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Schools situated in indigenous territories have historically replicated Western Eurocentric spatial models, often excluding local cultural knowledge and practices. This exclusion has impacted students’ emotional well-being, learning quality, and the contextual relevance of pedagogical approaches. This study aims to explores the socio-ecological context of school spaces in Mapuche territories in La Araucanía, Chile, and examines how teachers perceive these spaces and their influence on emotional regulation and learning. Using a qualitative multi-case study design, data were collected from three schools in Cholchol, Nueva Imperial, and Toltén through land cover/use mapping within a 3 km radius and semi-structured interviews with 15 teachers. Analysis was conducted using constructivist grounded theory. The findings reveal that schools are embedded in landscapes comprising agricultural zones, water bodies, monoculture plantations, and nearby Mapuche communities. Teachers conceptualize school spaces beyond physical infrastructure, recognizing socio-ecological and cultural dimensions. However, school design remains predominantly Western and monocultural, with limited integration of Mapuche spiritual and territorial elements. The main contribution of this research is to provide empirical evidence that strengthening the connection between school spaces and their biocultural context can enhance students’ sense of belonging, emotional regulation, and learning. This study advances the topic by highlighting the critical role of teachers’ perceptions and the socio-ecological context in the design of intercultural and sustainable schools, offering a concrete framework for overcoming regulatory and architectural limitations that continue to impede the implementation of inclusive public policies in indigenous educational settings.
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1. Introduction
The pursuit of knowledge has shaped human development for centuries, evolving through diverse theoretical frameworks that distinguish between individual and social dimensions of learning [1,2]. Understanding how knowledge is produced and legitimized is essential for promoting inclusive, equitable, and quality education [3,4]. From classical philosophy to constructivist and evolutionary theories, learning is now widely recognized as a process influenced by social and cultural environments [2]. Thinkers such as Vygotsky, Ausubel, and Freire have emphasized that learning is not only cognitive but also deeply embedded in human development and survival within specific environments [1].
Learning, understood as a public good [5], can generate social and territorial impacts, contributing to the cultural sustainability of school communities [6,7]. It is shaped by both content and context—what is learned is inseparable from where it is learned [8]. Thus, coherence between pedagogical practices and place enhances educational outcomes and supports cultural continuity in diverse settings.
School spaces, therefore, are not defined solely by architecture but also by their organization and the emotions they evoke. Spatial configurations reflect cultural values and influence emotional well-being and learning [9,10,11,12]. This includes the concept of ‘spatial justice’, where design can either perpetuate or mitigate social inequalities, and the emerging understanding of ‘neuroarchitecture’, which examines how the built environment directly impacts brain function and emotional states. This perspective calls for educational ecologies that integrate design, use, and affectivity. Theories such as [13] social construction of reality (1968) and [14] contextual theory (1966) support the idea that space is socially and culturally constructed, transcending its physical dimensions [14,15,16,17].
In educational contexts, this means considering socio-ecological and cultural dimensions when designing sustainable and intercultural schools [12,18]. A socio-ecological approach views the school as a node within a broader environmental and cultural system, where design planning must account for land use, biodiversity, and cultural landscapes to avoid ‘biocultural disconnection’. Emotional regulation, closely linked to learning, involves managing affective states and is shaped by cultural beliefs and spatial meanings [19,20,21].
This study addresses the exclusion of Mapuche traditional knowledge in school spaces, which undermines biocultural sustainability and weakens the intergenerational transmission of knowledge [22]. Many schools in Mapuche territories continue to follow Western monocultural models that marginalize indigenous perspectives [23]. This dynamic is analyzed through a theoretical framing that articulates social constructionist views of space with Mapuche educational theory, specifically ‘Kimeltuwün’, which centers knowledge construction as a dialogic process with social memory and territory (‘inatuzugu’). This research argues that aligning school space design with sociocultural meanings can enhance emotional well-being and learning. In culturally diverse schools, dominant groups often impose spatial and emotional norms, as seen in Chilean education, where Mapuche students are expected to adapt to Western paradigms [24,25,26].
To guide this inquiry, the following research question was formulated: How do teachers in Mapuche territories in La Araucanía perceive the influence of school spaces on emotional regulation and learning, and what is the socio-ecological context of these spaces? This question directly frames the study’s dual objectives of description and exploration. In this regard, this study aims to describe the socio-ecological context of school spaces in Mapuche territories in La Araucanía, Chile, and to explore the meanings teachers assign to these spaces, particularly in relation to emotional regulation and learning.
2. Materials and Methods
This study adopts an epistemologically pluralistic approach [27], integrating indigenous and Western perspectives. It draws on [28] the critique of research in indigenous contexts, which warns against attributing educational challenges solely to indigenous communities without considering broader socio-political and economic structures. In this light, the study centers on the voices of teachers working in Mapuche contexts to understand the exclusion of indigenous knowledge in school spaces, recognizing that the community is not the sole source of the problem.
The research is grounded in the constructivist paradigm [29], complemented by the Kimeltuwün theory of educational action [30,31]. This theory emphasizes the social construction of knowledge through inatuzugu—the process of inquiry into the social memory inherited from the historical Mapuche collective. This theoretical-methodological articulation supports cultural sustainability by situating knowledge construction in relation to territory, memory, and community, and by promoting co-production between researchers and participants.
