point, the tomb owner’s portraits become the core of the entire mural program, highlighting his dominant status. Surrounding imagery elements function as complementary and auxiliary motifs, further emphasizing the tomb owner’s authority and prestige. From an overall perspective, the entrance of the Dexingli Tomb faces south, with both portraits of the tomb owner located on the northern walls of the anterior and posterior chambers. In other words, the portraits mark the visual terminus of the respective chambers. Upon entering the tomb, viewers are immediately confronted with the commanding image of the tomb owner directly opposite them, achieving an effective visual transmission of political authority.

The tomb owner’s procession scene is located in the corridor connecting the anterior and posterior chambers, with the tomb owner positioned at the pivotal axis linking heaven and earth. This spatial arrangement directly embodies Eliade’s concept of the axis mundi (Eliade 1959, p. 38). Spatially, it ascends to the celestial map on the tomb ceiling and descends to the processional imagery depicting earthly scenes on the chamber walls, serving as a concrete manifestation of the “sacred center” within the tomb space. Eliade’s theory of sacred space posits that sacred spaces function as microcosmic replicas of the cosmos, designed to replicate divine order through ritualized architecture. By situating the tomb owner at this cosmic crossroads, the mural system constructs him as a divinely ordained intermediary between celestial deities and mortal subjects (Eliade 1959, p. 42). This role is reinforced by the vertical alignment of celestial symbols and terrestrial processions, visually enacting the “participation in the sacred” that Eliade identifies as fundamental to religious experience. Thus, the tomb owner is endowed with the mission of conveying divine will and ruling over the mortal realm, with his authority recognized and blessed by celestial deities. Through this spatial positioning, the tomb owner’s sacred status is reinforced, transforming his mortal authority into a cosmic principle anchored in transcendent order.

3. Ritual Performances and the Exercise of Power

3.1. Image Reconstruction of the Ancestral Myth

In the murals of Goguryeo tombs, the figures of Fuxi–Nüwa, and the ancestral myth of Goguryeo underwent a distinctive process of localization and reconstruction. The depictions of Fuxi–Nüwa in Goguryeo tombs are primarily found at sites such as Tomb No. 4 and Tomb No. 5 of the Wukui complex, as well as the Four Deities Tomb. In ancient Chinese mythology, Fuxi–Nüwa are revered as deities symbolizing the origin and propagation of humanity. After this mythological element was introduced into the Goguryeo region, it fused with local ancestral traditions and was endowed with new political functions.

A comparison between the images of Fuxi–Nüwa from the Central Plains (Figure 1) and those on the caisson ceiling of Tomb No. 4 in the Wukui complex (Figure 2) reveals significant differences. Unlike the human-headed, snake-bodied depictions in the Central Plains, the versions in Tomb No. 4 portray Fuxi–Nüwa as “feathered beings” with human heads and bird bodies. In the caisson ceiling mural, Fuxi–Nüwa hold the sun and the moon, respectively, with a three-legged crow depicted inside the sun and a toad inside the moon. In this process of reconstruction, their clothing and postures were rendered with Goguryeo ethnic characteristics, aligning them more closely with local esthetic sensibilities and cultural perceptions.

This transformative practice can be effectively explained through Bourdieu’s concept of the “field.” Bourdieu defines the field as a structured arena of symbolic contestation in which social actors negotiate cultural capital—including symbolic systems, ritual practices, and epistemological frameworks—in order to establish and legitimize power hierarchies (Bourdieu 1984, p. 12). Within the context of Goguryeo tombs, this framework illuminates the dynamic interplay between indigenous shamanic symbols and exogenous cultural forms. Specifically, in the refashioning of Fuxi–Nüwa imagery, traditional Chinese representations were merged with local sunbird worship and integrated into Jumong’s “sun-conception myth.” This process constituted a strategic act of symbolic capital accumulation. By localizing foreign mythological signifiers, the Goguryeo elite converted external cultural resources into indigenous symbolic power, thereby naturalizing their “sacred lineage” and consolidating ideological hegemony (Bourdieu 1984, p. 243).

This localization strategy parallels the adaptation of Central Plains motifs in contemporary East Asian mortuary art. For example, Han dynasty stone reliefs at Yinan (Shandong Province) reimagined Fuxi–Nüwa iconography by integrating indigenous fertility cults. Similarly, Liao dynasty murals at Xuanhua (modern-day Hebei Province) transformed Tang-dynasty “paradise scenes” into syncretic depictions of Sino-Khitan ritual practices. Notably, the Xuanhua murals of the 10th–11th centuries, exemplified by the Zhang Shiqing Tomb, combined Han domestic imagery with Khitan equestrian motifs. This synthesis provides visual evidence of how symbolic systems transcended ethnic boundaries to legitimize political authority. Such cross-cultural parallels suggest that Goguryeo’s iconographic innovations were part of a broader East Asian pattern of adaptive visual culture.

