1. Introduction
1.1. Globalization and Diasporic Hybridity
This article presents findings from a 10-month ethnographic fieldwork study conducted between 2023 and 2024. The study focuses on Jain communities with particular emphasis on the case in Singapore, and also, to a lesser degree, Malaysia, namely in the Malaysian cities of Kuala Lumpur, Penang, and Malacca. The aim is to analyze and gain a deeper understanding of this important religious community within Singaporean society. As the Jains have developed a diasporic population spanning across the Bay of Bengal from India to Southeast Asia, Clifford suggests that the perspective for understanding this group should shift “from origins and stable belongings to migration and movement, from roots to routes” (Clifford 1997, pp. 77–91). Clifford suggests that the emphasis on studying such a community should shift from internal to external factors. However, within the diasporic setting, the equilibrium between origin and movement, travel and migration, the preservation of ties with ancestral roots, and the weakening of such roots in future generations is consistently debated within various contexts, as the physical distance from cultural origins and the diasporic settings contribute to a dilution of connections for future generations. These younger individuals often develop distinct perspectives from their elders, shaping their own concepts of identity and lifestyle choices.
Today, we live in a globalized civilization characterized by the coexistence and fusion of many cultures and identities (Geertz 1988, p. 148). The debate surrounding the impact of globalization on diasporic communities and the enduring connections they maintain is a recurring topic in academic discourse. According to Anderson, this perspective of globalization on diasporic communities embodies a modern idea of cosmopolitanism that revolves around the idea of diverse identities spread across the globe. This concept appeals to certain individuals because it gives them a sense of entitlement to ancient communities that have managed to expand significantly in the era of globalization (Anderson 1998, p. 131). According to Cohen, individuals belonging to a diasporic community show their connection to their past migration history and a shared ethnicity with others of a similar background (Cohen 2022, p. ix).
This study will examine how members of the Jain community in Singapore navigate the diverse cultural landscape and adapt to living in a diasporic environment. It will explore how both long-term pioneers and temporary residents of the Jain faith find their place and express their unique cultural identity in this context. When discussing the concept of “religious hybridity”, we find that it is not a singular entity; rather, the intricacies of this notion are abundant. Upon deeper exploration, and in line with the tone of this article, we can identify at least three distinct forms of “hybridity” within the overarching theme of “religious hybridity”: intra-sectarian “hybridity”, inter-sectarian “hybridity”, and cultural “hybridity”. We must consider and reflect on the concept of “religious hybridity” as a potentially valuable analytical instrument, questioning its continued relevance given its extensive theoretical application. My response is affirmative. As I have discussed above, the inner richness of the notion of “religious hybridity” is, in fact, accompanied by certain aspects that might go unnoticed. In conjunction with my case study on the Jains in Singapore, I contend that the notion of “religious hybridity” is not a fixed concept. As an analytical framework, we must recognize that, theoretically, this idea does not adequately capture the dynamic nature of how “religious hybridity” is organically woven into the everyday experiences of the Jains in Singapore. In considering the Jains in Singapore, it is important to engage with the concept of “religious hybridity” as a critical framework. While this tool is widely applied, it is crucial to approach each instance with a nuanced perspective. The unique attributes of each case should not be seen as conflicting with overarching theoretical constructs; instead, they should complement one another, allowing for a more thorough examination of diverse real-life situations. Even when discussing a multicultural setting, it is not solely about Singapore. We must explore how the traits of the Jains in Singapore embody both their Jain identity and Singaporean influences, as these are the aspects we need to uncover and examine more closely.
Not surprisingly, but more naturally, hybridity has become the prevailing state of affairs, and it enhances the favorable connotation of many items, behaviors, and events and their meaning-making processes (Michaels 2019, pp. 3–14). Everyday religious hybridity is very much applicable to the Jains in Singapore at the collective level. Since its establishment in 1978, the Singapore Jain Religious Society (SJRS) has invited Jain religious figures belonging to different subgroups to deliver their discourses (Nagesh, interview, 24 May 2024, Singapore). At the individual level, both Jains of Gujarati origin and Jains of other origins exhibit a noticeable religious hybridity in their daily lives. As I will demonstrate, they frequently combine their traditional Jain practices with other religious practices of their choosing drawn from other groups within Jainism or indeed from other religious traditions. The result forms an integral part of their Jain identity and “Jainness”.
The concept of “religious hybridity” refers to the dynamic exchange and blending of various religious elements within the Jains’ respective communities. As previously noted, I have identified at least three forms of “hybridity”. The intra-sectarian variety pertains to the “hybridity” occurring within the broader context of “Jainism”, specifically among its various sects in Singapore. In contrast, inter-sectarian “hybridity” involves the “hybridity” that arises between different religious traditions, exemplified by the interactions between Jain and Hindu religious practices in Singapore. Furthermore, cultural “hybridity” signifies the religious “hybridity” that emerged within specific cultural contexts, exemplified by the inter-faith initiatives promoted by the Singaporean authorities.
In this context, I will present the idea of “neo-Jainism/neo-Jain”, as I have not observed other scholars or previous research that have utilized this specific concept of “neo-Jainism/neo-Jain”. The concepts of “neo-Hinduism/neo-Hindu” have transcended their novelty and have become valuable analytical instruments for researchers. They illustrate how the recent waves of Hindu movements and their newly emerged followers and practitioners reflect the modernity of Hinduism and the evolution of Hindu identity. The concept of “neo-Jainism/neo-Jain” seeks to illustrate how practitioners navigate the currents of modernization and the exchange of ideas, adapting and transforming their beliefs and practices in relation to their contemporary identity and the progression of their cultural heritage. The concept of “neo-Jainism/neo-Jain” can be examined alongside the idea of “religious hybridity”, as it addresses the evolution of Jain identities. This discussion focuses on self-identification and how practitioners embody these notions in their daily lives and religious practices. This element is closely linked to the concept of “religious hybridity”. Thus, I contend that the concept of “religious hybridity” is essential for a comprehensive understanding of “neo-Jainism/neo-Jain”, and the reverse holds true as well.
The blending of religious practices as a social-cultural aspect of a particular society reflects a transcultural approach, despite the argument that this approach does not acknowledge the concept of a pure culture. The aspects of “religious hybridity” exhibited by the Jains in Singapore reveal numerous complexities. The intricate tapestry of “religious hybridity” shaped by the life patterns, networks, and devotions of the Jains in Singapore surpasses any representation we can capture through mere words on a page. The transnational network is also an aspect that illuminates the vivid “religious hybridity”.
1.2. The Pioneers and Sojourners
The concepts of “Jain/Jaina” and “Jainism” denote a time-honored religious and philosophical framework that continues to thrive in India and across the contemporary globe. The Jain religious tradition, despite its relatively modest following of around four to six million adherents, continues to be a significant and influential presence in India and beyond. For many years, Jains have established new residences in Southeast Asia, East Africa, the United Kingdom, North America, and beyond, thereby forming an interconnected web of study groups and temples across the globe (Howard 2017, pp. 118–58).
