Content area
This qualitative study delves into the perceptions and experiences of learners and educators regarding bullying in selected schools in KwaZulu-Natal. This article is based on the constructivist paradigm and the qualitative research approach. Employing (n=37) in-depth interviews and (n=4) focus group discussions, the study provides a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics of bullying and cyberbullying within the school environment. Despite numerous efforts by the South African government to expand the legislative framework aimed at addressing school-based bullying, the issue persists stubbornly. The study unearthed three primary themes: (1) bullying of lower-grade learners and teachers, (2) verbal bullying by teachers (3) cyberbullying. Findings indicated that with the increasing use of digital technologies, students are frequently subjected to online harassment, including threatening messages, rumouring, and social exclusion. This form of bullying extends beyond school grounds, making it difficult for victims to find respite and support. The findings highlight the pervasive and multifaceted nature of bullying in KwaZulu-Natal schools, emphasising the profound impact on the mental and emotional well-being of both learners and educators.
Abstract
This qualitative study delves into the perceptions and experiences of learners and educators regarding bullying in selected schools in KwaZulu-Natal. This article is based on the constructivist paradigm and the qualitative research approach. Employing (n=37) in-depth interviews and (n=4) focus group discussions, the study provides a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics of bullying and cyberbullying within the school environment. Despite numerous efforts by the South African government to expand the legislative framework aimed at addressing school-based bullying, the issue persists stubbornly. The study unearthed three primary themes: (1) bullying of lower-grade learners and teachers, (2) verbal bullying by teachers (3) cyberbullying. Findings indicated that with the increasing use of digital technologies, students are frequently subjected to online harassment, including threatening messages, rumouring, and social exclusion. This form of bullying extends beyond school grounds, making it difficult for victims to find respite and support. The findings highlight the pervasive and multifaceted nature of bullying in KwaZulu-Natal schools, emphasising the profound impact on the mental and emotional well-being of both learners and educators.
Keywords: bullying, community, educators, learners, school and school violence
1. Introduction
Violence in many South African schools is unacceptably high, but it is a fact that has become a pervasive problem in schools worldwide (Standing, 2005). Demographic and community factors that impact school safety are found particularly in South African township environments, epitomising the study area. Xaba (2006:566) claims that:
South African township schools are especially vulnerable to unsafe conditions and threats of violence due to, among other things, their location in and around informal settlements.
Blaine (2009:1) holds the view that the crisis in South African schools "...is reflected as [part of] the [many] crises in South African society". Widespread crime and violence in South Africa have spilt over into schools, and research has confirmed that internal and external factors contribute to the prevalence of violence in schools (Maphalala & Mabunda, 2014).
School violence is influenced by both internal and external factors, with its intensity often shaped by the school's location and the socio-economic context in which it is situated (Human Sciences Research Council, 2001). The causes of violence in schools are complex, multidimensional, and sometimes conflicting. External factors, such as the influence of outof-school youth and disadvantaged communities surrounding schools, play a significant role in prompting violent behaviour (Duma, 2013; Human Rights Watch, 2001). Learners exposed to violence in their communities often bring these behaviours into the school environment. Research indicates that both advantaged and disadvantaged South African schools experience various forms of violence, affecting not only learner-on-learner interactions but also learnerto-teacher incidents (Sitoyi, 2020; Phillips, 2022). In fact, learner-to-teacher violence has increased since 1994 (Zulu et al., 2004). Studies also show a rise in cases of ill-disciplined learners, with extreme incidents including allegations of learners murdering school premises (Mathebula & Runhare, 2021; Zulu et al., 2004).
On the other hand, bullying is the most common form of school-based violence in South Africa, as most schools have recorded some incidences of this phenomenon (Dore, 2015). It is important to note that learners can be bullies and victims of the vice at the same time. Despite extensive research on learner-to-learner bullying, there is a lack of thorough examination regarding the role of educators in both perpetuating and addressing school violence, especially in the context of verbal bullying. Viewing educators exclusively as protectors overlooks the potential for their own actions, whether through language, authority, or inaction, to perpetuate violent interactions. Likewise, although there is a growing global consciousness about cyberbullying, studies conducted in KwaZulu-Natal are limited and frequently disconnected from the local socio-cultural contexts that influence the experiences and resistance to bullying. This limited perspective risks framing bullying as a standalone behavioural problem rather than as a reflection of larger structural and relational power conflicts within educational institutions.
To create comprehensive and meaningful interventions, it is essential to analyse verbal and cyber bullying from the viewpoints of both learners and educators while acknowledging how institutional cultures uphold or contest these behaviours. Suppose bullying is not contextualised within these intersecting dynamics of power, authority, and digital existence. In that case, interventions may revert to mere awareness initiatives that do not tackle the underlying systemic factors that facilitate violence in educational settings.
2. Conceptualisation of bullying
According to Gladden, Vivolo-Kantor, Hamburger and Lumpkin (2014), bullying involves deliberate and harmful actions with the intention to inflict physical or psychological distress on individuals who are unable to defend themselves. Maree (2005:16) defines bullying as the repeated behaviour or speech to exert power over another person. Regardless of its form, bullying, whether physical or non-physical, negatively affects teaching and learning due to its repetitive and disruptive nature.