The integration of the heliocentric three-legged crow with ancestral mythology represents a concentrated expression of the Goguryeo people’s worship of the sun and birds. Historical records such as The Book of Wei and Samguk Sagi recount the origins of Zhu Mong, the founding ancestor of Goguryeo:

The Goguryeo people originated from Buyeo and claimed descent from their ancestor Zhu Mong. Zhu Mong’s mother was the daughter of the River Deity. The king of Buyeo confined her in a chamber, but she was illuminated by the sun’s rays. Whenever she tried to evade them, the sunlight would follow her. Eventually, she became pregnant and gave birth to an egg as large as five liters. The king of Buyeo discarded the egg to dogs, but they would not eat it; he then abandoned it to pigs, which also refused it; leaving it on the road, cattle and horses avoided it; finally, when cast away in the wilderness, birds covered it with their feathers. When the king of Buyeo attempted to cut it open, he failed to break it and returned it to Zhu Mong’s mother. She wrapped it in cloth, placed it in a warm spot, and a male child eventually emerged from the shell. When he grew up, he was named Zhu Mong.

(Wei 1995, p. 1355)

At that time, a woman was found by the southern side of Taibai Mountain near the Youbo River. When questioned, she said, “I am the daughter of the River Deity, named Liu Hua. While playing with my brothers, a man who claimed to be Jie Mushu, the son of the Heavenly Emperor, lured me to a private chamber at the foot of Xiongxin Mountain by the Yalu River, and I never returned…” Intrigued, King Geumwa of Buyeo confined her in a chamber. Illuminated by the sun’s rays, she tried to evade them, but the sunlight followed her. She soon became pregnant and gave birth to an egg, approximately five liters in size.

(Jin 2003, p. 174)

The most crucial element in the aforementioned ancestral legend is that Zhu Mong’s mother became pregnant after being illuminated by the sun. Thus, the “sun” can be regarded as Zhu Mong’s father, making Zhu Mong the “son of the Sun God” and endowing the “Zhu Mong Myth” with characteristics of sun worship. So, how did sun worship become connected with “bird” worship? The Zhu Mong Myth repeatedly incorporates “bird” elements. Firstly, Zhu Mong’s father, Jie Mushu, makes a remarkable entrance, descending from the heavens in a chariot drawn by five dragons, accompanied by over a hundred followers riding white cranes and wearing crow-feathered crowns (K. Li 1973, p. 34)¹.

Secondly, Zhu Mong’s birth is through an egg, a method characteristic of avian reproduction. Zhu Mong’s emergence from the shell mirrors the hatching process of birds, giving the Zhu Mong Myth the nature of an “oviparous myth” (Yang and Quan 2020, pp. 83–96). Some scholars suggest that the distinctive long sleeves and the dance posture with arms extended backward in Goguryeo tomb murals mimic the wings of birds, expressing worship of the “heavens” through “heavenly dance” or flying dance, which blends emotions toward the heavens, earth, and ancestors (Hee 2015, p. 21).

Heliocentric three-legged crows are also found in other Goguryeo tomb murals, such as Tomb No. 5 of the Wukui complex and the Jiaodi Tomb (Figure 3). Yet this motif was not unique to Goguryeo. As early as the Eastern Han dynasty in China, Xu Shen’s Shuowen Jiezi interpreted wu (crow) as the bird of the sun (Xu 1981, p. 157). The Classic of Mountains and Seas records that above the Valley of Soup stands the Fusang tree, where the sun alternately sets on one side and rises on the other, each carried by crows (Guo 1985, p. 121).² The bird that carries the sun is the crow. Archeological artifacts further corroborate this symbolism. A T-shaped silk painting unearthed from the Mawangdui Han Tomb in Changsha depicts a large red sun in the upper right corner with a black bird inside it. Based on color and traditional associations with the sun, this figure can be identified as a crow (Figure 4). Moreover, Han dynasty stone reliefs discovered across multiple regions—including Linyi Jinqueshan in Shandong, Chengdu in Sichuan, Huaibei in Anhui, Hanzhong in Shaanxi, and Luoyang and Yanshi in Henan—consistently feature a black bird-like figure in the center of a round sun, symbolizing the sun (C. Zhang 2018, p. 44). Through cultural exchanges between the Central Plains and the Liaodong region, such iconography was gradually adopted by the Goguryeo people and underwent localized adaptations.