The estimated Jain population in Singapore in 2024 is approximately 2000. Although there are no official statistics from the Singaporean authority or the Singapore Jain Religious Society (SJRS), this figure is commonly recognized by Jain community members. This information is confined to verbal communication with various members of the Jain community in Singapore, particularly with the committee leader of the SJRS. The population of around 2000 in this area is characterized by a constant fluctuation in the proportion between permanent Jain residents/‘pioneers’. They are the Singaporean Jains who have resided in Singapore for two to four generations. And temporary residents/‘sojourners’ are the Jains who have arrived in Singapore for various business ventures, spanning from a few days to several months. Additionally, there are some Jains who are employed in Singapore for durations ranging from one year to many years. Furthermore, over the past few decades, some of the sojourner Jains have acquired Singaporean citizenship and established themselves as permanent residents in Singapore. This creates a generational gap resulting in noticeable distinctions, both subtle and blatant, between the Jain pioneers and the Jain sojourners in Singapore. In recent years, the proportion of temporary visitors has been increasing in the overall Jain population in Singapore, as stated by the former president of the Singapore Jain Religious Society, Parag Shah (Parag, interview, 12 May 2024, Singapore).
Jains have an inherent connection to India through their religious history. India continues to be the residence of Jain ascetics and the site of Jain tīrths, which are pilgrimage places. Nevertheless, these deeply ingrained religious and cultural customs do not prevent Jains from moving, traveling, and migrating across the globe (Vekemans 2019, p. 252). The Jains, primarily, in general, those Jains hailing from Northwestern India, played a significant role in maritime trade across the Indian Ocean up until the eighth century. Due in part to their close geographical proximity, they also engaged in trade with Southeast Asia, particularly prominent port cities along the Strait of Malacca such as the earlier Melacca (now Melaka), followed by Penang and then Singapore. The cross-Bay of Bengal trade networks have existed between India and Southeast Asia for millennia. Jains have been and continue to be a part of this dynamic trade. Today, the ongoing movement of professionals, spouses, and students from India to Singapore continues to shape and influence the Jain diaspora in Singapore (See Figure 1).
The Jain pioneers in Singapore mostly engage in commercial ventures, following in the footsteps of their ancestors who migrated from India to Singapore to establish businesses from the ground up in the 1910s. Their ties to India are not as robust as those of their sojourners counterparts. The older generations have lacked sufficient access to convenient air transportation and instant communication that the younger generation enjoys today. Jain mendicants have historically resided exclusively in India, rather than traveling abroad to preach, so that type of religious connection has also been absent. The Singaporean Jain pioneers have a close connection with the Malaysian Jain pioneers in Kuala Lumpur, Malacca, and Penang. This connection can be attributed to the historical ties between Singapore and Malaysia, as well as their geographical proximity1.
There is a great diversity among the Jain sojourners in terms of ethnicity, language, and socio-economic background. The Jain sojourners in Singapore exhibit significant variation in terms of ethnicity, language, and socio-economic background. They typically have closer ties to India than to any other place and frequently relocate to Singapore hoping to stay permanently as entrepreneurs and professionals in order to pursue more favorable prospects for their enterprises and careers. In comparison to their pioneer counterparts, Jain sojourners in Singapore exhibit a higher frequency of travel to India, and their cultural and religious connection with India is noticeably stronger than that of their pioneer companions.
Despite the presence of both pioneers and sojourners among the Jains in Singapore, I will show that the Singapore Jain Religious Society (SJRS), a centralized Jain institution, succeeds in the crucial role of bringing them together and defining their “Jainness” to a significant degree.
1.3. Diasporas and Their Religiosity
The last decade has witnessed a rich output of academic studies on the diaspora and the religiosity of these communities. Migrants have relocated worldwide, bringing their religious beliefs and customs with them and modifying them to fit into their new environments. The geographical trajectories of religions and migrants have been intricately interconnected throughout history (Saunders et al. 2016).
Certain prior studies have made significant contributions to comprehending Jain diasporas, namely from sociological and anthropological standpoints, in order to decipher the customs and principles of a particular Jain community (e.g., Vallely 2004; Laidlaw 2008, pp. 156–79; Shah 2020, pp. 129–44; Hegewald 2015, p. 45; Flügel 2012, pp. 975–79; Shah 2007, pp. 79–92; Vekemans 2023). Several other works have examined the topics of “Diasporic Hybridity” from distinct perspectives, partially focusing on either the diasporic or hybrid elements, particularly the experiences of being diasporic or exhibiting hybridity while in a diasporic context (Jain 2019; Shah et al. 2012, pp. 77–94; Shah 2020, pp. 129–44; Mehta 2017).
Although the studies described above and others provide extensive knowledge on several elements of the Jain diasporas, their major concentration is primarily on Europe and North America. So far, there has been minimal conversation regarding non-Western instances, such as the Jain diasporas in Southeast Asia.
1.4. Methodology
Following an exploration of the contextual elements surrounding the Jains in Singapore and the nature of Singapore as a diverse society, I allocate a paragraph or two to illustrate the methodologies I employed in conducting this research. From late August 2023 to mid-June 2024, I committed myself to 10 months of immersive fieldwork, during which I engaged deeply with the Jains in Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. The Singapore phase of my fieldwork proved to be quite productive; during this time, I uncovered the intricate layers of religious hybridity within the Jain community in Singapore.
The approaches employed during my fieldwork were predominantly qualitative, utilizing participatory observation and frequently conducting open-ended interviews, with some semi-structured interviews as well. When examining the specific methodologies closely related to the fieldwork of this article, participatory observation, snowball sampling, and open-ended interviews were employed as methods for the research work. The emphasis on the blending of religious practices and the essence of Jain identity was integral to my overarching investigations during my fieldwork for my doctoral project on Jain communities in Southeast Asia. As my research evolved, this theme increasingly came to the forefront. Thus, engaging in a discourse on this theme through a more academic lens has become an essential endeavor. The principal open-ended interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 individuals, ensuring an equal gender distribution, as well as a balance between Jain pioneers and Jain sojourners.
2. Jains and Jainism in Singapore
2.1. An Introduction to Jains in Singapore
Jains in Singapore have a relatively recent presence, despite the historical presence of Gujarati merchants who resided and operated in important port cities such as Malacca (now Melaka) during the early modern period (Prakasch 1998, pp. 31–42; Maloni 2014, vol. 75, pp. 336–40), and possibly in ancient times (Tripati 2017, p. 8). These merchants had trading networks along the Strait of Malacca and in Southeast Asia as a whole. Despite the Jains being a prominent traders’ community, historical records about them during the early modern and earlier periods in Southeast Asia are scarce, specifically those for an extended period, as Jains were frequently overlooked or recorded as Hindu Jains or merely as Hindus. The first noticeable and significant instance of Jain migration from primarily the Indian State of Gujarat to Singapore happened during the British colonial period. Unlike most of their Tamil counterparts who came as indentured labors, the Jains who came to Singapore can be put in the category of “free” migrants2.
“A journey of a thousand miles must commence with a solitary stride”, states a self-published commemorative book on a century of the Jains’ existence in Singapore (Singapore Jain Religious Society 2010, preface). Attempting to re-strengthen the image of Jains as traders and business people in Singapore, the volume further states “The land known as Singapore. Then, just a swamp land but a prominent port to reach the Southeast Asian countries. Jains world over known for their business sense recognized Singapore’s geographical advantage” (Singapore Jain Religious Society 2010, p. 2). This remark effectively portrayed the Jain population in Singapore and their previous business attitudes when relocating and establishing themselves in Singapore. In the 20th century, the early Jains arrived in Singapore and began the carpet and furniture trade between India and Singapore. They also introduced Jain practices and worked to maintain their religious traditions and build a community. The Second World War led to a fluctuation in the Jain population in Singapore, as many of them were repatriated to India or other locations. In the mid-1960s, before Singapore’s independence, the Singaporean government implemented new migration regulations, resulting in a period of growth for the Jain community in Singapore3.