Waseem, Ryan, Foster, and Peterson (2013) contend that physical bullying occurs more frequently among boys. In contrast, girls are more likely to engage in subtle or indirect forms of harassment, such as spreading rumours, slandering, or manipulating friendships. Mayeza and Bhana (2017) note that boys perceived as different by their peers, or those who enjoy activities deemed feminine, are often targeted for bullying in playgrounds. Dominant boys tend to view these nonconforming boys as weak, effeminate, or non-heterosexual. Lapidot-Lefler and Dolev-Cohen (2014) further argue that, in face-to-face interactions, females tend to use indirect bullying strategies, while males are more directly aggressive. Overall, the pursuit of power and control drives bullying, with younger or less powerful learners often becoming the victims.
In their study, Ncontsa and Shumba (2013) found that bullying perpetrators were generally older boys rather than younger ones. Similarly, Liang, Flisher, and Lombard (2007) observed that male learners were particularly at risk, both as perpetrators and as victims, with younger boys being more vulnerable to victimisation. This power imbalance arises from differences in physical strength, age, socio-economic status, popularity, and body size (Banks, 2014). Victimisation typically involves the repeated physical or psychological oppression of a less powerful individual by someone more powerful, whether an individual or a group (Dunn, 2001). Consequently, victims often struggle to defend themselves when bullying occurs.
3. Factors that contribute to bullying behaviour
3.1 The family
Some scholars suggest that bullying is often linked to experiences of violence at home, as children may learn to use aggression as a way to manage relationships. Those who endure violence from family members are more likely to become bullies or victims of bullying compared to children from peaceful households (Mncube & Steinmann, 2014). Bullying can serve as a coping mechanism, allowing children to exert a sense of control and power at school to counter feelings of helplessness experienced at home. Dore (2015) notes that children tend to imitate adult behaviours; if conflicts at home are resolved through physical or emotional aggression, children may view such behaviour as normal. This statement underscores the strong connection between experiences of domestic violence and the likelihood of engaging in or perpetuating violence. However, some children bully others out of ignorance, unaware of the harm their actions cause (Juvonen & Graham, 2014).
Westman and Costello (2011) argue that parental involvement, whether physical, moral, intellectual, or emotional, helps prevent family problems and deficiencies from spilling over into the wider community. While multiple factors may contribute to a child engaging in bullying, research highlights that insufficient attention and support from family members is a significant risk factor (Juvonen & Graham, 2014). Carter, van der Watt, and Esterhuyse (2020) found that parent child attachment significantly mediated the relationship between parental acceptance (and firm control) and multiple forms of bullying among children. Insufficient emotional connection within the family may influence children toward bullying behaviour. Similarly, Ladd and Pettit (2002) reported that children who receive less warmth and support from their parents are more likely to bully others, indicating that a deficit of positive parental attention can contribute to the development of bullying behaviour.
3.2 Bullying, school grade level and age
Studies have found that the prevalence of bullying tends to decrease in higher grades, with fewer students reporting bullying (Pečjak & Pirc, 2017). This phenomenon is also prevalent in South Africa, as indicated in a study by Pillay (2021) in Johannesburg. Heo argues that the higher the grade, the fewer reports on bofng bullied. The odds of being bullied decrease with increasing grade level but bullying victimisation does not decrease significantly with increasing age (Menesini & Salmivalli, 2017). Some scholars note that bullies are mostly much older learners who have been in school for longer and have bullied learners in the lower grades for some time (Ncontsa & Shumba, 2013; Chiware, 2018).
A study by Ncontsa and Shumba (2013) on bullying and violence in South African high schools found that older learners, particularly boys, were often the main perpetrators of bullying. The research further indicated that younger students in Grades 8 and 9 were especially vulnerable due to their physical weakness and inability to defend themselves. Perpetrators tend to target these younger learners because of their vulnerability. Moreover, as bullying has become normalised in schools, many students anticipate reaching senior grades with the expectation of exercising the same power over younger peers once they advance. As noted by Maharaj (2007:56):
...these predators [Gr 12s] have to wait for five long years to rise to the top of the food chain and gain the exclusive use of the matriculation quad, a square of territory jealously guarded and forbidden to the youngsters.
Saarento, Garandeu, and Salmivalli (2015) note that victimisation tends to decrease as students progress through the educational system, whereas bullying often increases as children grow physically stronger. Learners with learning difficulties, such as those with belowaverage intelligence or who require special support, are particularly vulnerable to bullying (Maharaj, 2007). Similarly, high-achieving students who are intellectually advanced struggle to relate to their peers (Dlungwane, 2017). Singh and Steyn (2014) further explain that students with poor academic skills often experience frustration and diminished motivation, leading them to engage in aggressive behaviours, thereby creating challenges for academically successful peers who may become targets of victimisation.
4. Teachers as victims of bullying
Interestingly, there is a growing number of incidents of teachers being subjected to bullying and violence by learners in both primary and secondary schools (Mncube& Harber, 2014). The 2008/2012 National surveys by the Department of Basic Education and the Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention show that more than half (52%) of South African teachers have experienced verbal abuse from learners, with 12% facing physical attacks and 3.3% sexual violence (PMG, 2015) In the Western Cape alone, 33 teachers were physically attacked between 2016 and 2022 (Mosito & Sitoyi, 2024). Early in 2023, six cases of school violence impacting educators had already been recorded across various schools (Bhakaria, 2025). These figures highlight a rising trend of violence and bullying against educators in schools in South Africa.