In terms of image layout, Goguryeo murals adjusted the visual hierarchy of symbols. Compared with the common composition in Central Plains tombs, where Fuxi–Nüwa hold a compass and a carpenter’s square, the murals in the Wukui Tombs placed the sun-centered three-legged crow at the core position above the human figures. This spatial design reinforced the connection between celestial worship and the legitimacy of power, constructing a cultural system that combined sun worship with the concept of royal authority. The use of Fuxi and Nüwa imagery in Goguryeo tomb murals reflects the interaction and transformation of different cultural elements. The motif of Fuxi holding the sun-centered three-legged crow not only incorporated the traditional connotations of Central Plains culture but also integrated the narrative logic of Goguryeo literature concerning ancestral origins. It sought to graft the creation myth of the Central Plains onto Goguryeo’s ancestral worship, aligning with the legend of Zhu Mong’s “conception by sunlight” and transforming Central Plains sun worship into a sacred certification of royal lineage.

In Tomb No. 4 of the Wukui complex, the images of Fuxi holding the sun with the three-legged crow and Nüwa holding the moon are positioned at the highest level of the caisson ceiling, above the Four Symbols depicted on the four walls. This spatial hierarchy suggests an ideological order in which the “lineage of the Sun God” supersedes the guardian deities of the cardinal directions. Such reconfiguration provided a mythological foundation for political legitimacy, linking the sanctity of ancestors with the authority of rulers and thereby consolidating political rule. Through the transformation of visual symbols, this combination of images established a new mode of expression. When viewing the murals, the populace could recognize familiar mythological figures and locate cultural roots within them, strengthening their sense of national pride and belonging.

The subjectivity of the Goguryeo mythological system is also evident in the treatment of the Four Symbols. The function and status of the Four Symbols underwent significant temporal evolution. In earlier tombs such as the Wuyong Tomb and the Changchuan No. 1 Tomb in the Ji’an region, the Four Symbols were mostly painted in secondary positions such as tomb passageways and caisson ceilings. They appeared in relatively small proportions, maintaining a combinatorial relationship with star maps and thus continuing the Central Plains tradition in which the Four Symbols symbolized the cardinal directions derived from constellations. This layout indicates that, at that stage, the Four Symbols had not yet become a core ideological carrier in the tomb system, serving more as decorative supplements to celestial imagery.

By the late 6th century, however, a fundamental transformation had occurred in later tombs represented by the Four Symbols Tomb and Tombs No. 4 and 5 of the Wukui complex. The Four Symbols broke free from the constraints of caisson ceiling star maps and came to occupy the principal wall spaces of tomb chambers. Their proportions expanded to the full height of the walls, while the use of highly saturated pigments such as indigo and cinnabar reflected a nationalized esthetic orientation. At this stage, their role as markers of the “four cardinal directions” gradually diminished, while their function as sacred boundaries of the tomb owner’s domain was visually emphasized. Of particular significance is the trend toward separating the late-period Four Symbols from star maps (Bai 2020, pp. 41–43). As their directional significance faded, this shift marked the creative transformation of Central Plains elements during the mature phase of Goguryeo culture. When the Four Symbols descended from the celestial realm of the caisson ceiling to the terrestrial realm of the tomb walls, their function was transformed from symbols of cosmic order into visual guardians of political authority, revealing the unique path by which the Goguryeo aristocracy constructed its ideological order.

3.2. The Stylized Display of Hierarchical Order

Goguryeo’s political structure underwent a transformative evolution from a tribal confederation to a centralized bureaucratic state, accompanied by the crystallization of a rigid social hierarchy. Within this stratified system, the royal lineage occupied the apex of power, followed sequentially by aristocratic clans, military elites, and commoners. Goguryeo tomb murals functioned as visual articulations of this status hierarchy, materially reinforcing social stratification through the iconography of ritual banquets, hunting expeditions, and ceremonial processions.

The murals can be broadly categorized by their painted content into scenes of wrestling, hunting, military battles, banquets, processions, and Buddhist rites. Wrestling, hunting, and battle scenes embody the theme of the Goguryeo people’s “martial spirit,” while processions, Buddhist rituals, and banquets emphasize the noble status of the tomb occupants, which can be grouped under the theme of “ritual and etiquette.” These two thematic strands—martial prowess and ritual—each demonstrate in distinctive ways the military authority and hierarchical order of the Goguryeo ruling class.

The “martial”³ spirit of the Goguryeo people was closely related to their natural environment and geopolitical conditions. Dwelling in mountainous regions and frequently engaged in both internal and external wars, Goguryeo faced limited arable land but abundant forest and wildlife resources. Hunting therefore compensated, to some extent, for the agricultural shortages caused by environmental constraints. Among the many hunting scenes depicted in Goguryeo tomb murals, the Wuyong Tomb is especially notable for its exquisite craftsmanship. It vividly portrays the dynamism of mounted riders in pursuit of prey and the grandeur of mountain hunts, capturing the delicate balance between humans and nature while embodying the martial ethos of the Goguryeo people (Figure 5).