A qualitative approach was employed to reject universalist assumptions and instead embrace the particular, emergent knowledge constructed through diverse experiences and meanings [32]. Knowledge is understood as dynamic and relational, shaped through interaction.
2.1. Design
The study follows a multiple case study design [33,34]. As [35] suggests, selected cases share key characteristics to allow for comparative analysis. The researcher’s sustained presence in the schools was essential—not only as a methodological requirement of situated qualitative research but also to gain a deep understanding of how school spaces function as physical, symbolic, and affective environments that influence teaching, learning, and emotional regulation. This aligns with the principles of kimeltuwün, which emphasize the researcher’s engagement with sociocultural modes of knowledge acquisition in Mapuche contexts [31].
2.2. Context
The study was conducted in the La Araucanía region of Chile, home to 957,224 inhabitants, of whom 29.1% live in rural areas [36]. Approximately 34% of the population identify as indigenous, and 97.8% of them belong to the Mapuche people. La Araucanía also has the highest number of rural schools in Chile, with 607 institutions (56.31%) [37]. Three schools were selected from the communes of Nueva Imperial, Cholchol (Wenteche territoriality), and Toltén (Lafkenche territoriality), each with over 90% Mapuche student enrolment. These schools provided the setting for interviews with 15 education professionals.
2.3. Participants
Participants and schools were selected through non-probabilistic, purposive sampling to ensure that the cases reflected the research objectives [38]. A snowball sampling technique was then used to identify additional participants through referrals from initial interviewees [33].
In line with decolonial epistemologies, the study recognizes that knowledge emerges from those actively engaged in the context being studied. Teachers and students are central actors in the educational process. To provide a detailed characterization of the participants, Table 1 summarizes their professional profiles. The final sample consisted of 15 female teachers from three rural schools located in Lafkenche (Toltén) and Wenteche (Nueva Imperial and Cholchol) territorialities (Table 1). These areas are part of the ancestral Mapuche territory, home to 203,221 Mapuche people—23.4% of the region’s population. Furthermore, their teaching roles encompassed early childhood education and general basic education, while their teaching experience ranged from 3 to 20 years, providing a combination of both novice and veteran perspectives. It should be noted that all participants were women, which reflects the gender composition of teaching staff in rural Mapuche schools in La Araucanía, where female teachers predominate, particularly in early and primary education. This composition was not an exclusion criterion but rather a contextual characteristic of the studied settings.
The inclusion criteria were as follows: (a) having signed an informed consent form indicating voluntary participation; (b) being actively employed in a rural school in the La Araucanía region; (c) holding a professional degree in education.
2.4. Instruments
To address the objectives of this study, two primary data collection tools were employed: (a) land cover and land use maps, which provided a comprehensive description of the geographical and ecological context surrounding the schools. The data collection strategy was designed to address the research objectives through a dual approach that captures both the objective spatial context and the subjective lived experiences within the school environments. This combination of geospatial and qualitative methods was essential to provide a holistic understanding of the biocultural spaces. The rationale for this approach was to triangulate data, enabling the physical and ecological description of the territory (through mapping) to dialogue with and contextualize the perceptions and meanings attributed by educational actors (through interviews). This is particularly relevant given the Mapuche worldview of küme mogen—a concept of good living rooted in balance and reciprocal relationships with nature [39]; (b) inatuzugu, operationalized through semi-structured interviews, which captured the meanings teachers assign to school spaces and their perceived influence on emotional regulation and learning.
2.4.1. Land Cover and Land Use Maps
Land cover and land use mapping involves documenting both the physical characteristics of the Earth’s surface (cover) and the human modifications made to it use. This study utilized data from the National Forestry Corporation (CONAF), obtained via remote sensing—satellite imagery that captures surface reflectance to identify materials and landscape features.
To describe the spatial context of schools located in rural areas of La Araucanía with high Mapuche student enrolment, maps were generated using ArcMap 10.8.1 software. A 3 km radius around each school was analyzed, identifying features such as Mapuche communities, water bodies, native forests and plantations, scrublands, monoculture forestry, renewals, and agricultural zones. This mapping provided a detailed understanding of the socio-ecological environment in which the schools operate.
2.4.2. Semi-Structured Interview
To explore knowledge embedded in collective historical memory, this study employed semi-structured interviews, which offer greater flexibility than structured formats. These interviews allow researchers to adapt to the participant’s context, clarify terminology, identify ambiguities, and reduce formal constraints, fostering a more collaborative and dialogic knowledge construction process [40,41]. In this regard, the interview script included open-ended questions organized according to the thematic dimensions. For example: Meaning of Space: What do you understand by “educational space”? What elements do you believe constitute educational spaces? Influence of Space on Emotional Regulation: Within the school, in which places do you feel most comfortable? Which elements of the educational space do you think are most associated with emotional regulation? Influence of Space and Emotional Regulation on Learning: Do you believe there are spaces within the school that are more conducive to student learning? Why? Connection between School Space and Cultural Aspects: Do the school spaces incorporate elements characteristic of Mapuche society? If so, are these elements used? How? Spatial Organization in Schools in Mapuche Contexts: Is the spatial organization of the school related to its social and cultural context? Why?