Carbo and Hughes (2010:397) define workplace bullying as:
The unwanted, unwelcome, abuse of any source of power that has the effect of or intent to intimidate, control or otherwise strip a target of their right to esteem, growth, dignity.
Teacher victimisation often involves violent behaviours that adversely affect teaching and learning (Grobler, 2018). De Wet and Oosthuizen (2001) found that many teachers reported experiencing physical violence from learners. Forms of bullying include emotional abuse, such as being mocked, ignored, or disregarded; verbal abuse, including being sworn at; indirect acts, such as being laughed at or shown indecent gestures; and physical aggression, including threats of violence, objects thrown, or being slapped (Woudstra et al., 2018). Such acts are disempowering and dehumanising for teachers (De Wet, 2007.
A study by De Wet and Jacobs (2013) in South African schools revealed that 90.8% of teachers had experienced some form of workplace bullying. Despite their expected leadership role within schools, teachers are often humiliated and embarrassed in front of learners (Goodman & Cook, 2019). Such experiences hinder the effective delivery of teaching and learning. Within the school context, workplace bullying can negatively impact teachers' mental health, lower morale, and reduce motivation among staff members (Woudstra et al., 2018).
5. The role of teacher-perpetrated verbal bullying
Bullying in schools remains alarmingly prevalent, posing a significant threat to students' well-being and academic success (Laas & Boezaart, 2014). Verbal bullying, including name-calling, impacts over 30% of learners across all provinces (Manuel et al., 2021). In South Africa, bullying continues to be a widespread issue, manifesting in various forms and occurring at different rates depending on the context. However, existing research focuses primarily on learner-to-learner bullying, with limited attention given to the role educators may play in contributing to verbal bullying and other forms of bullying within schools. Often, learners struggle with reporting the incidence of bullying, as teachers are the perpetrators of bullying themselves. Students who experience bullying sometimes feel that teachers do not adequately respond to or take their reports seriously (Wójcik et al., 2022). Although research comparing the help-seeking behaviours of bullied versus non-bullied students is limited, one study found that students who had never been bullied were much more likely to indicate that they would seek assistance from a teacher if they were bullied, compared to those who had actually experienced bullying (Boulton et al, 2017).
6. The impact of bullying on learners
Bullying has profound and long-term effects on its victims. Research shows that many schoolchildren who experience bullying often suffer in silence, struggling with the lasting and traumatic consequences of their victimisation (Crawage, 2005). Such learners frequently develop a fear of attending school, accompanied by feelings of depression, loneliness, and a general dislike for the school environment (Thornberg et al., 2013). As Jeffrey, Milne, Suddaby and Higgins (2001) note, in severe cases, victims lose interest in schoolwork and perceive the school setting as unsafe and unpleasant, leading to social withdrawal, isolation from peers, anti-social tendencies, and even deeper depression (Sibisi, 2021). Further studies (Gradinger et al., 2017; Vanner, 2018) confirm that bullying directly undermines learners' academic performance.
Apt to note is that depression, social withdrawal, suicidal tendencies, anxiety and fear are some of the emotional problems experienced by bullying victims (Kowalski & Limber, 2012). In extreme cases, victims of bullying commit suicide, take drugs, or resort to drinking alcohol. The implications of victimisation frequently vary from mild, physical and psychological issues to its most tragic outcomes, including murder and suicide, depending on the frequency and severity of bullying, as well as the victim's personal and social characteristics (Burton, 2008a). Studies by Penning, Bhagwanjee and Govender (2010) focusing on the effects of bullying on trauma in male adolescent learners in some high schools in South Africa proved that there is a significant relationship between stress and bullying.
Teaching in South African schools is regarded as highly stressful due to a lack of resources, fear of violence, overcrowding, and ever-increasing substance abuse among learners (Daniels & Strauss, 2010). Teachers who feel unsafe due to intimidation often spend long periods away from school on sick leave owing to stress-related problems (Dlungwane, 2017). This behaviour negatively impacts the quality of teaching delivered by these teachers, affecting their commitment to and passion for their profession. Learner-to-teacher bullying can result in negative emotions, disempowerment, low morale, and low motivation of various role players in the school system (Woudstra et al., 2018). Eventually, their absenteeism and fearful attitude negatively affect their learners' academic performance. It may thus be argued that learners' disruptive behaviour is a cause for concern as it poses a serious challenge to school management and learners' academic outcomes (Marais & Meier, 2010).
7. Cyberbullying
Since 2000, a new form of aggression using communication technologies has attracted much attention in the global media, led by Anglophone countries (Australia, the United Kingdom, the USA). Cyberbullying research quickly spread to many countries, indicating the need for a common understanding of the phenomenon (Nocentini et al., 2010). It is a common phenomenon in South African schools, and it often manifests through posting harmful material via social media or the Internet, including sending texts that paint negative images of other learners (Ngidi, 2013). A social media site can be defined as "any website which allows for social interaction to take place" (Costello et al., 2016:313). According to De Wet (2006:31):
Cyberbullying includes unwelcome sexting, cyberstalking, posting embarrassing content about someone, stealing personal information, unreasonable intimidation during gaming, creating fake profiles on social network sites, and sending threatening, mean or defamatory text messages or images.