As the regime developed, hunting activities evolved beyond mere subsistence practices to become systematically incorporated into the military management system. They served as a key means of selecting elite mounted archers and training soldiers in coordinated combat. The horseback archery techniques refined in mountain hunts, together with the sophisticated craftsmanship of bow and arrow production, reinforced one another, gradually forming a distinctive “bow-and-arrow culture” (Jeong 2012, pp. 20–25). This culture exerted influence not only on military equipment but also on ritual practices and social stratification, ultimately becoming one of the core symbols of Goguryeo’s military superiority and cultural identity.

The wrestling scenes in early Goguryeo murals represent a significant theme that reflects the society’s martial spirit. Wrestling originated from the ancient Chinese competitive practice of “butting heads against opponents.” During the Pre-Qin period, it functioned as a military training exercise known as the “rite of martial display,” and by the Qin and Han dynasties, it had evolved into a form of entertainment within the broader repertoire of theatrical performances. The culture of wrestling spread widely across East Asia and, in the Goguryeo tomb murals, is predominantly characterized by three features. First, the depicted scenes are often set during intervals in mountain hunting or at banquet gatherings, underscoring its dual role as both military training and aristocratic entertainment. Second, the figures are rendered with pronounced musculature and dynamic tension, with competitors frequently shown bare-chested and barefoot in combat stances, embodying an esthetic orientation toward the worship of physical strength (Figure 6). Third, the compositions are frequently juxtaposed with other martial themes such as hunting and battle scenes, thereby forming a comprehensive visual system of martial spirit. By incorporating wrestling into mural decoration, Goguryeo not only perpetuated the Central Plains tradition of “martial display” but also integrated daily training with military practices, ultimately creating a mechanism of societal mobilization that fostered martial prowess among the entire populace. In this way, the murals provided cultural support for sustaining Goguryeo’s geopolitical competitiveness on the Korean peninsula.

Geng Tiehua inferred that at the peak of its military strength, the Goguryeo army numbered approximately 600,000 troops, while the total population at that time was around 3,485,000, with the military accounting for about 20 percent of the population (Geng 2006, p. 257). Although this proportion may be somewhat exaggerated, it nonetheless highlights the excessive emphasis placed on military affairs within Goguryeo’s political culture. Frequent wars were almost an unavoidable reality for the Goguryeo people. As the material embodiment of their martial spirit, Goguryeo tomb murals reconstructed battle scenes from multiple perspectives. The Siege Scene in the Three-Chamber Tomb expanded the two-dimensional depiction into a multi-dimensional battlefield space through segmented compositions. The Beheading Captives Scene in the Macao Tomb employed close-up depictions of both sides to accentuate the intensity and brutality of warfare. The Wuyong Tomb, by contrast, meticulously illustrated the tactical equipment of cavalry. These military scenes not only served as historical retrospectives of the tomb occupants’ exploits but also reinforced the identity and prestige of the military aristocracy through iconographic coding, thereby establishing a contractual memory inheritance between the living and the deceased.

The “ritual” images in Goguryeo tomb murals constructed a comprehensive system of power display through meticulous visual narration. Taking banquet scenes as an example, the tomb occupant was typically positioned at the center of the composition, rendered with a significantly larger body proportion than the surrounding attendants. Their attire frequently employed prestigious colors such as vermilion and ochre yellow, in stark contrast with the cyan-gray and plain white garments of the attendants. The formation of the attendants followed strict principles of symmetry, with all gestures—such as holding food vessels and wine utensils—directed toward the tomb occupant, thereby creating a powerful visual focal point.

The display of power in procession scenes was conveyed through the scale of the honor guard formation and the specifications of the ceremonial objects. The banner (Chuang), a type of flag used as a ceremonial emblem, originated in the Han dynasty of China and gradually spread to China’s border regions and the Korean Peninsula. The banners depicted in the murals of Anyue Tomb No. 3 were seen as potent symbols of prestige (Kong 2005, pp. 212–13). Precious artifacts such as the canopied carriage (Tongxianshu), canopy tents, couches with screens, and dust-whisk fans further underscored the elevated status of the tomb occupant (Kim 2024, p. 35). The formation, consisting of a leading musical ensemble with drums and wind instruments, followed by spear-bearing warriors and attendant officials, constituted a complete ceremonial guard system of power. Notably, the direction of the procession often aligned with the central axis of the tomb passage, allowing viewers to experience the dynamic extension of hierarchical authority from a moving perspective. The spatial and temporal treatment of procession scenes demonstrates dual narrative qualities. Horizontally, the varying gaits of horse-drawn carriages suggest rhythmic movement. Vertically, some murals employ overlapping compositional techniques to juxtapose processions from different times and spaces, creating a continuous spatiotemporal experience akin to “changing scenery with each step.” A more sophisticated example appears in the Dexingli Tomb, where murals juxtapose the tomb occupant hunting in his youth with scenes of his travels in old age, thereby reinforcing the legitimacy of power succession through the compression of time across the life cycle.