The interviews were designed to uncover the meanings that teachers attribute to school spaces and how these perceptions influence emotional regulation and learning. The interview guide was organized into five thematic dimensions: (a) perception of space, (b) influence of space on emotional regulation, (c) influence of space and emotional regulation on learning, (d) connection between school space and cultural aspects, and (e) spatial organization in schools located in Mapuche contexts
2.5. Analysis Procedure
The analysis began with a visual examination of land cover and land use maps using ArcMap 10.8.1, applying a 3 km buffer around each school. This was followed by qualitative analysis using Constructivist Grounded Theory (CGT) [42], which aligns with the study’s paradigm and the inatuzugu methodology.
The semi-structured interviews were analyzed through three coding phases: (a). Open coding: Identified concepts, properties, and characteristics to generate initial categories. (b). Axial coding: Connected codes and categories to the research focus, exploring conditions, actions, interactions, and consequences. (c). Selective coding: Integrated categories into a conceptual framework, revealing relationships and organizing the data into a coherent analytical structure [43].
The coding process was conducted through continuous iteration and constant comparison between data, codes, and emerging categories, using ATLAS.ti version 23 software to support both the qualitative analysis and the creation of conceptual networks. This systematic approach allowed for the progressive development and refinement of conceptual categories directly grounded in the participants’ experiences and perceptions. The analysis continued until theoretical saturation was achieved, meaning that new data no longer provided additional insights or properties to the established categories.
To ensure the trustworthiness and credibility of the analysis, several strategies were employed throughout the research process. First, data triangulation was achieved by integrating the geographical data from land cover maps with the qualitative data from teacher interviews, allowing for a richer contextual understanding. Second, investigator triangulation was implemented through regular team discussions where coding decisions and emerging categories were critically examined and debated by multiple researchers.
3. Results
3.1. Analysis of School Spaces
The analysis of land cover surrounding School 1 offers a detailed understanding of the socio-ecological context in which the educational establishment is situated. According to the land cover data for School 1, located in the commune of Cholchol (Wenteche territoriality), the school is predominantly surrounded by agricultural land, totaling approximately 21.18 hectares. Additionally, 406.9 hectares of monoculture forest plantations—primarily pine and eucalyptus—are located nearby, along with 332.9 hectares of water bodies, including rivers. Furthermore, the presence of 19 Mapuche communities in the vicinity of the school represents 0.8% of the total indigenous communities in the region (Figure 1). These territorial features are significant for the development of a biocultural school space, as they reflect the intersection of productive practices, ecological systems, and indigenous cultural presence. The coexistence of agricultural zones, monoculture plantations, and water bodies suggests a landscape of potential co-benefits, such as access to natural resources and cultural continuity. However, it also reveals socio-ecological tensions, which may influence the emotional well-being of students and educators. These tensions underscore the importance of designing school spaces that are responsive to both ecological and cultural dimensions.
According to the land cover analysis for School 2, located in the commune of Nueva Imperial (Wenteche territoriality), the school is predominantly surrounded by agricultural land, totaling approximately 31.89 hectares. Additionally, 905.0 hectares of monoculture forest plantations, primarily pine and eucalyptus, are present in the surrounding area. The landscape also includes 841.2 hectares of water bodies, mainly rivers. Furthermore, 17 Mapuche communities were identified in the vicinity of the school, representing 0.7% of the total indigenous communities in the region (Figure 2).
According to the land cover analysis for School 3, located in the commune of Toltén (Lafkenche territoriality), the school is predominantly surrounded by agricultural land, totaling approximately 39.75 hectares. Additionally, 904.2 hectares of monoculture forestry plantations, primarily pine and eucalyptus, are present in the surrounding area. The landscape also includes 822.5 hectares of water bodies, mainly rivers. Furthermore, 8 Mapuche communities were identified in the vicinity of the school, representing 0.3% of the total indigenous communities in the region (Figure 3). Given the Lafkenche cultural profile and the central role of water in the Mapuche worldview, the proximity of aquatic environments offers valuable opportunities for outdoor learning and intercultural pedagogical practices. These natural spaces may contribute positively to students’ emotional regulation, reinforcing the connection between ecological context and educational well-being.
The analysis revealed that all three educational establishments are embedded within agricultural, rural, and indigenous contexts—an essential consideration for the design and organization of school spaces. Each school is surrounded by Mapuche communities, and the predominant land use in their vicinity is agricultural. Additionally, the presence of watercourses holds cultural and spiritual significance, as bodies of water are deeply integrated into community life through the Mapuche worldview.
Historically, the location of schools has been strategic, reflecting national development goals, proximity to students’ homes, urban access, and transportation routes. In this case, the schools are situated near main roads and Mapuche communities, offering opportunities to recognize and integrate indigenous knowledge into the spatial and pedagogical configuration of educational environments, including practices that support emotional regulation for learning.
In summary, the contextual analysis of the school environments reveals that: (a) the school settings are predominantly Mapuche, based on the number of surrounding communities; (b) large-scale agriculture is the principal economic activity; (c) the landscape includes extensive monoculture plantations, mainly pine and eucalyptus; (d) all three schools are located near water bodies, which are central to spiritual development in the Mapuche worldview.
This dual-layered analysis highlights both the visible present—agricultural fields, monoculture plantations, and water bodies—and the invisible past, marked by the loss of native forests (e.g., cinnamon trees), menokos, and ecosystems rich in medicinal plants and spiritual significance. These changes reflect a process of biocultural erosion, with implications for identity, emotional well-being, learning quality, and pedagogical relevance. However, recognizing these dynamics also opens pathways for ecological and cultural restoration, fostering revitalization efforts that reconnect education with territory and tradition.