Perpetrators of cyberbullying make mischievous, anonymous comments or threats on social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram (Burton, 2008a).
As the world moves into the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), more people are using electronic devices, making it easy to connect with many people over space and time. Social media platforms are spaces where people express their feelings on the global web, and these have become very popular among young people. The Internet and other cellular and cyber technologies have opened vast opportunities for learning, exploration, and social and public engagements among children and the youth of South Africa (Keeley & Little, 2017; Mutongwizo & Burton, 2009). However, these benefits are also fraught with danger, and much has been documented on the extent and potential hazards of such technologies.
A university study among 1 594 learners in Grades 6 to 12 at six schools (three primary schools and three secondary schools), that was conducted in the Nelson Mandela Bay area, found that 90% of young people used social networking (Burton & Mutongwizo, 2009). Although cyberbullying was a new phenomenon in some countries in the late 21st century because of the digital divide, the negative intentions reflected in numerous posts online are categorised and remain bullying as they express harmful intentions towards a defenceless victim. Social media posts have the potential to reach a wide audience rapidly and can easily circulate across various platforms. An illustrative instance of this phenomenon is the tragic incident involving a high school student from Limpopo, known as Lufuno, who took her own life following the online dissemination of a video depicting her being physically assaulted by a fellow student. The distressing footage captured Lufuno being confronted and repeatedly slapped by her peer, allegedly in response to Lufuno blocking her on social media platforms.
Benbenishty and Astor (2008) state that as mobile messages stay anonymous, it is easy to humiliate, harass and intimidate others. Therefore, cyberbullying may have more negative and longer-lasting consequences on children and young adults than face-to-face bullying, as anything written online can be persistent and can therefore torment the victim later in life. The worst part of negative messages and images posted online is that several people might still have the message's contents even after they have been deleted by the individual who posted them. Cyberbullying negatively impacts a learner's self-confidence as the victim feels embarrassed, hopeless, and incomplete, which can lead to academic failure and social withdrawal (Micah, 2023).
Consequently, affected learners experience psychological trauma, which implies that the school and their parents are also affected. It was reported that many victims of cyberbullying were so traumatised and disempowered by the bullying that they expressed the desire to die rather than suffer further humiliation and abuse (SAHR, 2006). Behavioural problems that manifest in a decline in good grades and school attendance are a certainty, and negative impacts on family relationships are additional consequences (Dredge et al., 2014). Teenagers who reported being victims of cyberbullying were also at a higher risk of becoming suicidal than those who reported school-based bullying (Dredge et al., 2014).
8. Effects of cyberbullying
The effects of cyberbullying on learners can be severe and far-reaching. Cyberbullying can have a significant impact on a student's mental, emotional, physical, and academic well-being (Beghin, 2020). Belnap (2011:501) argues that:
Cyberbullying has been described as more pernicious than traditional bullying, for it allows for the 'gradual amplification' of cruel and sadistic behaviour and may cause an extreme emotional response.
Psychologically, cyberbullying can lead to a range of negative outcomes, including depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, and suicidal thoughts (Belnap, 2011). Additionally, cyberbullying interferes with school functioning as it can begin with an individual learner or a group of learners and then spread throughout the school, disrupting teaching and learning. Consequently, victims of cyberbullying often report feeling isolated, embarrassed, and distressed, which can interfere with their ability to focus and learn in the classroom (Aliyev & Gengec, 2019). Moreover, physically, cyberbullying can result in headaches, stomach aches, and sleep disturbances, further hindering a student's academic performance (Kates et al., 2018).
Cyberbullying has also been linked to increased substance abuse, aggressive behaviour, and school absenteeism, all of which can negatively impact a student's educational outcomes. Beghin (2020) states that academically, cyberbullying can cause students to lose interest in school, leading to higher rates of absenteeism and poor academic performance. Furthermore, the constant fear and anxiety associated with cyberbullying can make it difficult for students to concentrate and engage in their studies, ultimately affecting their grades and overall educational attainment (Beghin, 2020). Moreover, the effects of cyberbullying can persist even after the bullying has stopped, with victims continuing to experience emotional distress, social isolation, and academic difficulties (Gengec, 2019).
9. Theoretical framework
Bronfenbrenner (1977) suggested that the child's environment is a nested arrangement of structures, each contained within the next. He organised them in order of how much of an impact they have on a child. For studying high school bullying and cyberbullying, Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems theory is a particularly relevant framework (Mishna et al., 2022). This theory posits that an individual's development and behaviour are influenced by different environmental systems, which interact with one another.
10. Ecological systems theory explained in the context of high school bullying.
Microsystem: This component includes the immediate environments such as family, peers, and school (Analisah & Indartono, 2019). Within the context of high school bullying, influences from the microsystem are significant. For example, the behaviours of peers, family attitudes towards aggression, and school policies on bullying directly impact how students perceive and engage with bullying and cyberbullying. Mesosystem: This level represents the interactions between various elements within an individual's microsystem (Qiu, 2021). For instance, the relationship between a student's parents and teachers can influence the student's experiences with bullying. Effective communication and collaboration between home and school can lead to stronger support systems for students facing bullying. Exosystem: This layer encompasses broader societal influences that indirectly affect an individual (Hong & Garbarino, 2012), such as influences from the local community, media, or parents' workplaces for high school students. For instance, media depictions of aggression or violence can shape students' perceptions of bullying and its acceptability. Macrosystem: The macrosystem comprises broader cultural and societal values, laws, and customs (McLain, 2018). In the context of KwaZulu-Natal, cultural norms related to power dynamics, authority, and gender roles may influence attitudes towards bullying and cyberbullying.