Over the years, the number of Jain individuals in Singapore has been steadily growing, starting from a small group and now reaching around 2000 people. It was not until the 1970s that the Jain community finally obtained their own registered place of worship after a considerable amount of time. Before this, they chose to utilize the spaces provided by Hindu and Buddhist institutions in the eastern region of Singapore, which is home to a significant number of the Jain population. The venues included Arya Samaj (in Little India) and Mangala Vihar (in Eunos), among others. Before acquiring the land for their own premises, the leadership structure of the Jain community was rather unstructured in comparison to its current state (Sinha 2015, pp. 84–85). In 1978, the establishment of its own premise in Eunos’s Jalan Yasin in Singapore marked a significant milestone. Their increased public visibility contributed to their official recognition and the integration of Jainism into the Inter-Religious Organization in Singapore (IRO) as the tenth religion, in 2006 (Singapore Jain Religious Society 2006, p. 3).
Due to the economic growth of Singapore during the 1990s, it became an appealing option for young Indian families seeking improved lives and opportunities. This led to an influx of Indian migrants, with many others, to the country (Jain and Selvarajan 2023). The amalgamation of old members and recent arrivals, the pioneers and sojourners of the Jain community in Singapore enhance the liveliness and complexity of the cultural legacies within the Singaporean Jain community.
2.2. Jainness and Gujaratiness
The majority of the Jain community in Singapore is of Gujarati origin, with a small percentage hailing from other regional backgrounds such as Marwaris and Bundelkhandis. The majority of the Gujarati Jain community in Singapore comprises those who migrated before and around the time of Singapore’s independence from British rule in 1963. Additionally, a significant proportion of the subsequent sojourners to Singapore were also of Gujarati descent.
The majority of the early Jain immigrants in Singapore trace their ancestry back to Kathiawar, a region in southwestern Gujarat. These Jains belong to the Sthānakavāsī sect, which are traditionally non-image-worshipping Śvetāmbaras4. In contrast, the later Gujarati immigrants in Singapore adhered to the Derāvāsī tradition, which emphasizes following the path of temple worship. Among the mainstream Gujarati Jain population, the variations in their Jain religious practices are significant factors in how they categorize and define themselves. Despite both being Jains, the Sthānakavāsī Jains and Derāvāsī Jains do not always share the same religious practices. Within the broad framework of Jainism, the various sects and regional identities, as well as the unique religious environment in both India and Singapore, greatly influence how the Jain community in Singapore organizes themselves into different groups.
The official establishment of the recognized and regulated Jain institution in Singapore serves as a unifying platform for the Jain community in Singapore. It allows different Jains from different sects to come together, which is also noticed by other religious communities and the wider Singaporean community. It is widely agreed among the Jain community members that, due to its small size, the Jain community in Singapore should avoid public divisions in a diasporic setting. However, within personal spheres, Jains have the freedom to practice their own interpretations and engage in religious blending, resulting in a lively and ever-changing landscape.
Although the SJRS’s premise is called “Smt. Nirmalaben Chandulal Doshi Jain Sthanak”, it has a marble “mūrti (Idol)” on the second floor of the premise. The Sthanak serves as a meeting venue for Śvetāmbara sthānakavāsi Jains to carry out their religious obligations; they favor using a meetinghouse over a temple for this purpose. According to the Śvetāmbara Sthanakvasi concept, a Jain location designated as a “Sthanak” is not supposed to have a mūrti. Further, interestingly, the transportation and erection of the mūrti were also featured in the public discourse as an action of the common Jain identity and the inter-sect unity of the Jains in Singapore. The SJRS self-published volume describes the travel of mūrti from Jaipur to Singapore as “The Voyage of the Divine”. The comprehensive explanations of the various aspects of the mūrti, as well as the three separate journeys it undertook from Jaipur in the Indian State of Rajasthan to the Gujarat state’s capital Ahmedabad, further to the bustling port city of Mumbai, across the Bay of Bengal and the Strait of Malacca to Singapore, clearly illustrate the Singaporean Jains’ commitment to preserving both their contemporary Singaporean identity and their Jain heritage (Singapore Jain Religious Society 2010, pp. 14–15). Therefore, in this volume of SJRS, the focus on Gujaratiness was not as prominent as the emphasis on the shared Jainness within its setting.
2.3. Everyday’s Religious Hybridity
Within the context of globalization and postcolonial theory, the concept of hybridity has gained prominence among scholars, as it signifies the dynamic exchange and blending of diverse cultural elements. The migration itself, whether old or new, is a fundamental factor in the creation of the phenomenon we are exploring: the blending of different religious practices within the Jain community in Singapore. As an organic component and inseparable aspect of the socio-cultural frameworks of a specific society, this article posits that, in the context of Singapore, the transcultural approach indicates that the notion of a pure culture is fundamentally flawed both theoretically and practically. As a melting pot of diverse cultures, Singapore’s foundational identity aligns with this transcultural perspective.
Chakrabarty discusses the intersection of modernity and ethnicity in India, focusing on the concept of “cultures in between”, stating that “we are not immune to one another, yet this does not imply that the differences are not genuine” (Chakrabarty 2013, pp. 91–110). In their diasporic environment, it is evident that the Jains in Singapore have embraced a unique cultural blend. They have not only assimilated with their fellow Indians, but have also formed connections with other religious communities. Alpha, a Jain wife from India in Singapore, highlights that Jainism is an Indian religious tradition with a strong emphasis on individualism. According to Jain doctrines, attaining ‘mokṣa’ (liberation) is the ultimate goal, but the path to self-improvement can vary among individuals; consequently, it is entirely up to each Jain family or individual to select and determine which forms of religious practices they wish to adopt (Alpha, interview, 8 May 2024, Singapore).
According to some elders, Singaporean Jains who are third- or fourth-generation tend to have a more hybrid identity compared to expat Jains. This is attributed to the lack of convenient transportation and communication in the past, as well as the absence of Jain preachers. As a result, the transmission of Jain knowledge to subsequent generations gradually became diluted over time. Although the Jain pathshala (Jain Sunday Schools) in Singapore is organized in a centralized manner, the weekly Jain pathshala held at the SJRS premises caters to both Jain children and adults. The SJRS has designated its codified Jain pathshala textbooks as the sole authorized materials for these sessions. Nevertheless, despite the centralized institutional initiatives, the dilution of teachings occurred more prominently during the weekdays than during the less intensive Sunday meetings.
On the other hand, the newly migrated Singaporean Jains and the Jain expats in Singapore generally had a much stronger exposure to fellow Jains, Jain religious sermons, and daily Jain practices in their upbringing, and naturally also took their perception and understanding of Jainism with them. The contrasting backgrounds also influenced the way they imitate each other. The Jain pioneers imitate and adopt the practices of the later group, assuming that the practices are more “authentic” because of their stronger ties to India. Similarly, the sojourners often integrate and imitate the former group, drawing from their shared cultural identity. By observing the former group, the sojourners can gain insights into how to navigate Singaporean society more seamlessly.
3. Multiple Practices and Variety of Identities
The presence of diverse religious practices within the Jain community in Singapore indicates a unique blend of beliefs and traditions. This religious diversity originates from within the community itself and subsequently interacts with external influences. This situation could potentially be relevant to other diasporic communities in Singapore, extending beyond the Jains. Previous scholarly works and public discussions on these topics often have a tendency to categorize practices and identities into separate entities, overlooking their interconnectedness and mutual influence. This can lead to a disconnect from the realities on the ground. According to Johnson, the concepts of syncretism, acculturation, hybridity, and the creole region are no longer a mystery that has to be answered. Currently, it is the areas characterized by religious purity and stability that seem to be the most intriguing (Johnson 2002). The distinction between oneself and others, whether they are from different cultures or religions, plays a significant role in identity politics (Harré and Moghaddam 2003). The three elements of cultural or religious identities, representation, and othering are closely intertwined. As this discourse gains popularity, there is a noticeable trend towards distinguishing and categorizing cultural and religious identities, both within ourselves and among others. Even so, the blending of religious beliefs and practices is more common than not, despite the tendency to emphasize and define boundaries, as Pieterse suggests (Pieterse 2001, pp. 219–45). Thus, these two elements are in close proximity and exert a reciprocal influence on one another, as evident in the case of the Jains in Singapore.