3.2. Analysis of School Spaces According to Teachers’ Discourse
Based on the discourse analysis of participating education professionals, four thematic categories emerged: social and cultural diversity, educational spaces, emotional regulation and integral development of students (Table 2). These categories will be examined in detail in the following subsections. The quotations used to illustrate each category are drawn directly from the participants’ narratives. Each participant is identified by their professional role and interview reference using the following format: Prof. E: C (Professor, interview number: citation number).
3.2.1. Social and Cultural Diversity
In the category of social and cultural diversity, codes with varying degrees of frequency and relevance were identified (Figure 4). The analysis revealed a complex interplay between Western and Mapuche cultural elements that fundamentally shapes the educational environment. Teachers described sociocultural dynamics shaped by family beliefs and the interplay between Christian (Evangelical) religion and the Mapuche worldview. This tension between cultural systems manifests in daily school practices and spatial organization, creating what the network diagram (Figure 4) visualizes as competing centers of cultural influence. Several participants noted a disengagement of families from Mapuche knowledge, which weakens community life and traditional practices. As one teacher stated: “They are families that have disassociated themselves from Mapuche knowledge, that have tried to get out of there, that is, families that ultimately did not value the experience in community.” (Prof. 6:22). This disengagement directly affects cultural sustainability, disrupting the intergenerational transmission of knowledge and diminishing the relevance of school practices for identity formation and emotional well-being.
Conversely, other narratives highlight the coexistence of Christian values and Mapuche traditions, occasionally fostering spaces for intercultural dialogue. The network analysis depicted in Figure 4 shows how these apparently contradictory worldviews sometimes create hybrid spaces where limited intercultural exchange occurs. One teacher explained: “Most of these communities profess the same religion as the establishment… We culturally want to teach children that everyone has the opportunity to create their own future.” (Prof. 3:27). Such accounts illustrate how schools may reproduce Western values, sometimes at the expense of indigenous educational frameworks [31]. This dynamic is captured in the diagram through codes like ‘religious syncretism’ and ‘selective cultural incorporation’, revealing the uneven power dynamics in intercultural relations.
Teachers also emphasized the potential for intercultural coexistence among students from diverse backgrounds. As one participant noted: “Students from different cultures share their spirituality… there is no conflict over this and that is good because it generates a better relationship between them.” (Prof. 5:44). As the network diagram clearly demonstrates through its separated clusters, this coexistence remains superficial rather than representing genuine integration of knowledge systems. However, cultural differences often require adaptation to rural spaces, revealing tensions between Western and indigenous spatial organization. Some teachers expressed concern about acculturation processes, where students distance themselves from their heritage.
For example: “It took them a lot to understand the idea that they are not part of it. In fact, many children feel ‘I am Chilean’ and they have not been champions of their culture either, because in their communities and families this theme is not developed much.” (Prof. 6:35). “They are no longer educated by their grandparents or have little relationship with their grandparents, who are the transmitters of cultural content.” (Prof. 2:13). These reflections, represented in Figure 4 through codes like ‘intergenerational rupture’ and ‘identity conflict’, point to a loss of indigenous heritage, reinforcing cultural homogenization and weakening the transmission of ancestral knowledge.
This analysis aligns directly with the research objective, as it is the teachers themselves who identify the Westernization of school spaces and its influence on the acculturation of students. The network diagram (Figure 4) serves as a powerful visual representation of these complex dynamics, showing both the dominant Western cultural framework and the marginalized Mapuche knowledge elements within school spaces.
To promote emotional regulation and learning, it is essential to transform school systems through a process of reculturation grounded in an ethical and values-based framework. This requires addressing the power imbalances evident in the network diagram, where Mapuche cultural elements appear as peripheral rather than central to the educational project. This transformation must address the exclusion of sociocultural diversity and challenge the monocultural paradigm that has historically shaped educational spaces [44]. Such a shift could yield positive outcomes for students’ emotional regulation across diverse sociocultural backgrounds and enhance learning processes. From an intercultural perspective, it also holds the potential to disrupt power relations embedded in the school environment, fostering more inclusive and equitable educational practices.
3.2.2. Educational Spaces
The category of educational spaces revealed the highest number of code associations in the discourse analysis (Figure 5). This density of connections reflects the multidimensional nature of educational spaces in teachers’ perceptions, where physical, social, and cultural dimensions continuously interact.
Participants emphasized that educational space is not limited to its physical or architectural dimensions, but also encompasses social, emotional, and cultural elements. As one teacher noted: “The infrastructure comes to mind immediately… but maybe if I think twice, it is also the space you give students where they can talk if they have a problem or feel comfortable or uncomfortable.” (Prof. 1:1) This holistic conception, visualized in Figure 5 through the strong connections between ‘emotional comfort’, ‘social interaction’, and ‘physical infrastructure’ codes, demonstrates how teachers perceive space as an integrated ecosystem rather than separate components. This perspective reflects a comprehensive understanding of space, shaped by historical and social conditions.
Regarding the design and organization of school infrastructure, several teachers reported a lack of sociocultural influence in its construction. The network diagram clearly shows this disconnect through the weak links between ‘school infrastructure’ and ‘Mapuche cultural elements’. One participant stated: “I believe this school was built piece by piece… nothing cultural has been considered.” (Prof. 3:36) Another added: “This school was built many years ago… it should have a different structure because it is located in a Mapuche community, but that does not seem to be the case.” (Prof. 5:20) These comments highlight the absence of community participation in school design, contradicting the principles of intercultural education, which advocate for the integration of cultural elements into educational infrastructure. This architectural dissonance creates what the analysis reveals as ‘cultural-architectural mismatch’, a key theme in the network diagram where Western design paradigms dominate despite the Mapuche context.