Furthermore, national education and child protection policies are crucial in shaping schools' approaches to these issues. Chronosystem: This dimension considers the impact of time on a person's development, including life transitions such as moving from middle school to high school, and significant historical events (Webb et al., 2017). In the realm of cyberbullying, the increasing accessibility of technology over time has transformed the nature of bullying, making it more widespread and challenging to control.
11. Methodology
This study adopted a qualitative approach within the interpretivist paradigm to understand learners' and educators' subjective experiences of school violence and bullying. Data were collected using focus group discussions (FGDs) and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) using an FGD schedule and interview schedule as data collection tools. The tools were pilot tested to improve and refine the questions. Thirty-two KIIs were sampled with teachers, and four FGDs's held with learners at selected schools in KZN. Data analysis was conducted paying attention to the tenets of data analysis by Braun and Clarke (2006), where data was familiarised with, generated initial codes, searched for themes, reviewed the themes, defined and named the themes and produced a report. All authors reviewed the codes generated to ensure inter-coder reliability of the data. Permission to conduct the study was obtained from the University of KwaZulu-Natal (Protocol Number: HSS/0903/017D), the Department of Basic Education, the school principals from the selected schools, teachers and the parents of the learners, before the study could be conducted. Learners were given consent letters that their parents/guardians had to sign before they could take part in the study. The informed consent form included the project title, a brief statement of the study's aim and objectives, and the researcher's affiliation with qualifications and contact details. The researchers adopted pseudonyms as an ethical measure for anonymity in the study.
12. Findings
The study's findings highlight several important problems with bullying in schools. First of all, bullying of teachers and students in lower grades is a common issue, with younger teachers and pupils frequently being singled out because of their perceived weakness. Secondly, a major problem these days is verbal bullying by teachers, with many students reporting verbal abuse, humiliation in public, and other offensive remarks from teachers. Finally, findings indicate that children are regularly the targets of online harassment, including rumours, social exclusion, and threatening communications. Cyberbullying is a developing issue in the school community. These findings highlight the complexity of bullying and the pressing need for allencompassing solutions to these problems.
12.1 Bullying of lower-grade learners and teachers
Bullying among learners and educators has been identified as the most common form of school-based violence in South Africa by various scholars (Prinsloo, 2005; Greeff & Grobler, 2008). According to the 2015 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) report, "close to one in five learners (17%) experienced bullying on a weekly basis" in South Africa (Reddy et al., 2016). Findings of the current study revealed that the manner in which learners treated educators differed. Educators who were regarded as 'soft' and not stern were more likely to be victims of bullying. One of the participants supported this observation by mentioning that:
Young educators were more likely to be victims of bullying by learners than mature educators". (Mrs Kubheka: Educator)
Younger learners in Grades 8 and 9 were also deemed more likely to be victims of bullying by older learners. In contrast, some learners mentioned that their educators had verbally and physically bullied them. Some participants had this to say:
The older learners tend to bully the younger ones and take advantage of them because they know that they are new, and that makes the new learners develop low self-esteem and end up not wanting to come to school. (Zipho: Learner)
It does happen that the younger learners are intimidated by the older ones, and it happens that we Grade 11 kids bully the younger ones, and sometimes it's not intentional. For instance, older kids usually joke and say that the Grade 8s and 9s are just kids and they don't know much, and that might affect the younger learners in a negative way, even when you were joking. (Sabelo: Learner)
While findings indicated that older learners bully learners in lower grades, this study also indicated how teachers are victims of bullying from learners. Some participants indicated that some learners are difficult to discipline because they refuse to co-operate and bully their teachers:
We have a lot of learners who bully teachers here at school. And it gets to the point where, when we try to reprimand them, they do not want to co-operate. They end up threatening teachers. Sometimes they insult teachers, although they would not say it to their face. (Mrs Kubheka: Educator)
The above comments concur with Ncontsa and Shumba's (2013) observation that young learners, especially those in Grades 8 and 9, are vulnerable to school-based violence. Indeed, having learners much older than other children in the school poses a problem for teachers and learners. A power imbalance emanates from differences in physical strength, socio-economic status, age, popularity, and body size (Banks, 2014). According to Singh and Steyn (2014), learners with poor academic skills become frustrated and less academically motivated, and, as a result, they eventually resort to violent behaviour, making school life difficult for those who perform well but are victimised because of it. Indeed, not coping well in school can also cause behavioural challenges for learners who might feel alienated and unwelcome. This suggests that, because not all children are academically gifted, they may require a different educational system suitable for their needs, such as vocational training centres. These sentiments were also shared by participants in the interview sessions, as illustrated by the following response:
They need to evaluate the age admission requirements because we have 23-year-olds who no longer see themselves as students and influence the younger ones negatively. They are very influential since they have been in school for a very long time, and they get bored easily. There is a student I know who 23 years is old and in a lower grade too. (Mr Mhlongo: Educator)
Apart from the distress and unhappiness caused, this could also result in absenteeism and some victims moving to other schools to escape the problem (Duncan, 1999). As Elliot et al. (1998) assert, there is sufficient evidence to show that children who are exposed to bullying as a form of gang-related school-based violence experience adverse developmental problems such as a lessened ability to concentrate, sleep disturbances, flashbacks, and a fatalistic outlook towards their future. Burton and Leoschut (2013) assert that there are high chances of the victims experiencing long-term mental health issues such as anxiety, depression, selfinjurious behaviour, and suicidal ideation. Burton and Leoschut (2013) further stress that victims are likely to behave differently from their normal conduct; some can become passive and may isolate themselves from their peers. When an individual is isolated from peers, it makes them vulnerable, and as a result, they might commit suicide.