3.1. “We Are Too Small to Engage in Any Further Schism!”
“We are too small to engage in any further schism!” is a common sentiment expressed during various Jain events, whether in one-on-one conversations or as a participant in Jain community activities. As a religious minority in both India and Singapore, the Jain population globally often experiences anxiety about the potential loss of their distinctiveness and identity. In the context of the diasporic Jains, particularly in Singapore, the Jains find themselves on the outskirts of other Indian communities, such as the sizable Tamil Hindu population. In the Inter-Religious Organization (IRO) supervised by the Singaporean government, Jainism became the most recent religious tradition to join in 20065. Precisely because of their small size, the Jain community in Singapore was not well known to outsiders, making it difficult for outsiders, who often conflate Jains with Hindus. For many years, the Jain community leadership in Singapore has strived to cultivate a more distinct Jain identity, paradoxically, through the strategic adoption of hybridity.
While there may be a blending of personal and group-based religious practices behind the scenes, the primary goal at the public level is to establish and maintain a centered image of Jainism as a religious tradition and the Jain community as a separate group in Singapore. In the midst of these intricacies, there exists a “hybrid space” to reflect on the endeavor for a unified “Jain identity”. Within the Jain community in Singapore, there exists a dynamic that might be described as the Jains in Singapore’s unique kind of “religious hybridity”. Kim-Cragg proposes the concept of a hybrid space for religious activities, which includes religious education as a means of faithfully embracing the dynamic and evolving situations of today, characterized by migration and the crossing of geographical, cultural, and national barriers (Kim-Cragg and Doi 2012, pp. 262–75). The hybridity in question encompasses not just religious instruction, but also the process by which individuals acquire and imitate religious beliefs and ideas from one another. When with other Jains, this process is often more apparent and impactful. The religious education of Jains in Singapore presents a fascinating blend, as the Jain religious teachings here, and possibly in other locations, reflect a unique integration. At SJRS, particularly in the educational resources aimed at younger generations, there is a notable connection to the wider Indian communities, especially the Gujarati Hindu groups. This relationship not only fosters a sense of pan-Indian identity within this diasporic context but also illustrates a fluid narrative that highlights this intricate blend of cultures. In the comfort of their homes or within their specific communities, various Jain individuals often develop unique interpretations of their practices. This leads to a natural hybridity in Jain religious education, shaped by their individual perspectives. Simultaneously, the younger generation tends to organically emulate the traditions and beliefs of their parents and elders.
The lack of Jain mendicants in diasporic spaces is crucial in fostering internal “religious hybridity” among Jains. This is because fully ordained Jain mendicants are prohibited from traveling in motorized vehicles. Only the trips of erudite, semi-initiated ascetics from India to impart lectures at Jain organizations in diverse countries are accessible. Jain monks and nuns face limitations on traveling beyond the borders of India, a restriction that has been established by the Jain ascetic orders for an extended period (Long 2016, pp. 217–36). Vekemans indicates that recent developments highlight the increasing demands of the diasporic Jain community for a revitalization of their understanding of Jainism, which is in part facilitated through visits from mendicants and similar figures who decide to travel to engage with them (Vekemans 2023). In discussions with the Jains in Singapore, both local and expatriate, there is a shared understanding that the properly ordained monks adhere closely to traditional restrictions. They often emphasize that “Jain monks and nuns cannot travel to places outside of India”. This situation places the diasporic Jain community in a complex position, caught between the rarely altered traditions and the modern interpretations of Jainism, as community members strive to distance themselves from rigid dogmas.
Consequently, Jains residing outside India have devised methods for establishing institutions and conducting ritual ceremonies in the absence of monks, as described by Kelting (Kelting 2012, pp. 73–100). Alongside traditional Jain practices, which involve adherence to recognized ascetics and the customs established by historical Jain mendicants, there are also contemporary Jain religious groups and a few external organizations that have deeply influenced the Jain community in Singapore. These organizations established robust relationships with several members of the Jain community in Singapore, either via their own networks, through referrals from Jain expatriates in Singapore, or by queries from Singaporean Jains. Among them, the Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur, Dada Bhagvan, and Parasdham are the most prominent. While they are either Jain, loosely associated with Jainism or not Jain, as Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur and Parasdham are associated with Jainism, and Dada Bhagvan is not a Jain organization, they claim to provide distinct aspects of spirituality to its adherents. Sasa, a member of Singapore’s Jain community, as well as a member of Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur, with whom I engaged in a conversation during the Ayambil Oli event in April 2024, expressed her belief in the freedom of choice when it comes to practicing Jainism. Sasa personally chooses to adhere to the “traditional way”, but acknowledges that others may have different perspectives (Sasa, interview, 17 April 2024, Singapore).
The Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur, Dada Bhagvan, and Parasdham each have their own followers and groups in Singapore. If we view the SJRS and centralized Jain activities as a significant cultural influence for the Jains in Singapore, then the subgroups within these organizations can be seen as distinct cultural expressions. Their gatherings and activities have not only adapted to the challenges of the COVID-19 era, but they have also incorporated regular online sessions. As Vekemans suggests, during COVID-19, the digital relocation of the engaging and learning platforms from offline to online, which happened during the pandemic era especially, had provided the Jains in Singapore and around the globe a different approach to the continuation of their Jain religiosity (Vekemans 2021, p. 342). Post-pandemic, the online approach persisted, with online and offline methods functioning synergistically as dual mechanisms for the Jains, not only in Singapore but also globally, facilitating a novel blended environment for engagement within Jain communities and the acquisition of knowledge related to Jainism. Consequently, we can observe a “hybridity” between the real and digital worlds concerning Jain religiosity and daily practices; the integration of offline and online elements further enhances the notion of “religious hybridity” within the Jain community, thereby broadening the scope of this “hybridity”.
3.2. Samanji Is Coming to Singapore
During my participation in the Ayambil Oli Jain festival in Singapore, I was repeatedly informed by the Jains at the SJRS that a Saman-ji6 (semi-initiated monk belonging to the Śvetāmbara Terāpanth) called Saman Shrutpragya from Gujarat, India was coming to Singapore to give religious discourses after the Ayambil Oli period. Before my fieldwork in Singapore, I traveled with Saman Shrutpragya for his religious discourses in Penang and Melaka in Malaysia, and, by traveling and intensively interacting with him, some different angles were made possible for me to perceive the richness of the diasporic Jain communities in Southeast Asia7.