While most teachers viewed educational spaces positively, many expressed a desire for changes that could enhance learning. This tension between satisfaction and the need for improvement manifests in the network diagram through competing codes of ‘adequate resources’ versus ‘need for cultural integration’. Some acknowledged the adequacy of current resources: “The school, despite being in the countryside… has the necessary implements.” (Prof. 2:25) Others suggested improvements: “I feel that at the management level, some changes should be made.” (Prof. 3:33) “Culturally, some changes should be made to give more emphasis to certain things.” (Prof. 2:26) These reflections reveal a tension between satisfaction and the need for innovation, particularly regarding the integration of cultural elements relevant to the school’s context.
Teachers also identified specific spaces that support learning, such as the classroom, the natural environment, and the ruca (traditional Mapuche dwelling). As Figure 5 illustrates, these three spaces form a powerful triad of learning environments, each offering distinct but complementary pedagogical possibilities. “Kids love being outside the classroom… they learn that way.” (Prof. 2:9) “If you’re playful, any space can be a good place to teach… classrooms are where you can teach, and the ruca is a great space—children learned a lot about the Mapuche part.” (Prof. 9:11) The strong connections between ‘natural environment’, ‘cultural identity’, and ‘meaningful learning’ in the network diagram validate teachers’ observations about the pedagogical power of place-based education. These insights underscore how natural and cultural environments enrich learning and strengthen cultural identity. The rural setting also offers opportunities for meaningful learning: “We can also hold classes outside, in a beautiful countryside spot, under the shade of trees—and that supports meaningful learning for the children.” (Prof. 14:4) Such narratives suggest that teachers maintain a dynamic and relational connection with educational spaces, fostering stronger bonds between students and their learning environments.
3.2.3. Emotional Regulation
The third category with the highest frequency of connections between codes was emotional regulation (Figure 6). The network density in Figure 6 reveals the profound interconnection between spatial characteristics and emotional experiences, suggesting that emotional regulation operates as an emergent property of person–environment interactions rather than merely an individual capacity. This category highlights that certain spaces hold greater emotional significance for both students and teachers, establishing themselves as places of well-being and socio-emotional learning.
According to teachers’ accounts, several spaces stand out as places where they feel more comfortable and calmer. The network analysis identifies what we term ‘emotional niches’ specific spatial configurations that consistently support emotional regulation processes. Among these are the classroom and natural or open-air environments. In this regard, one teacher emphasized: “The countryside is my thing… the countryside is the best place” (Prof. 1:32). This preference for natural settings, strongly represented in Figure 6 through the central position of ‘natural environments’ connected to multiple emotional benefits, aligns with attention restoration theory and suggests that certain spaces inherently support cognitive and emotional recovery. This reflects an emotional attachment to specific spaces that contributes to developing a sense of belonging among the teaching staff.
Similarly, natural spaces emerge as a resource for tranquility and well-being for teachers: “Going out to sit on the countryside, on the grass under a tree, calms me down, and I have seen it in children too” (Prof. 8:22). This observation highlights the bidirectional nature of emotional regulation in educational spaces—teachers’ own emotional states influence and are influenced by student emotions, creating what the network diagram depicts as ‘emotional contagion pathways’ between different user groups. These accounts suggest that open environments foster emotional regulation and strengthen peer relationships, confirming the therapeutic and pedagogical role of contact with nature. The strong triad connection between ‘natural spaces’, ‘peer relationships’, and ‘emotional calm’ in Figure 6 provides empirical support for incorporating biophilic design principles in educational architecture.
In summary, teachers’ testimonies reveal that the spaces of greatest emotional significance are not limited to school infrastructure but also include natural environments. The categorical analysis demonstrates that emotional regulation functions along a continuum from ‘refuge spaces’ that offer retreat and recovery to ‘social spaces’ that enable positive interaction and co-regulation. According to them, these spaces provide a sense of freedom, strengthen social relationships among peers, and enable learning through experience and play. Most significantly, as Figure 6 clearly illustrates, the most potent spaces for emotional regulation are those that simultaneously address autonomy needs (freedom), relatedness needs (social connection), and competence needs (experiential learning) suggesting that effective emotional regulation spaces satisfy multiple fundamental psychological needs simultaneously.
3.2.4. Comprehensive Student Development
Regarding the category of comprehensive student development, there is a strong association between the identified codes (Figure 7). The network structure revealed a fundamental tension in how different spiritual and cultural dimensions are integrated—or marginalized—within educational spaces for holistic development.
The results indicate that given the religious and cultural characteristics of the educational institutions, there is a predominant relationship between space and spiritual development, particularly linked to the evangelical Christian faith, which is dominant in two of the three schools. This spiritual hegemony, clearly visible in Figure 7 through the central position and multiple connections of Christian elements, creates what we term a ‘confessional landscape’ that privileges one spiritual tradition over others. This is illustrated by a teacher’s account: “It is linked to the whole spiritual theme of the students; we try to bring them closer to religion, and that also does them good. When we participate in the chapel, we sing, we praise. That is very good for the students” (Prof. 5:29). This demonstrates how religious practices are integrated into school spaces as elements that contribute to emotional and community development. However, as the network diagram illustrates through its structural asymmetry, this development occurs within a predominantly Christian framework that may inadvertently marginalize non-Christian students.
