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Abstract
L’étude est consacrée aux emplois passifs de la construction se faire + INFINITIF. On s’intéresse à l’opposition entre cette construction et être + PARTICIPE sous la portée d’un verbe modal. Le point de départ est fourni par le danois, où il existe deux constructions passives, dont l’une, quand elle construite avec un modal, apparaît dans les contextes « subjectifs » (épistémiques en particulier) et l’autre, dans les contextes « objectifs », notamment déontiques. Une étude-pilote sur corpus confirme l’existence d’un biais épistémique dans l’interprétation de devoir au passé composé quand il régit une construction en se faire (avoir dû se faire + INF). Ce biais s’observe sur des verbes désignant des actions contrôlables, dont le sujet passif est animé et joue un rôle de maléfactif. La conclusion met en contraste les biais interprétatifs observés en français et en danois.
Resumen
Argumental and aspectual features in the interpretation of passive constructions governed by modal verbs : A contrastive perspective Danish/French. The contribution is devoted to the passive uses the construction se faire + INFINITIVE in co-construction with a modal verb, under special consideration of its opposition to the use of être + PARTICIPLE. The starting point is a consideration from Danish grammar, where two passive constructions are at hand and are associated with different interpretations of modals (one construction favors “subjective”, epistemic readings, the other patterns with “objective”, deontic readings). A pilot study on a corpus of French data confirms that avoir dû se faire + INF. is attested only with epistemic interpretations iff the infinitive designates a controllable process and the passive subject is animated and framed as a malefactive. The conclusion sketches first hypotheses as to the similarities and differences between the modal biases in the interpretation of voice alternation in Danish and French.
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