Through my existing connections within the Jain community, both online and offline, before and after the Paryushan period in 2024, I have seen a significant effort by several Jain institutions in India to assist diasporic Jains in coordinating their yearly Paryushan observances by dispatching Jain Samans and Samanis to different locations to engage the diasporic Jain community throughout the Paryushan period. A significant number of Samans, Samanis, and knowledgeable individuals are invited to regions with Jain populations, extending beyond Southeast Asia to locations as distant as São Paulo in Brazil. Within this community of independent monks, semi-initiated monks and nuns, and laypeople, a rich tapestry of Jain backgrounds emerges. Insights gleaned from the Ayambil Oli in April 2024 and Paryushan in September 2024 reveal that such visitors had connections to Śvetāmbara Terapanth, Shrimad Rajchandra Mission Dharampur, and several other established Jain organizations. Their visit to the diasporic Jain community frequently uncovers the intricate layers of “religious hybridity” within the cross-boundary Jain circles and the expansive global Jain networks. Regardless of the visitors’ specific Jain backgrounds, they are typically welcomed and invited by Jain laypeople who possess affiliations with various other Jain traditions.
Flügel notes that the Samans and Samanis have gained significant popularity among diasporic Jains globally, leading to increased mobility in their travels and a strong interest in religious education (Peter 2006, pp. 312–39). The Saman who arrived in Singapore this time is a Śvetāmbara Terapanth Saman based in Rajkot, Gujarat. Many Jains in Singapore have informed me that they frequently travel from India to Singapore to deliver religious discourses, regardless of whether the attendees are Śvetāmbara Terapanth Jains or not. Vekamans discusses the contrast between common assumptions regarding the absence of mendicants and the actual, albeit limited, presence of these figures. By examining a case in the USA involving a traveling sādhū, the analysis highlights how such interactions illuminate the practice of Jainism as it is experienced, understood, and enacted by various individuals in contemporary settings (Vekemans 2023) (See Figure 2).
I had the opportunity to accompany Saman for the entire duration of his stay from 25 April 2024 to 1 May 2024 in Singapore. On 30 April 2024, Saman presented his religious discourse at SJRS, which primarily centered on meditation practices and a healthy lifestyle. Over 150 attendees from diverse Jain backgrounds gathered for his sermon. He aimed to elucidate the scientific dimensions of the practical application of Jain teachings, simultaneously positioning himself as a modernist figure within the Jain community. By intertwining elements of Jain spirituality, health care, and scientific inquiry, he highlighted the religious hybridity present in contemporary interpretations of Jainism and its modernist approach. As Aukland contends, “it has become increasingly typical for Jainism to reference and invoke science, suggesting that the scientization and academization of Jainism result in alterations to doctrines, religious practices, and historical self-perception” (Aukland 2016, pp. 192–233). Maes utilized the case of “How WHO Guidelines Transformed into Jain Religious Practices during the COVID-19 Pandemic”, positing that “the correlation between Jain practices and the WHO guidelines must be comprehended within the broader context of the ongoing universalization and scientization of Jainism, processes that portray Jainism as a universal and scientific remedy for global crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic” (Maes 2022, pp. 1–18). The ongoing process of transforming Jain discourse into a scientific framework is dynamic and lively.
Jain contends that the Śvetāmbara Terapanth and its Preksā meditation exemplify Jain modernity, supporting her assertion that it enables the preservation of its status as a Jain spiritual path while flourishing within the framework of late capitalism (Jain 2012, pp. 29–50). The Saman, with his own establishment, embodies the broader dimension as Jain suggests, contributing to the notion of “religious hybridity”. On 27 April 2024, as the public event session for Mahavir Janma Kalyanak Day8 approached its conclusion, the SJRS committee welcomed Saman. Concurrently, Indranee Rajah, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office9 made an appearance, underscoring the Singaporean government’s acknowledgment of the Jain community as an integral part of the nation and their contributions to the country. When Saman and Indranee Rajah were invited to conclude the stage celebration, their public handshake was witnessed by numerous Jains in the hall, along with the Singaporean media. This showcased the Jain identity and its hybridization within the dynamics of the theatrical performance of the Singapore nation-state.
3.3. The Indianness as a Gateway to a Broader “Hybridity”
“On a sweltering evening in mid-May in Singapore, armed with the information Pavel had given me, I made my way to Bedok Reservoir in West Singapore. My destination was an open-air space next to the reservoir, where a yoga session was about to begin. As I arrived, I noticed that people were already engaged in their yoga practice, following the guidance of a skilled instructor. And the instructor leading the yoga practitioners is Pavel himself. Under his guidance, individuals from diverse racial backgrounds, including Indians, Chinese, and Westerners, remain fully engaged in their flows.”
10
The case of Pavel serves as a compelling illustration for contemplating the cultural acculturation of the Jains. It was intriguing to observe how they incorporated their cultural identities and religious beliefs into their daily routines. Chacko discusses the concept of a “hybrid sensibility”, explaining how highly skilled professionals in the Washington metropolitan area of the USA adapt to their new environment while still maintaining connections to their cultural roots. This demonstrates the flexibility of blending different cultural influences (Chacko 2015, pp. 115–28). It is interesting to observe how Jains in Singapore express their cultural heritage, showcasing a more expansive understanding of their Indian identity. Often, this “Indianness” is associated with the Hindu practices. The Pew Report on Sensing the Sacred11 highlights religious pluralism in India, and its insights can be applied to other diverse contexts, such as Singapore. A significant observation is that numerous religious traditions integrate Hindu beliefs and practices, embracing Hindu festivals as harmonious with their own customs. This holds significant importance for all the Dharmic traditions. This also illustrates the prevailing influence of Hindu customs within India and among Indian communities abroad.
Nikam Yoga Guruji Yoga Kutir, where Pavel is an active volunteer as a yoga instructor, has been offering free yoga sessions in Singapore since 1997. According to their official website, the group is registered as a recognized society by the Singaporean government and has multiple centers across the country. They emphasize that their yoga sessions are open to everyone, regardless of their financial status, gender, religion, or race (Yoganikam 2014). There is a matter of concern here: is yoga inherently associated with Hinduism? Is yoga primarily associated with cultural and religious hybridity? Nicholson asserts that disputes and conflicts regarding religious boundaries are not a recent phenomenon, although they are now more widely disseminated than ever before. The historical integration of yoga into diverse traditions such as Buddhism, Jainism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity serves as evidence of the fluidity and, at times, indistinctness of religious boundaries (Nicholson 2013, pp. 490–505). In recent years, the Jain community and Jain Studies academia have engaged in discussions about the history and current state of “Jain Yoga”. This dialogue serves to reinforce their unique identities and differentiate themselves from the dominant Hindu narratives surrounding yoga. Nevertheless, on a practical level, mainstream yoga, which originated from specific neo-Hindu organizations, continues to be a popular choice for members of the Jain community to engage in. From an analytical standpoint, it can be observed that the current form of “Jain Yoga” is still in the process of development. Yoga is associated not only with neo-Hinduism and its related organizations but also with right-wing Hindu nationalism. Narendra Modi’s government has carefully utilized yoga as a crucial component of its national and international campaigns, associating it with national pride, global diplomacy, and India’s cultural legacy.
This setting, in connection to yoga, also illustrates the communal oneness of the wider idea of “Indianness”. A significant portion of the Indian population, particularly those who follow the Dharmic religious traditions, perceive each other as naturally interconnected rather than clearly distinguishing themselves from one another at a fundamental level. This resonates with the insights presented in the Pew Report on Sensing the Sacred12, indicating that “Despite a strong desire for religious segregation, India’s religious groups share patriotic feelings, cultural values, and some religious beliefs”. For example, a significant majority of the various religious groups in India express a deep sense of pride in their Indian identity. “In addition to cultural similarities, numerous individuals blend customs from various faiths into their rituals. Due to generations of coexistence, minority communities in India frequently participate in practices that align more closely with the Hindu traditions than with their own”. Reflecting on the findings of this Pew Report, although Jains in Singapore maintain a distinct Jain identity alongside their Hindu identity, they often engage in practices that are more closely aligned with Hindu traditions.