Likewise, the schools incorporate cultural elements of the Mapuche worldview, such as the rewe and the ruca. The peripheral position of these Mapuche elements in Figure 7, connected mainly through ‘ceremonial use’ rather than integrated educational practices, reveals a pattern of what critical pedagogy would describe as ‘tokenistic inclusion’. However, teachers report that these elements are only used on specific occasions to commemorate the Mapuche people, without emphasizing their spiritual dimension: “[The rewe] was used in a ceremony where a Machi went and stayed there, and the children sometimes go and throw coins at it and respect it” (Prof. 8:15); “[The ruca and the rewe] are used in Wetripantu ceremonies and other specific events… that is when they use them” (Prof. 12:17). This ceremonial rather than substantive integration creates what the analysis identifies as ‘cultural pageantry’ where indigenous elements are displayed but not meaningfully incorporated into the educational process. This suggests that, although there is a symbolic presence of Mapuche spiritual elements in schools, they are not integrated into everyday educational practices. In this regard, another teacher notes: “It would be interesting to make these aspects more visible… children still identify as Mapuche; there is no rejection of ethnicity—they are proud of who they are” (Prof. 11:28). This indicates that greater integration of cultural aspects could strengthen students’ identity and sense of belonging.
In summary, although Christian faith predominates in schools, the Mapuche spiritual dimension is maintained only in commemorative and occasional contexts. This spiritual and cultural asymmetry, clearly mapped in Figure 7, creates what we term a ‘developmental hierarchy’ where certain aspects of identity receive institutional support while others remain at the margins. This has potential implications for students’ emotional development, sense of belonging, and identity. Teachers themselves acknowledge that this lack of recognition of diversity within school institutions may hinder comprehensive development. Ultimately, as Figure 7 visually argues, truly comprehensive development requires reconfiguring these spatial–symbolic relationships to create what could be called ‘integrative educational landscapes’, where multiple cultural and spiritual traditions can coexist as equally valued contributors to student growth.
3.3. Emerging Theoretical Model
Based on the constructivist grounded theory analysis, we developed an integrated theoretical model that explains the central phenomenon emerging from the data (Figure 8). The model identifies ‘Biocultural Disconnection’ as the core category that links all analytical dimensions. This disconnection manifests through the imposition of Western spatial and educational paradigms in Mapuche territories, creating a fundamental misalignment between school environments and their sociocultural context. The theoretical contribution of this model lies in demonstrating how spatial organization serves as both a manifestation and reinforcement of broader cultural power dynamics. It provides a framework for understanding why merely adding cultural elements tokenistically fails to address the fundamental biocultural disconnection that undermines educational effectiveness in indigenous contexts.
4. Discussion
This research addresses the problem of excluding Mapuche families’ knowledge from educational spaces and pursued two main objectives: to describe school spaces located in Mapuche contexts in the region of La Araucanía, and to reveal the meanings teachers attribute to these spaces and their influence on emotional regulation and learning. From a biocultural perspective, omitting indigenous knowledge in school contexts undermines educational equity [45], weakens the link between schools and communities [46], and reduces awareness and care for ecosystems [47,48];. Therefore, this study provides empirical and contextualized evidence that can inform the redesign of spaces for intercultural and sustainable school management. The emerging theoretical model (Figure 8) crystallizes these relationships, positioning ‘biocultural disconnection’ as the central phenomenon that explains how spatial exclusion manifests across multiple dimensions of school life.
These findings have compelling implications for public policy in intercultural education. At the national level, educational policies must move beyond tokenistic multicultural approaches to mandate genuine biocultural integration in school spaces. This requires revising national school infrastructure standards to incorporate participatory design protocols with indigenous communities, ensuring that spatial organization reflects local cultural and spiritual relationships with territory. The theoretical model provides a framework for such policies, suggesting that interventions must simultaneously address structural, symbolic, and relational dimensions of school spaces to overcome biocultural disconnection.
When sociocultural elements are not considered in schools, students experience processes that can negatively affect their sociocultural identity and emotional well-being [49,50]. Adapting to a school space that does not reflect their cultural context can lead to a loss of belonging, feelings of social isolation, withdrawal, and difficulties in emotional regulation. According to teachers, educational establishments often omit Mapuche elements, which, as [51] argue, hinders the transformation of power relations in educational spaces. This omission reproduces processes of sociocultural denial and assimilation, resulting in homogenization, acculturation, and the dominance of the majority culture over minority groups—ultimately affecting students’ emotional development [52].
This research goes beyond analyzing material or architectural aspects of school spaces. The category of educational spaces revealed that these extend beyond physical structures to include the people who inhabit them and the subjectivities they bring [53]. This aligns with humanistic geography, which argues that spaces should not only be understood as topographical locations but also as places imbued with meaning [17,53,54]. Spiritual elements also play a key role in the organization of space. For example, the presence of watercourses or lewfü and access to them hold congregational value [55]. In general, when conditions allow, properties are distributed according to slopes and streams.