The Buddha-worshiping scene in Changchuan Tomb No. 1 stands as the most representative example in Goguryeo murals depicting tomb occupants as patrons (Figure 7). In this scene, two instances of the tomb occupant couple paying homage to the Buddha are depicted within the same spatiotemporal frame. At the center of the composition, a bodhisattva sits cross-legged with hands clasped on a Sumeru throne. To the left of the Buddha, the tomb occupant couple is shown standing one behind the other beneath a canopy, facing the bodhisattva with devout reverence. To the right of the Buddha, the same couple is depicted kneeling with hands touching the ground. The figures of the tomb occupant couple are rendered in a size intermediate between the Buddha and the mortal attendants, signifying their intermediary role between “humans and the Buddha.” The spaces between the bodhisattva and the couple are filled with lotus flowers, a quintessential Buddhist symbol. While lotus thrones are traditionally reserved for Buddha images, the couches or the lower hems of the garments of Goguryeo tomb occupants are often adorned with simplified or stylized lotus motifs. For example, in Anyue Tomb No. 3 and the Dexingli mural tomb, these motifs are not realistic depictions of lotus flowers but abstract patterns created through line simplification and geometric reorganization, retaining the symbolic essence of the lotus while adapting to the localized esthetic sensibilities of Goguryeo art.

Beyond single themes, the “martial–ritual” compound themes in Goguryeo tomb murals form a distinctive sequential narrative model through the organic integration of temporal sequences, spatial arrangements, and symbolic systems. This narrative is manifested not only in the dynamic expressions within individual murals but also in a comprehensive system of power display across different chambers, spanning from secular authority to sacred power. Essentially, this visual reinforcement of hierarchical order served as both a mirrored reflection and an idealized reconstruction of real-world social structures. By transforming power relations into perceivable image grammars, tomb murals functioned as “visual textbooks” that consolidated social memory and instructed viewers in hierarchical concepts. When gazing upon these images, viewers did not merely passively accept the legitimacy of the power order; rather, through repeated visual encounters, they internalized their understanding of identity and role, thereby maintaining the stable social structure of Goguryeo in which “everyone remained in their rightful place.”

From the table below (Table 1), it can be observed that despite variations in specific content, the “martial–ritual” compound theme had by the 4th–5th centuries become an established convention in Goguryeo tomb murals. The evolution of these themes clearly traces the trajectory of socio-political transformation. In the 4th century, murals centered on jiaodi (wrestling) and banqueting, reinforcing ethnic identity and integrating tribal alliances through ritualized scenes of strength contests and hierarchical banquet etiquette. By the 5th century, however, themes shifted to hunting, processions, and Buddha-worshiping, with military metaphors and ritual norms marking the rise of a centralized bureaucratic system and the demands of territorial expansion. This transformation in visual narrative not only signifies Goguryeo’s transition from military dominance to cultural leadership but also demonstrates its absorption of Central Plains ritual systems and its creative incorporation of Buddhist symbols, thereby achieving an identity shift from a frontier tribe to a regional political power.

The thematic shift in tomb murals corresponded directly to Goguryeo’s crucial political restructuring. King Gwanggaeto the Great (r. 391–413 CE) devoted himself to external military expansion, while King Jangsu (r. 413–491 CE) emphasized domestic governance and institutional consolidation. This political transition was concretely reflected in tomb mural iconography through the decline of wrestling themes and the rise of Buddhist scenes, marking the structural transformation of the ruling class from tribal warrior aristocrats to bureaucratic elites.

Furthermore, the introduction of Buddhism reshaped the ideological and religious orientations of the Goguryeo people. Nature worship associated with indigenous beliefs—such as reverence for celestial bodies like the sun, moon, and stars—gradually receded from tomb imagery. In their place emerged Buddhist motifs such as Buddha statues, lotus flowers, and flying apsaras. The growing prominence of Buddhism was also tied to the frequent military conflicts of the later Goguryeo period.