The observance of Hindu festivals in Singapore, particularly those originating from North India, notably in Gujarat, unites both Gujarati Jains and non-Jains who share Gujarati heritage. These celebrations cultivate a sense of belonging to the wider North Indian communities in Singapore, and occasionally, even reach out to South Indians as well. Gujarati Jains in the diaspora often have a strong connection with the Swaminarayan Hindu organization, a very influential Gujarati Hindu organization. The followers of this organization are mostly Gujaratis, and they may be found in Gujarati diaspora communities worldwide. Considering their common cultural identity and potentially overlapping business interests, particularly in the jewelry sector, this aspect is particularly significant for the newly migrated Jains or Jain “sojourners” and their Swaminarayan counterparts. They often maintain strong connections with one another, not just in Singapore, but throughout Southeast Asia and globally, where the Gujarati diasporas have established their presence, networks, and commercial endeavors. The interactions between the Jain “sojourner” and the Swaminayan believers also extended their influence over the more established Jain “pioneers” in Singapore, leading them to gradually internalize these mutual connections. Kim (2001) asserts that the beliefs of the Swaminarayan sect are crucial in shaping the Gujarati diasporas. According to Kim, bridging the cultural divide does not necessitate a broad cultural perspective based on a specific cultural or religious theory, but rather a central focus on ‘being’ and the ways in which individuals understand and navigate the world (Kim 2001). This is further influenced by both personal and external factors such as gender, diaspora, and transnationalism. This is not only applicable to the Swaminarayan group, but also to the diasporic Jains.
The influence of these factors has led Gujarati Jain diasporas to form strong connections with their Swaminarayan counterparts. As a result, they actively participate in Hindu festivities and rituals, including the annual Hindu religious festival of Janmashtami. Interestingly, and generally speaking, the Gujarati Jains are more involved in Swaminarayan activities compared to their Gujarati Swaminarayan Hindu counterparts, who rarely participate in Jain festivals such as Paryushan and Ayambil Oli. Hopkins put forth the concept of “dual identities” to describe the inter-religious dynamics between religious minorities and majorities. According to Hopkins, through their interactions, religious minorities learn to adapt and accept certain elements and ideas from the majority, allowing them to integrate into a broader acceptance and a larger platform (Hopkins 2011, pp. 251–70). This broader religious hybridity is commonly seen as a natural expression of kinship imbued with a sense of Gujarati or Indian identity. As a result, this religious hybridity is naturally passed down and embraced by the Jains in Singapore, including their younger generations.
As Hindu nationalism gains traction in India and among the global Indian diaspora, it poses a challenge to independent religious identities and inclusive claims. This movement not only resulted in the intertwining of Jain religious identities with Hindu identities and their associated discourse, but also gave rise to diverse opinions within the Jain communities living in Singapore. And this condition further added more flavors to this “religious hybridity” amongst the Jains in Singapore and beyond. When conversing with the Jains in Singapore, the Jains frequently refer to it as a shared identity rooted in “Sanātana Dharma”13, a term commonly used by Hindus to denote Hinduism. In fact, some even assert that Jainism originated from Sanātana Dharma. During a discussion with a Jain interlocutor, she expressed that Jainism and Hinduism are integral components of the Sanātana Dharma. While conversing with another Jain, I posed the following rhetorical question: “If Jainism is not closely related to Hinduism, why do Jains celebrate Diwali?” Diwali holds great importance as a unifying symbol for both Jains and Hindus, highlighting their shared traditions and values and how this plays a significant role in shaping the flavors of the “religious hybridity” of the Jains in Singapore. The open-ended discussions with the Jains in Singapore revealed that their main motivation for celebrating Diwali is largely based on cultural ties. The cultural connection between Jains and Hindus resonates with insights from a Pew Report on religious diversity14, highlighting that “many Indians, irrespective of their distinct religious affiliations, partake in the celebration of Diwali”. However, as Narayan points out, the reasons for celebrating Diwali can differ greatly, even among the various Hindu traditions. This is also true for Jains, although the distinctions between the minority Hindu and Jain communities can, in some instances, be quite fluid (Narayanan 2012, pp. 39–72).
The transnational neo-Hindu organizations’ global gurus are actively involved in influencing and modifying the religious hybridity of the Jains in Singapore.15 These gurus, referred to as “innovative gurus” by Lucia, are part of a global guru movement that exhibits diverse and dynamic flows, spreading their teachings beyond India to various regions (Lucia 2014, pp. 221–63). Those global gurus who originate from Indic Hindu traditions are highly adaptable religious leaders who customize their messages to specific times, circumstances, and audiences. They disseminated their religious sentiments over the globe by blending Hindu elements and the followers’ own customizations (Csordas 2007, pp. 259–72). The contemporary figures within neo-Hinduism and neo-Jainism exhibit numerous parallels alongside distinct divergences. The neo-Hindu organizations, along with their doctrines, transcend the confines of a singular religious identity, instead permeating various religious traditions within India and extending their influence across international borders into numerous other nations. In contrast, the neo-Jain16 global gurus continue to exert their influence primarily over the Jain community both within India and beyond its borders.
Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, renowned for his work and his organization “the Art of Living”, is acknowledged as a very influential and renowned global guru among his contemporaries. Celebrated for his charismatic appeal, he has garnered a substantial following within the Jain community in Singapore, with many individuals either becoming his disciples or participating in his endeavors. In conjunction with the practices of neo-Hinduism and the following of neo-Hindu gurus, there exists a parallel influence from neo-Jain gurus. Both groups share overlapping influences, allowing them to operate harmoniously without conflict among the Jain community in Singapore. Namramuni and his organization “Parasdham” exemplify the impact of a contemporary spiritual leader on the Jain community in Singapore, as indicated by the official webpage of “Parasdham”, which describes him as a “spiritual leader, social reformer, and humanitarian who inspires positive change in countless lives worldwide, and he is a revered Jain saint in the esteemed tradition of Bhagwan Mahavir”17. Much like Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, his charismatic presence is celebrated among the Jain community in Singapore and beyond. During my engagement with the Jains in Singapore, Namramuni’s initiative of collecting sugar cubes from the global networks of its followers to support the nuns who recently took Jain dīkṣā (preparation or consecration for a religious ceremony) highlighted the cohesion fostered by neo-Jain gurus within the diasporic community in Singapore.18 Additionally, the live streaming of the nuns’ Jain dīkṣā, actively circulating among Singaporean Jains and their global groups, further emphasizes the expansive reach of a neo-Jain guru.
After the Ayambil Oli in April 2024, Hetal, my companion in practicing Ayambil Oli for nine consecutive days, approached me in May. Hetal, an active member of the followers of Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, asked if I could extend my stay in Singapore to take part in the forthcoming online and offline events organized by the group. The simultaneous commitment and adherence to both religious concepts and rituals is not an isolated occurrence, but rather a prevalent one among Jains, particularly those living in diasporic settings. Jains in Singapore commonly embraces a state of “religious hybridity”, incorporating many Hindu traditions and belief systems. Conversely, the Hindu diaspora rarely attend or participate in Jain religious activities and rituals on a regular basis. Shafal, an engaged female member of the Jain community in Singapore, shares that “Jainism is a religious tradition that emphasizes the self, so how one practices and perceives Jainism in their own unique way is entirely acceptable according to the Jain teaching of Anekantavada”19. She continues: “perhaps that is the very reason that Jainism has deeply embedded itself in ancient India up until today, whereas Buddhism, conversely, did not achieve the same enduring presence”. The concept of “religious hybridity” within the larger context of “Indianness”, particularly as it relates to “Hinduness”, is undeniably an integral aspect of everyday Jain life, especially in a diasporic environment such as Singapore.