The above researchers argue that bullying occurs directly in classrooms and playgrounds where learners and teachers interact daily. Younger learners and teachers are more vulnerable due to unequal power relations, while verbal bullying from teachers undermines learners' selfesteem and emotional security and in tandem with the tenets of the ecological theory, based on the microsystem, which is the immediate environment in which both learner and educator are exposed to
12.2 Verbal bullying by teachers
Verbal abuse perpetrated by teachers appears to be a common form of violence in schools. Educators call learners undesirable names, use vulgar words or swear, make inappropriate comments about learners' parents, and are rude to learners (Mncube & Netshitangani, 2014).
Teachers should always set a good example for their learners on behaving and handling themselves. The environment is influential in shaping the behaviour of learners (Nabavi, 2012). Hence, learners observe the violent behaviour depicted in society through various figures who are their models. After observing these violent behaviours, children imitate and act them out at school. This resonates with the social learning theory. For the most part, learners must consider their teachers good role models. Learners spend most of their time at school, and notice how teachers behave, immensely impacting their behaviour later in life. Therefore, educators must act as role models for learners. Role models might be figures children observe daily, or certain symbolic figures they might be reading about or watching on television or film (Nhambura, 2020). These educators are portrayed by society as role models and held in high esteem by society. Most children, especially those from disadvantaged communities, do not have good role models; therefore, teachers fill this gap. De Klerk and Rens (2003:353) argue that:
The collapse of moral values in society greatly impacts learner discipline in schools. The absence of consideration for one another in society, the high crime rate, and the incidents of violence all prove that there is a lack of values which are conducive to a healthy society and a well-disciplined school community.
Findings in this study reveal that some teachers use humiliating remarks that amount to emotional abuse in the classroom. Learners described how derogatory comments about their appearance and hygiene discouraged participation and created a hostile learning environment. Such practices reflect a misuse of teacher authority, undermining learners' self-esteem, silencing their voices, and negatively impacting their psychological well-being. A learner, Zama said:
There is particularly one teacher who makes sure that they leave a remark that will sting. Sometimes you can't even raise your hand to participate in class because he/she might pick on you if your answer is incorrect. They tell us that we stink and that we are ugly. I had a case this morning when a teacher told me that I resembled the way mucus sounds when one coughs or has influenza, and that didn't go down well with me.
The findings also show teachers' insensitivity and classist attitudes can inflict deep emotional harm. Instances were reported where teachers boasted about wealth and social status while mocking learners from disadvantaged backgrounds or those without parents, not only reinforcing social inequalities but also reopening painful emotional wounds, leaving learners feeling excluded, inferior, and provoked. Ultimately, such behaviour disrupts learners' sense of belonging, dignity, and emotional security in school. Sifiso explains:
Sometimes, during the lesson, the only thing he talks about is that he comes from a welloff family and would never marry a girl from a poor family who hasn't experienced any love and affection from her parents. He brags about how he interacts with celebrities and how most of us wish to have that life. He makes fun of the other kids without parents, and he tells us that we seem to lack some love and affection and that we didn't get it from our parents. So, imagine, as a child without parents, how does that make you feel in class? He is inconsiderate towards our feelings. The pain resurfaces, and some of us think about how the situation would be different if our parents were still alive. This is very provocative.
Such behaviour by educators does not demonstrate mutual respect; it contradicts the professional code of conduct for educators. It is a form of unprofessionalism that contributes to an atmosphere where violence is acceptable. The theory avers that biological factors are influential in instigating violence. The assumption is that children are not born violent but learn through direct experience and interaction with others or observation (Nhambura, 2020).