The rise of Buddhism in Goguryeo was not merely a religious phenomenon but also a strategic cultural response to military and political crises. As territorial expansion heightened conflicts with neighboring states, the ruling elite promoted Buddhism as a “spiritual weapon” to strengthen internal cohesion. Doctrines of “karmic retribution” and “protective deities” offered psychological solace to soldiers confronting high mortality rates. On a social level, Buddhism facilitated the transformation of the warrior aristocracy into a literate bureaucratic class, marking a profound reconfiguration of Goguryeo’s political and cultural identity.

3.3. The Political Effects of Theatricalized Viewing

Sacred architecture is inherently didactic and educational, serving as a means to influence, discipline, or transform participants (Barrie 2012, p. 84). The murals in the tombs of the Goguryeo kingdom form a multi-tiered system of power display through the meticulous design of spatial layout and viewing paths, combined with the dual effects of regulating observers’ behavior and guiding their lines of sight. The tomb structure compels observers to move along a predetermined route. The postures of figures, the arrangement of objects, and the composition of scenes in the murals jointly direct visual focus, causing observers to unconsciously accept and reinforce the concepts of social hierarchy conveyed by the murals while passively following the spatial order.

The design of the corridor in the Dexingli Tomb constructs a ritual field of power through the collaborative effects of physical space and visual symbolism. With dimensions of 1.54 m in length, 0.88–1.02 m in width, and 1.43 m in height (Jeon 2016, p. 77), the corridor forces observers to stoop as they move forward to enter the main chamber. This spatially oppressive design imposes initial power discipline by compelling observers to adjust their bodily posture even before encountering the core murals. The processions depicted in the murals further serve as visual guides through their directional arrangement. The processions in the antechamber and along the corridor gradually draw the observer’s attention toward the inner depths of the tomb, ultimately converging on the main chamber. In this progression, the procession imagery directs the observer’s line of sight, creating a solemn and mysterious atmosphere while inducing a sense of being drawn inward, both physically and psychologically.

The painters of Goguryeo tomb murals also skillfully employed inclined angles to manipulate observers’ sensory experiences. For example, in the Dexingli Tomb mural depicting the Procession of the Thirteen Prefectural Governors Paying Homage on the west wall of the antechamber, the bodies of all thirteen governors are slightly inclined forward, as if bowing to the tomb occupant portrayed on the south wall of the same chamber. The figures of the governors gradually increase in size from the periphery toward the center (Figure 8). This inclined visual gradient, combined with the frontal, eye-level composition of the tomb occupant’s portrait, generates a tension between dynamism and stasis. As the observer’s gaze follows the diagonal line of the procession, their body unconsciously shifts toward the tomb occupant, ultimately converging on the center of power. When the observer’s body is compelled to adjust posture within this inclined spatial setting, the ideological framework of power has already quietly completed its reconstruction of the observer’s cognitive framework.

The forward inclination of the procession also creates the illusion of movement. Goguryeo tomb murals further employ the orientation of spear tips to convey the dynamic advance of the formation. Taking Anyue Tomb No. 3 as an example, a grand procession of more than 250 individuals sets out from the south side of the east wall of the corridor and proceeds toward the west side of the north wall. At the center of the mural, the tomb occupant’s carriage is encircled by concentric elliptical layers of figures, each fulfilling distinct functions and roles. All participants in the formation slightly raise their heads forward, while the tips of their spears and the heads of their horses are uniformly directed ahead. Upon entering the space, observers instinctively follow the direction of the formation, experiencing a sense of personal involvement. Through the manipulation of bodily movement, this design transforms viewers into ritual participants, reinforcing their identification with the tomb occupant’s authority in an immersive experience. The dynamic layout of the procession thus constitutes not merely an artistic expression but a tangible manifestation of political authority within the spatial dimension.

4. The Operational Mechanism of Image Politics

The procession in Goguryeo tomb murals employs repetitive arrangements. Taking Anyue Tomb No. 3 as an example (Figure 9), the figures in the procession are grouped in sets of four to five individuals and arranged in diagonal horizontal rows. This overlapping technique makes the width and height of the space occupied by the procession clearly visible (Jeon 2016, p. 54), thereby enhancing the sense of spatial depth within the painting. The painter depicted only the middle section of the procession while strategically deploying negative space to prompt viewers to imagine its extension beyond the pictorial frame. This compositional strategy—characterized by repetitive motifs, rhythmic patterning, and open continuity—creates a perceptual illusion of infinite retinue expansion, transcending the physical boundaries of the tomb. Through standardized figural poses and homogenized attire, the continuity of the procession encodes the tomb owner’s authority as immutable, eternal order. Ultimately, this visual rhetoric transforms finite mural space into a metaphorical assertion of perpetual dominion, overcoming spatial limitations through the imaginative projection of boundless authority.