3.4. Inter-Faith Initiative as a Unique Form of Hybridity
In multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies, the complexities of religious and ethno-religious issues such as religious violence and ethnical clashes are ever-present, and Singapore exemplifies this reality, as noted by Eng (Eng 2008). The Singaporean authority and its agencies consistently promote and occasionally take the lead in the inter-faith initiative. In Singapore, the diverse religious beliefs are closely intertwined with the multi-ethnic makeup of its society. By supporting inter-faith dialogue, they aim to enhance both inter-faith and inter-racial harmony, as suggested by Hedges (Paul Hedges, interview, 5 January 2024, Singapore)20.
The Singaporean government pays considerable attention to inter-religious harmony within its society. Through state-sponsored inter-faith activities, the authorities aim to showcase their model for effectively and efficiently managing a multi-religious community. The streamlined governance in Singapore, without any regional level of governments in between, enables national authorities to comprehend the inter-religious landscape directly, without intermediary bureaucratic agencies. Consequently, if any religious groups have made appeals, the relevant authorities will receive updated information promptly. Singapore’s “urbanistic religiosity” aligns with its urban environment, reflecting the Singaporean approach to managing religions within a structured space. This vision allows each religious tradition to exist within its own domain, ensuring that all practices are accommodated without favoring any specific tradition over others in the nation.
The IRO serves as a government-supported organization focused on various inter-faith initiatives in Singapore. Its official website and social media platforms consistently showcase efforts to enhance inter-faith understanding among the populace. These initiatives, whether intentional or not, also provide a platform for Jainism and its community representatives to engage in dialogue with representatives from other religious communities in Singapore (Facebook 2022). The dynamic engagement in religious practices encouraged by the Singaporean government co-determines the unique blend of beliefs within the Jain community that transcend traditional religious boundaries. This interaction promotes a deeper understanding and appreciation among various faiths, extending beyond the familiar confines of Indic traditions and the broader Indian community in Singapore. This unique aspect allowed me to observe the Jain religiosity and their “religious hybridity” through the lens of inter-faith interactions in Singapore. During my interactions with the local Bahá’í community, I learned from the community leadership that Jain representatives frequently attend the inter-faith prayers organized by the Bahá’ís, who are recognized for their enthusiasm in facilitating inter-faith prayers and discussions on relevant issues (See Figure 3).
At the occasion of the public event of Mahavir Janma Kalyanak on 27 April in Singapore’s Little India, the representatives from the other religious traditions sat at a more prominent table during the dining function and in the first row at the theater for the upcoming performances, demonstrating what Williams calls ”the hybrid identity and its relationship with the inter-faith dialogues” (Williams 2009). In the context of Singapore, the development of a robust national identity emerges as community members from diverse religious backgrounds engage in inter-faith initiatives, dialogues, and activities. This results in a sense of “hybridity” that transcends mere religious beliefs, intertwining various aspects of national identities, nationalism, and the essence of being Singaporean.
3.5. The Circulation of Renewed “Jainness”
During the interval between my two distinct fieldwork experiences in Singapore, I visited Ipoh, Malaysia in March 2024. The annual flag (dhaja)-changing ceremony at the Jain temple in Ipoh21 consistently draws Jains from Singapore, who journey both individually and collectively. This event highlights the intricate connections of the Jain community that extend beyond Singapore, reaching into the Malay Peninsula, across the Bay of Bengal to India, and further into the global landscape, particularly towards the West. The movement of Jains across borders is, in fact, an integral aspect of the religious blending within Jainism.22
The close-knit connections and interactions between Singaporean and Malaysian Jains reveal the nuanced space that exists within the overlapping Jain identities, shaped by various sects while still embodying a singular Jain essence.
This temple holds the distinction of being the first in Southeast Asia to experience a formal “Prana Pratishtha”23 ceremony, conducted by the esteemed Derāvāsī Śvetāmbara Jain mendicant Jinachandra. It is interesting to note that, at present, only four Jain families call the Malaysian city of Ipoh home. This renowned temple of the Derāvāsī Śvetāmbara Jain tradition in Southeast Asia was initiated and developed by Bharatbhai, a dedicated member of the Sthānakavāsī Śvetāmbara community. He also personally established a guru–shishya relationship with Shri Jinachandra from India. In 2000, the installation of the pratishtha-ed murti of Chintamani Parshvanath, the 23rd of the 24 Tirthankaras in Jainism, at the Ipoh Jain temple preceded the erection of other Jain murtis in Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. This advanced move of the Ipoh Jain temple had a significant impact on the subsequent installations, fostering a blended sense of “Jainness” that transcended the divisions among various Jain sects. It served as an exemplary model for some members of the diasporic Jain community in Singapore and neighboring Malaysia, promoting the idea of a unified Jain identity. The intricate relationships among various belief systems, as well as within a single religious tradition across its diverse sects, highlight the ever-present fluidity and blending of the religious boundaries (Berghuijs 2017, pp. 19–37).
Initially, the Jain communities in Singapore and Malaysia, particularly those who migrated and established their lives and businesses during the early half of the 20th century up until the independence of both countries, continued to engage in intermarriage between Singaporean Jains and Malaysian Jains and to influence each others’ social, cultural, and religious practices. Within this intimate social network, the Jains in Singapore often find themselves both as influencers and as recipients of influence. In Singapore, the Jains engage actively in linking their Malaysian counterparts to the global callings of Jain gurus, while also emulating the integrated Jain model as previously outlined. The circulation of the renewed Jainness is distinctly illustrated at a more personal level rather than a collective one. At this individual level, the diverse “religious hybridity” of the Jains is frequently evident in the expression of their religious martial culture, particularly noticeable among the Jains in Singapore. The Ghar Derasar (Jain house temple) at some Jain devotees’ residences provides their families with easier access to their religious duties and practices without going to their communal religious center on a daily basis. At least five other of these sites are located within the densely populated neighborhoods of the Jain community, which coincidentally align with the areas that are also heavily populated by North Indians in Singapore.
The image below, taken during a visit to a Jain family, distinctly illustrates the concept of “religious hybridity” as evidenced by the configuration of the Jain Ghar Derasar. Centrally positioned is a Jina statue, flanked on the left by a Buddha statue, followed by multiple Jina statues and images, several depictions of Jain ascetics, and a selection of Hindu deities’ statues and images on the right (See Figure 4).
Within the context of the diasporic landscape in Singapore, Jain families that have established a Jain Ghar Derasar in their apartments or homes exemplify their devotion and commitment to accruing religious merits in their diasporic residences outside India. Furthermore, by permitting Jains from the same building and surrounding areas to access their Ghar Derasar daily, they facilitate easier participation in religious practices for community members without necessitating visits to SJRS every day.
The portrayal of the SJRS premise consistently embodies a role of centralization, while conversely, the presence of Jain Ghar Derasars within urban Jain residences manifests a role of decentralization at the individual level. The internal dynamics of religious blending among the Jains in Singapore reflect a complex interplay between various Jain sects, particularly the diverse Śvetāmbara sub-sects, as they engage and shape one another. Furthermore, the establishment of individual and community-oriented Jain Ghar Derasars highlights the subtle coexistence of the broader Jain cultural framework alongside the distinct practices of smaller Jain communities within Singapore.