When teachers are harsher towards their learners than they should be, they should expect the same behaviour from them. Hence, children exposed to violent influential figures like community leaders, celebrities, teachers, and other role models are more likely to acquire violent behaviour through observing their aggressive behaviour (Nhambura, 2020). Some learners are already experiencing all kinds of abuse at home, and they do not need to be abused at school. If anything, a school should be where learners feel comfortable sharing their troubles. However, it is difficult if their teachers are harsh and unkind to them. Learners with inadequate academic skills feel discouraged by the verbal abuse perpetrated by teachers, which galvanises them into resorting to anti-social and violent behaviour (Bester & Du Plessis, 2010). When learners are humiliated in front of their peers, they stop enjoying coming to school. When teachers use discouraging and demotivating words when they address learners, it affects them emotionally, and that can result in failing a grade or dropping out of school (Teeka-Bhattarai, 2006). The following responses from the interview sessions support this view:
I think that would be one of the main reasons. Some teachers don't see us as kids, or rather as their kids. They don't treat us the way they are supposed to at our age, and the things they say or do not show that they are speaking to their peers. When a teacher is in disagreement with a learner in class and they speak in a bad manner or use a tone they are not supposed to be using, learners usually stand by the person who is of our age group. For instance, I had an altercation with my IsiZulu teacher over a file. She was checking everyone's work in class, and I had my work done. When she came to my desk, she asked for her homework, and I showed her the homework. She then looked at my file and asked me where the new file she had asked for was. I told her that this was the only file I could get and afford at the time, and I indicated that once my mom could buy a new one for me, I would be able to get a new one. She then wanted to hit me because of that. She told me that that was not her problem and she only wanted what she had asked for. She then told me to leave her classroom because I did not allow her to hit me. Since that day, she always chases me out of his classroom. (Sabelo: Learner).
While teaching is often regarded as a calling, not all individuals enter the profession out of genuine passion. Teaching becomes a fallback option for some due to limited employment opportunities rather than a true vocation. Lack of commitment is reflected in their behaviour and treatment of learners, as they may lack the patience and empathy essential to the profession. This point is illustrated by the key informant participants' responses that highlight various reasons why some teachers acted as they did towards their learners and how that could potentially harm them, academically:
Some learners who have potential end up failing. Even our teachers sometimes fail us, especially the new graduate teachers. They don't have patience, and they don't want to admit it when they are wrong. They tend to think they are more powerful than us, and they misuse their power at times. They sometimes provoke learners because there is no need to shout at a learner who has not understood the lesson. Teachers are supposed to work with them and assist them. Another thing is that some teachers provoke these kids, knowing that they are of a high social standing. I don't see a reason to argue with learners; rather, the teacher should go outside and take a breath to show that they are mature. Sometimes they even call them names, and that usually angers learners, which leads to some learners becoming violent. We deal with children, and I think the minute that the teachers understand that, there will be peace. (Mr Hlophe: Educator).
It can be argued that teachers vary in personality and professionalism, which means their responses are not always consistent. This variation may sometimes contribute to negative behaviours toward learners, including displays of violence or disrespect, possibly rooted in their own early life experiences. Therefore, teachers require professional support in managing the challenges they encounter in the school environment, fostering a more positive and conducive atmosphere for learning. Furthermore, discipline is not only about regulating the conduct of learners but also entails self-discipline on the part of both teachers and learners.
According to Savage and Savage (2009), teachers are unlikely to foster a positive learning environment if they continually engage in power struggles and adversarial interactions with learners. Effective classrooms are built on collaboration, where teachers and learners work alongside each other rather than in opposition. Constructive teacher-learner relationships should be grounded in mutual respect, care, and the promoting a supportive classroom climate. To achieve this, schools should provide platforms allowing learners to voice their concerns and express dissatisfaction. Such dialogue enables teachers to recognise how their behaviour influences learner misconduct and helps address these challenges more effectively.
The interviews revealed that teachers struggled to effectively manage misbehaving learners, often experiencing high levels of stress and frustration. In their attempts to restore order, some resorted to aggressive responses, which further escalated tensions in the classroom. Du Plessis, Conley, and Loock (2007) argue that strict zero-tolerance approaches neither enhance school safety nor improve learner discipline; rather, they fuel school violence. Teachers are expected to maintain discipline and ensure a safe learning environment, which Nhambura (2020) emphasises can best be achieved by fostering respectful and collaborative relationships with learners. According to Mncube and Netshitangani (2015), learners require schools where teachers are reliable, attentive to their needs, and treat them with dignity, rather than environments where educators arrive late, neglect their responsibilities, or subject them to verbal, physical, and emotional abuse. It is therefore clear that some teachers need to move away from aggressive classroom management strategies. Reliance on punishment, anger, and intimidation has proven ineffective and, in fact, worsens learner indiscipline while heightening aggression among students.
We argue that the relationship between school and home influences how bullying is experienced. For instance, learners who are already emotionally vulnerable due to absent parents or abuse at home may feel the teacher's humiliation more deeply. Likewise, when teachers fail to create positive classroom climates, the school-home link is further weakened, as learners cannot rely on school as a protective environment against external stressors. This resonates with the mesosystem level of the ecological theory, where connections between microsystems are seen as important in the context of this study.
Additionally, social inequalities, poverty, classism, and the collapse of moral values in communities filter into school environments. Teachers' insensitive remarks about learners' poverty and parental absence reflect wider societal stigmas. Similarly, the normalisation of violence in South African communities legitimises aggressive behaviour in schools, while structural inequalities perpetuate power imbalances among learners and between learners and educators. This feeds into the macrosystem of the ecological framework, where we see a decline in cultural and societal values that hurt both learners and educators.
12.3 Cyberbullying
Cyberbullying has recently emerged as a distinct form of bullying that presents significant public health concerns (Chang et al., 2014). The widespread use of the internet and mobile devices has undeniably contributed to the rising incidence of cyberbullying within schools. As De Wet notes (2006:31):
Cyberbullying includes unwelcome texting, cyber stalking, posting embarrassing content about someone, stealing personal information, unreasonable intimidation during gaming, creating fake profiles on social network sites, and sending threatening, mean or defaming text messages or images.