The sacred represents a macro-mechanism that facilitates meaning construction, group cohesion, and identity formation within an organization (Worley 2018, p. 6). The figures in the procession are uniformly arranged, with their postures and movements highly synchronized, as if time has frozen and the formation will remain unchanged forever. The repetitive arrangement creates a stable and enduring visual effect. Most of the figures’ faces are depicted in three-quarter profile, with variations in posture and attire, yet their expressions remain strikingly similar (Jeon 2016, p. 55). By depersonalizing these figures, their mundane individuality is erased, and only the authority of the tomb occupant is emphasized. This visual experience aligns with the concept of eternal power, suggesting that the tomb occupant’s authority, like the procession itself, will endure indefinitely and remain unchallenged.

In the operation of image politics, such implications hold profound significance. They convey to observers the message that the tomb occupant’s rule is stable and eternal, and any challenge to it would be futile. This psychological suggestion reinforces observers’ identification with and submission to the tomb occupant’s authority, thereby maintaining social stability and order. At the same time, it cloaks the tomb occupant’s power in a sacred aura, endowing their rule with legitimacy and divine sanction. In this way, the visual strategy successfully constructs a cognitive loop of “earthly power—eternal afterlife,” once again confirming that the procession scene serves as a stylized display of political power.

The tomb space of Goguryeo also functions as material testimony to the “human–deity covenant.” In the social beliefs of the time, there existed a contractual relationship between the tomb occupant and the deities. By adhering to religious rituals and observances, the tomb occupant sought the protection and approval of divine powers, while the deities, in turn, fulfilled this covenant by granting authority and status. The design of the tomb space and the layout of the murals vividly reflect this contractual relationship. From the visual construction of cosmic models to the stylized narration of ritual scenes, from the ideological encoding of mythological symbols to the political effects of theatricalized viewing, every element conveys the interaction between the tomb occupant and the divine. The celestial star map symbolizes the presence of deities and the order of the cosmos, while the pivotal positioning of the tomb occupant along the axis mundi indicates their role as the deities’ representative on earth. This design evokes a sense of sacredness and invisible pressure upon observers as they enter the tomb space, instilling awe and reinforcing recognition of the tomb occupant’s authority. Thus, the tomb becomes a crucial venue for rulers to communicate political ideologies and beliefs, tightly binding the sacred to power through murals and spatial design, thereby legitimizing and sanctifying political authority.

5. Conclusions

The symbols in Goguryeo tomb murals embody not only religious beliefs, political authority, and cultural identity, but also, through visual narratives, evoke emotional resonance that consolidates the historical memory and spiritual values of Goguryeo society (Shi and Saelee 2025, pp. 170–78). Building on the multiple functions of these symbols, this study has focused on how the Goguryeo ruling elite integrated them with spatial design, thereby transforming tombs into bidirectional converters of the “sanctification of power” and the “empowerment of the sacred.” The research finds that the core mechanism of Goguryeo tomb murals lay in transforming mortuary space into a “sacred theater” where myth, belief, and power were performed, thus achieving the visual construction of political authority through multiple pathways.

With regard to visual symbols, elements such as the Three-legged Crow and the Four Symbols dynamically participated in the reciprocal construction of sacredness and authority. In Tomb No. 4 of the Wukui group, the representations of Fuxi and Nüwa not only grafted imagery from Chinese mythology but also echoed the Goguryeo founding legend of Jumong’s “conception by sunlight,” turning foreign motifs into sacred validations of royal lineage. The Four Symbols, in turn, evolved from early decorative star imagery into later guardians of authority, shifting from emblems of cosmic order to protectors of political legitimacy. Throughout this process, these images negotiated legitimacy through the interaction of indigenous traditions and external cultural influences. The spatial design of the “political theater” similarly embodied the ruling class’s ideology: the tripartite cosmic model in the Dexingli mural tomb elevated the tomb occupant as an intermediary linking heaven and earth, while the corridor’s spatial oppressiveness and the repetitive processional formations created a mechanism of “disciplinary viewing,” compelling audiences to accept hierarchical order through embodied perception and visual guidance. The thematic evolution of murals—from hunting to Buddhist worship—further reveals the political transition of the regime from a tribal confederation to centralized authority.

These findings demonstrate that the mechanisms of Goguryeo tomb murals possess cross-cultural resonance. The tripartite cosmic order parallels the sacred spatial logic of Egyptian pyramids; strategies of cultural hybridization mirror Byzantine adaptations of pagan elements; and the homogenization of figures corresponds to the Qin terracotta warriors, jointly forming visual paradigms for the eternalization of power through disciplinary representation.

