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Abstract
This research aims to explain variations in dynasty durability. Despite recent scholarly interests in studying the causes of the emergence of political dynasties in democracies, no study has addressed why some political dynasties are durable and able to become a dominant power in their locales while others are not. By approaching this question from an organizational perspective, this study argues that a political dynasty’s durability and its ability to become dominant depends on whether or not the dynasty can build what this dissertation labels robust Family Organizational Capabilities (FOCs). FOCs are defined as the ability of a political dynasty to effectively acquire and manage the family’s resources by creating specialized functions, processes, and institutions to attain competitive advantages in elections. FOCs consist of both internal and external governance aspects. This research also offers a new definition of dynastic politics and political dynasty by emphasizing the collective nature of such endeavors and organizations. This study exploits the proliferation of political dynasties in Indonesia that have emerged since the fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime. This study finds that between 2015 and 2018, 137 dynastic politicians occupied executive offices in 130 subnational units, which was three times greater than the number of dynastic politicians who won elections between 2011 and 2013. This study also demonstrates that dynastic politicians can convert democratic institutions, principles, and values for their political gains. Moreover, by comparing three Indonesian political dynasties—the Rau Dynasty of Banten, the Limpo Dynasty of South Sulawesi, and the Asrun Dynasty of Southeast Sulawesi—this study shows how a hegemonic political dynasty built its FOCs and how the other two failed to do so.
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