The category of social and cultural diversity highlights that cultural visibility is often subordinated to the reproduction of Western cultural practices, such as Christocentric religion [56,57]. This supports Guzmán’s (2018) assertion that modern education retains an evangelizing character in its values, traditions, and ways of thinking [56]. Such practices—implicitly or explicitly—aim to lead students and indigenous communities toward acculturation, making ethnocentrism in educational processes evident [58].
As [59] notes, Latin American states have implemented strategies for social and cultural recognition, including eliminating programs that explicitly sought the cultural destruction of indigenous peoples, where spirituality is central. However, school spaces often go beyond students, aiming at the evangelization of entire communities, thereby reproducing colonial practices that disregard the historical and spiritual knowledge of native peoples [51,60]. From the Mapuche worldview, spirituality and biodiversity are essential for preventing illness and maintaining spiritual balance [61]. The results in this research captures this tension through the concept of ‘relational disconnection’, highlighting how school–community relationships are disrupted when educational spaces fail to honor indigenous spiritual ecologies.
The category of emotional regulation demonstrates the relationship between space and emotional well-being, as the organization, design, and construction of spaces influence behavior and emotional responses [62,63]. As [64] explains, both students and teachers instinctively seek spaces that provide comfort and well-being—identified in this study as natural spaces. In school contexts, natural environments can foster positive individual and socio-emotional attitudes in children and teachers [65,66,67]. Exposure to natural spaces (trees, grass, parks, etc.) promotes physical and mental health, including improved cognitive and behavioral functioning [47,68].
The benefits of contact with nature are widely documented. For example, [69] found that increased green spaces are associated with lower levels of negative emotions. Similarly, ref. [70] reported that natural spaces significantly reduce stress and improve psychological well-being. This is particularly relevant in indigenous school contexts, given the strong connection Mapuche children have with natural spaces. Such environments support the comprehensive development of all students, fostering physical, psychological, social, and spiritual balance [71,72,73]. However, it is suggested that while natural spaces provide important emotional benefits, truly holistic development requires addressing the fundamental biocultural disconnect through deliberate spatial policies that integrate, rather than simply add to, indigenous knowledge systems.
Limitations
Notwithstanding its contributions, we recognize several limitations in this study that warrant acknowledgment. Firstly, while the exclusive participation of female teachers accurately reflects the regional teaching demographics, it necessarily narrows the gender perspective on the research problem. Future research would benefit from including male educators and administrators to explore potential gender-based variations in the perception and utilization of school spaces. Secondly, our reliance on teacher reports, while providing valuable experiential insights, means that the direct voices of students remain absent. Subsequent investigations could employ participatory methods to engage students directly and access these crucial perspectives. Finally, the qualitative and cross-sectional design of this research allows us to establish meaningful associations and develop a deep contextual understanding, but it does not permit definitive conclusions about causal relationships between spatial characteristics, emotional regulation, and learning outcomes. Longitudinal or mixed-methods approaches in future work would be invaluable for tracing these dynamics over time and clarifying causal pathways.
5. Conclusions
The analysis of land cover and the description of school spaces in the Mapuche context provided first-hand insights into the challenges that architecture and schools face in promoting intercultural education. The findings confirm the construction of spaces with a Western, Eurocentric orientation that disregards and renders invisible Mapuche knowledge and traditions—even though normative and scientific evidence highlights the benefits of adapting and articulating schools with the sociocultural characteristics of their students and surrounding environment.
The communities surrounding these schools also play a fundamental role in educational processes. Incorporating community participation and cultural characteristics would strengthen intercultural connections and dialogue between educational institutions—currently structured around Western knowledge imposed by the Chilean State—and the elements that underpin the Mapuche worldview. This approach would prevent Mapuche and non-Mapuche students, teachers, parents, and the broader community from being subjected to acculturation processes. On the contrary, it would enhance the social and cultural identity of all those involved in teaching and learning.
The main contribution of this research lies in providing empirical evidence that reveals the lack of consideration for sociocultural elements in the construction and organization of school spaces. This highlights the limitations of Chilean schools and the pedagogical practices implemented in rural indigenous contexts, exposing their lack of social and cultural relevance. For many students, this represents a profound transition—from a family environment in a rural setting to a school context where teachers operate in specific spaces using technologies aligned with the current school system. Consequently, this research offers evidence to support place-sensitive school planning and improve indicators of cultural coherence in educational spaces, guiding continuous improvement in education.
Historically, school spaces have been shaped by an institutional logic that promotes student homogeneity, generating tensions between indigenous and non-indigenous students and fostering peer discrimination. These attitudes are not limited to classmates but also include teachers and even institutionalized discrimination by schools. More concerning is that due to insufficient training in respect, acceptance, and appreciation of sociocultural diversity, these discriminatory practices have become normalized among both indigenous and non-indigenous students. As a result, students of indigenous descent are often subjected to processes of adaptation to the dominant society and culture.
This research opens the door to further exploration of how meanings are constructed around school spaces, and the strategies teachers employ in organizing educational environments to support emotional regulation and learning. Additionally, it aims to contribute practical recommendations for schools located in rural and indigenous areas of the region, encouraging them to adapt their practices by incorporating knowledge and cultural elements that reflect the sociocultural characteristics of their students and surrounding communities. Specifically, we propose five actionable measures for immediate implementation: (a). Establish ‘Community-School Territorial Councils’ with decision-making power over spatial design and curriculum development; (b). Develop a ‘Biocultural Design Protocol’ for school infrastructure that mandates participatory design processes; (c). Create ‘Spatial-Emotional Pedagogical Guides’ for teachers with concrete strategies for using different environments; (d). Implement targeted teacher training in ‘intercultural spatial competence’; (e). Launch pilot programs for ‘emotional niche’ interventions through low-cost modifications.