The academic contribution of this study lies in moving beyond the conventional focus on isolated symbolic interpretation to systematically explicating the holistic operational logic of the “sacred theater.” This approach challenges the rigid binary of “sacred versus secular” and provides a model for examining the visual politics of non-Western civilizations. As material heritage, Goguryeo tomb murals also complement textual records by filling in details regarding political legitimation and cultural interaction that written sources leave insufficiently documented, thereby enriching our understanding of social transformation, evolving belief systems, and mechanisms of authority. At the same time, this research faces certain limitations: due to the scarcity of evidence, the social identity, creative intentions, and technical transmission of mural artisans could not be fully explored, constraining a more comprehensive analysis of the interaction between power and artistic production. Similarly, comparative perspectives across regions warrant further development to deepen the dialectic between local specificity and universal patterns. These gaps point to directions for future research, which may be advanced by incorporating new archeological discoveries and interdisciplinary methodologies.

In conclusion, Goguryeo tomb murals are not only material witnesses of a regional civilization but also reveal the broader premodern logic by which political legitimacy was constructed through visual innovation. The sanctification of authority was never a unilateral imposition but a dynamic process continuously enacted within the “eternal theater”—through negotiations between local and foreign symbols, and through the interplay of spatial perception and bodily discipline.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

Footnotes

Notes

1. Descending from the heavens in a chariot drawn by five dragons, accompanied by over a hundred followers riding white cranes and wearing crow-feathered crowns 从天而下，乘五龙车，从者百余人，皆骑白鹄，首带乌羽毛之冠 (K. Li 1973).

2. Above the Valley of Soup stands the Fusang tree. When the sun sets on one side, it rises on the other, both carried by crows 汤谷上有扶木，一方日至，一方日出，皆载于乌 (Guo 1985).

3. The term “Martial” (尚武) primarily refers to “valuing military affairs or martial arts,” encompassing two main aspects: Firstly, at the national level, it manifests as an emphasis on the military and armed forces; Secondly, at the individual level, it is expressed through a focus on physical training and the practice of martial arts.

Footnotes

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Figures and Table

Figure 1 The Intertwined Image of Fuxi–Nüwa unearthed from Astana in Turpan, Xinjiang, painted during the Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE). Photo: Courtesy of The Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Museum, Public Domain.

Figure 2 Tomb No. 4 of the Wukui Tombs in Ji’an, with the female deity Nüwa (in red attire) on the left and the male deity Fuxi (in black attire) on the right, Late 6th century—Early 7th century CE. (Geng 2017, p. 157).

Figure 3 The Heliocentric Three-Legged Crow in the Jiaodi Tomb of Ji’an, Mid-4th Century CE. (Geng 2017, p. 154).

Figure 4 T-shaped Silk Painting unearthed from the Tomb of Xin Zhui in Mawangdui, Hunan, around 163 BCE. Photo: Courtesy of The Hunan Mawangdui Museum, Public Domain.

Figure 5 Hunting Scene in the Wuyong Tomb of Ji’an, Late 4th Century CE. (Geng 2017, p. 340).

Figure 6 Wrestling (Jiaodi) Scene in the Jiaodi Tomb of Ji’an, Mid-4th Century CE. (Geng 2017, p. 336).

Figure 7 Buddha-Worshiping Scene in the Changchuan Tomb No. 1, Ji’an, around the late 5th century CE. (Geng 2017, p. 363).

Figure 8 Perspective Line Drawing of Dexingli Tomb Murals (Line drawing), Viewed from East to West, around the Mid-4th Century CE. (Jeon 2016, p. 79).

Figure 9 Eastern Wall in Front of Anyue Tomb No. 3 (Line drawing), around the Mid-4th Century CE. (Geng 2017, p. 172).

Table 1

Representative Goguryeo Tomb Murals with the “Martial-Ritual” Compound Theme and Their Murals’ Contents (The table was created by the authors of this article and does not involve any copyright issues.).

Tomb Name	Chamber Construction Time	Mural Contents
Jiaodi Tomb	Mid-4th century	Wrestling (Jiaodi), banqueting
Anyue Tomb No. 3	Mid-4th century	Wrestling (Jiaodi), procession
Dexingli Tomb No. 3	Mid-4th century	Hunting, procession
Wuyong Tomb	Late 4th century	Hunting, banqueting
Yaoshui Li	Mid-5th century	Hunting, procession
Three-Chamber Tomb	Late 5th century	Siege warfare, procession
Yutao Li	Late 5th century	Warriors, procession
Shuishan Li	Late 5th century	Warriors, procession
Changchuan Tomb No. 1	Late 5th century	Hunting, Buddha-worshiping