Findings from the study reveal that learners are deeply affected by cyberbullying, particularly through the use of fake social media accounts. Learners expressed that these accounts are often created to humiliate learners and staff members in public online spaces. A learner averred that:
They [educators] create a fake account and then start making fun of us learners. They would do it for both genders, both male and female learners, and even teachers and the security guards. If the person sees you right now, they might even leave a remark about you on the social media page. (Zano: Learner)
The findings also highlight the emotional toll caused by the anonymity of the perpetrators. Learners described helplessness and frustration, as they cannot identify the individuals behind the posts, making it impossible to respond or defend themselves. One learner said:
We do tell each other, but sometimes we keep quiet, and the sad thing is that it is for the world to see. We just wish that we know the person who is behind it. They might even be here as part of the group. We can't even respond because we don't know them. There are three of them because there are three accounts, and we suspect they know each other because they comment on each other's posts on Facebook. (Mpendulo: Learner)
Furthermore, the study uncovered that in some cases, learners retaliate when perpetrators are exposed. This escalation illustrates the seriousness of the issue, as cyberbullying not only lowers self-esteem but can also trigger violence within the school setting:
Last year, some learners caught one of them, and they beat him up. When we caught him, the whole school was in uproar, and we were chasing him. The police took him, and he never came back. And if we find this one, we will do the same thing because it's not like he/she makes light jokes, but they are very disrespectful, and that leads some of us into depression and lowers our self-esteem. (Nana: Learner)
Participants reported that learners often used social media platforms, particularly Facebook, to anonymously post messages mocking fellow learners, teachers, and school staff. Burton (2008) notes that perpetrators typically exploit online spaces such as Facebook, Twitter, and chat rooms to spread malicious comments, threats, teasing, or gossip, and may also use e-mail or WhatsApp to intimidate others. During the researcher's initial visit to one of the schools, a physical fight broke out between two boys after one had written derogatory remarks about the other on social media. The victim of cyberbullying confronted the alleged perpetrator during class, which escalated into a physical altercation. Furthermore, one key informant revealed that cases of cyberbullying were a frequent challenge within the school.
Findings indicated that KII participants were less concerned about negative remarks made about them on social media, whereas physical bullying had a greater impact on them.
In contrast, learners in the focus group reported that physical bullying directly affected their well-being. One possible explanation is that learners, being more active on social media than their teachers, are particularly sensitive to public embarrassment among peers. On the other hand, teachers tend to be less engaged on these platforms, and those with Facebook accounts are generally not connected with their learners, leaving them largely unaware of online interactions.
From the above, it is evident that the exosystem within the ecological systems framework plays an integral role in explaining the phenomenon under study. Thus, broader structures such as the education department policies, social media platforms, and the justice system indirectly shape bullying. For example, the prevalence of cyberbullying shows how online environments, often beyond the direct control of schools, spill over into learners' daily lives. Teachers' lack of institutional support also exacerbates their vulnerability to bullying from learners, as disciplinary measures are often weak or inconsistently enforced. Also, bullying patterns evolve alongside technological changes, with cyberbullying emerging as a new form of harassment that compounds traditional bullying, and this is in tandem with the chronosystem level of the ecological systems framework used in this study.
Overall, these findings demonstrate that bullying in South African schools cannot be understood in isolation but must be seen as an outcome of interacting personal, relational, institutional, and societal factors. Using the ecological systems theory helped to reveal how immediate classroom practices, home-school dynamics, broader policy gaps, and entrenched social inequalities converge to normalise bullying behaviours and perpetuate cycles of violence.
13. Recommendations
Researchers propose the following actionable recommendations emerging directly from the findings, structured in line with the themes identified in the study. Each recommendation also draws on the ecological systems theory perspective that shaped this study.
1. There is a need to provide induction training, mentoring, and classroom management workshops for younger teachers to help them build authority without relying on punitive methods.
2. Create clear, consistent, and fair disciplinary frameworks to protect teachers from learner intimidation, ensuring that threats or insults against teachers are promptly addressed.
3. Foster ongoing training for teachers in positive discipline, emotional intelligence, traumainformed pedagogy, and classroom management without humiliation.
4. Establish counselling and stress management programmes for educators to reduce frustration, leading to verbal outbursts and emotional harm toward learners.
5. Create safe, anonymous reporting systems (e.g. suggestion boxes, learner representative councils) where students can report verbal abuse by teachers without fear of victimisation.
6. Conduct workshops to sensitise parents about monitoring children's online activities, setting digital boundaries, and recognising signs of cyberbullying.
7. Schools should develop policies that address cyberbullying inside and outside school hours, with clear guidelines for investigation and sanctions.
14. Conclusion
The study explored the perceptions of both learners and teachers on bullying and cyberbullying in selected high schools in KwaZulu-Natal. Most participants revealed that bullying and cyberbullying were clearly prevalent in their schools and hurt the learners, while disrupting the teaching and learning process. This, in turn, affected teachers as they could not teach effectively in an unsafe environment. Therefore, it was concluded that discipline and good relations between learners and teachers needed to be restored in these schools, and based on the ecosystems model, all the levels require intervention and support.
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