These practical measures provide a clear pathway for transforming schools from sites of cultural dissonance to environments that foster biocultural connection, emotional well-being, and meaningful learning.
Conceptualization, G.F.-V. and E.R.-M.; methodology, E.S.-V., C.A.-H. and V.Z.-Z.; software, E.A.-M. and F.C.-A.; formal analysis, G.F.-V., E.A.-M. and F.C.-A.; writing—original draft preparation, G.F.-V., C.A.-H., E.R.-M., A.A.-V. and F.C.-N.; writing—review and editing, P.D.-M., R.C.A. and V.Z.-Z. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and was approved by the Scientific Ethics Committee of the Universidad Autónoma de Chile. Committee reference number: CEC-12-2024, dated 4 June 2024.
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
The data are contained in the article.
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
Footnotes
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Figure 1 Land cover analysis. School 1 Wenteche. Legend: 19 Mapuche Communities; Land use coverage: Native Forest—Plantation: 3.5 Ha; Bodies of Water: 332.9 Ha; Shrubland: 13.2 Ha; Forest Monoculture: 406.9 Ha; Regrowth: 80.7 Ha; Agricultural Use: 21.18 Ha; General total: 22.02 Ha.
Figure 2 Land cover analysis. School 2 Wenteche. Legend: 17 Mapuche Communities; Land use coverage: Native Forest—Plantation: 128.6 Ha; Bodies of Water: 841.2 Ha; Shrubland: 239.1 Ha; Shrubland—grassland: 110.1 Ha; Forest Monoculture: 905.0 Ha; Grassland: 2.7 Ha; Regrowth: 9.7 Ha; Wetlands: 17.5 Ha; Agricultural Use: 31.89 Ha; General total: 34.14 Ha.
Figure 3 Land cover analysis. School 3 Lafkenche. Legend: 8 Mapuche Communities; Land use coverage: Native Forest—plantation: 478.5 Ha; Bodies of Water: 822.5 Ha; Shrubland: 147 Ha; Shrubland—grassland: 54.3 Ha; Forest Monoculture: 904.2 Ha; Grassland: 23.1 Ha; Regrowth: 304.6 Ha; Bare land: 4.7 Ha; Agricultural Use: 39.75 Ha; General total: 42.49 Ha.
Figure 4 Social and cultural diversity.
Figure 5 Educational spaces.
Figure 6 Emotional regulation.
Figure 7 Comprehensive student development.
Figure 8 Theoretical Model of Biocultural Disconnection in Mapuche Educational Spaces.
Characterization of Participant Profiles.
| Participant | School (Territoriality) | Teaching Role/Level |
|---|---|---|
| Prof. 1 | School 1 (Wenteche) | Early Childhood Education |
| Prof. 2 | School 1 (Wenteche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 3 | School 1 (Wenteche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 4 | School 2 (Wenteche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 5 | School 2 (Wenteche) | History Teacher |
| Prof. 6 | School 2 (Wenteche) | Early Childhood Education |
| Prof. 7 | School 2 (Wenteche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 8 | School 3 (Lafkenche) | Language Teacher |
| Prof. 9 | School 3 (Lafkenche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 10 | School 3 (Lafkenche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 11 | School 3 (Lafkenche) | Early Childhood Education |
| Prof. 12 | School 3 (Lafkenche) | Primary Education |
| Prof. 13 | School 1 (Wenteche) | Science Teacher |
| Prof. 14 | School 2 (Wenteche) | Art teacher |
| Prof. 15 | School 3 (Lafkenche) | Primary Education |
Categories and codes percentage in citation rooting.
| Categories | Codes | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Social and cultural diversity | Sociocultural consideration | 41.97% |
| Connecting with communities | ||
| Cultural activities | ||
| Respect for the Mapuche worldview | ||
| Family belief | ||
| Interaction between Christianity and the Mapuche worldview | ||
| Cultural visibility in the educational space | ||
| Western religious activities | ||
| Adaptation to rural area | ||
| Cultural differences in the organization of space | ||
| Cultural differences | ||
| Acculturation processes | ||
| Educational spaces | Meaning of educational spaces | 32.46% |
| Elements that make up the educational space | ||
| Changes in the school environment | ||
| Favorable spaces for learning | ||
| Space–learning relationship | ||
| Students’ Relationship with the educational environment | ||
| Spaces for greater learning for students | ||
| School construction and organization criteria | ||
| Classroom organization | ||
| Distribution of school spaces | ||
| Featured spaces at the school | ||
| Comfortable space for teachers | ||
| Ideal space for the class | ||
| Emotional regulation | Spaces of emotional significance | 18.04% |
| Teachers’ relationship between space and emotion | ||
| Feelings of the teacher at school | ||
| Relationship with natural spaces | ||
| Students’ relationship between space and emotion | ||
| Spaces of significance for students | ||
| Comprehensive student development | Relationship between space and physical development | 7.36% |
| Relationship between space and psychological development | ||
| Spirituality in the educational space | ||
| Total | 100% | |
Note: This table summarizes the outcome of the axial and selective coding phases, illustrating the organization of the data from initial codes to broader conceptual categories.
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