On 12 January 2024, I was on my way to visit a Ghar Derasar in East Singapore, located within the Tanamera Condominium complex. Upon arriving at the entrance of this household, a gau mata statue caught my eye before I stepped into the actual condo and the Ghar Derasar. This sight is no longer unfamiliar to me; during my research with the Jains in Southeast Asia, I have come to see the gau mata24 statue as a significant element in the complex tapestry of self-identification. It serves as a key to understanding their broader sense of “Indianness” that permeates their daily lives, even as Jains. The doorway stands as the initial point where they express a facet of their identity. In the internal part of the condo, next to the doorway along the corridor, there is an altar of the Jain Ghar Derasar, revealing the inner core of “Jainness” (See Figure 5).
A continuous process of, what I call Derāvāsī-rization is still unfolding for numerous Singaporean Jains. Derāvāsī-rization denotes the phenomenon wherein the veneration of murtis extends beyond the Derāvāsī Jains to encompass the Sthānakavāsī Jains as well. The religious practice rule for Sthānakavāsī Jains is to refrain from worshipping murtis.
Those long-established residents, who have lived in Singapore for several generations, often maintain religious and communal practices that have been passed down from their Sthānakavāsī Jain heritage. In their domestic environments, many individuals uphold their Sthānakavāsī traditions by displaying images of Jain Tirthankara or explanations of Jain teachings. Simultaneously, they gather murtis and create altars in Derāvāsī fashion intended solely for family or kin, contending that “as Sthānakavāsī Jains, they require a tangible focus; otherwise, the concept of divinity becomes too abstract, particularly for the younger generation”. This hybrid case is relevant for numerous Singaporean Sthānakavāsī Jains as well as Malaysian Sthānakavāsī Jains, where the passage of generations and changes in demography have played a significant role in shaping the Derāvāsī-rization process.
Thus, the intricate layers and fluid nature of Singapore Jains’ identity are evident. This vibrant identity comprises various internal dynamics within the Jain community, as well as interactions with non-Jains, particularly the Gujarati and North Indian Hindus in their vicinity. Amidst the towering condominium structures, Jain householders, predominantly male members accompanied by children, donning light-colored Jain dhotis—garments wrapped around the waist and legs resembling trousers—proceed from their respective residences to the Jain Ghar Derasar. They walk barefoot, embodying their religious and identity hybridity through their physical presence. This scene vividly exemplifies hybridity in a Singaporean locale characterized by a significant population of Gujarati and North Indian Hindus alongside their Jain counterparts.
Despite the distinct patterns and colors of their Gujarati Jain dhotis, this classical pan-Indian attire signifies their “Indianness”. As they navigate the apartments during pooja time, they simultaneously exhibit their vibrant “Jainness”. This amalgamation highlights the hybridity of “Indianness” and “Jainness” within the diasporic context of Singapore, illustrating how their identity as “Jain” is expressed in their daily presentations.
4. Conclusions
Jain and Forest posit that in the context of the United States, a stronger connection to the broader Indian identity is more reflective of the Jain identity itself. They assert that “Social practices developed by Jains to maintain social cohesion after domestic migration within India actually aid in the creation of ethnic identity after transnational migration to the United States” (Jain and Forest 2004, pp. 277–97).
While a unique Jain identity is emerging, historical evidence suggests that identities were once closely interconnected. The interstitial area illustrates how Jains in Singapore embody and engage with their diverse religious practices. The experiences of Jains in Singapore illustrate the harmonious coexistence of Indianness and Jainness. I argue that the distinction between the wider Indian identity and the more particular Jain identity can be understood as a blending of beliefs, which fundamentally links Jains in Singapore and beyond, fostering connections both within their community and with their larger Indian heritage.
The concept of “religious hybridity” among Jains in Singapore can be seen as a social catalyst, not just within the Jain community in Singapore but also, to some extent, in other diasporic communities, as suggested by Pelliccia (Pelliccia 2017, pp. 55–74). The elements present among the Jains in Singapore reflect a blend of the unique traits of Jainism alongside the distinctive cultural influences of Singapore. The Jains in Singapore exemplify the complex interweaving of their multiple identities as they move through the rich tapestry of Singapore’s diverse and multicultural environment, where global viewpoints and local subtleties come together. The Jain community in Singapore has skillfully navigated the complexities of social interactions, demonstrating an impressive ability to adapt and engage within the diverse landscape of Singaporean society. The concept, while widely referenced, continues to serve as a valuable analytical framework to illustrate how Jains, as an integral component of Singaporean society, engage with their diverse religious landscape in a dynamic and vibrant way.
The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Institutional Review Board of South Asia Languages and Culture, Faculty of Arts and Philosophy (21/11/2024).
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors on request.
The author declares no conflict of interest.
Footnotes
1. In Jainism, Sangha (Community of the Pious) refers to four communities: Sadhu (male ascetics), Sadhvi (female ascetics), Śrāvaka (laymen), and Śrāvikā (laywomen). In the diasporic Jain communities globally, there exist only two distinct groups, rather than the traditional four, primarily due to the absence of Sadhu and Sadhvi.
2. Free migration, or free immigration, promotes the ability of people to migrate to any country of their choice with few restrictions. Persaud asserts that during the British colonial era, Gujratis, including Jains, mostly traveled as merchants and entrepreneurs, in contrast to others who emigrated as laborers (
3. The Singapore Immigration Act of 1959 terminated unrestricted migration between India and Singapore, which had previously seen a significant influx; subsequent to the act’s enactment, free migration markedly diminished (
4. Five notable reformers, Muni Jivaraja (approximately mid-16th to mid-17th centuries), Muni Dharmasimha (1599–1671), Muni Lavaji (approximately 1609–1659), Muni Dharmadasa (approximately 1645–1703, or 1717), and Muni Hara (17th century), emerged from branches of the Lonka Gaccha and the Ekal Patriya Panth, a lay movement of uncertain origins. They established the main sthānakavāsi mendicant traditions, which continue to thrive today. The mendicants and their lay followers dismissed the practice of image worship (
5. Jainism became a member of the National Inter-Religious Organization of Singapore in 2006, marking its status as the 10th faith to join Singapore’s Inter-Religious Organization. The IRO conducted a four-year examination to ascertain that Jainism is neither a sect nor a derivative of another religion (
6. A Saman is a male novice ascetic at an intermediate level within the Śvetāmbara Terāpanth sect of Jainism. These individuals, who are partially committed to their spiritual journey, adopt many of the same vows as fully committed ascetics. However, they are not required to live a wandering lifestyle and are permitted to travel, manage finances, and procure their own sustenance when needed. This allows them to engage with academic institutions and explore Jain communities across the diaspora.
7. Before my fieldwork in Singapore, I traveled with Saman Shrutpragya for his religious discourses in Penang and Melaka in Malaysia, by traveling and intensively interacting with him, some different angles were made possible for me to perceive the richness of the diasporic Jain communities in Southeast Asia.
8. Mahavir Janma Kalyanak is a significant holy feast in Jainism. It commemorates the birth of Mahavira, the twenty-fourth and last Tirthankara (the supreme preacher in Jainism).
9. Since 2018, she has held the positions of Second Minister for Finance, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office, Second Minister for National Development, and Leader of the House since 2020.
10. Notes from the fieldwork, May 2024, Singapore.
11. See
12. See note 11.
13. Sanātana Dharma serves as an endonym for certain sects of Hinduism and is used as an alternate designation to the exonyms of Hinduism, such as Hindu Dharma.
14. See note 11.
15. For instance, see “Art of Living”:
16. The term “neo-Jain” parallels “neo-Hindu”, where “neo-Hinduism” refers to a contemporary concept signifying “the assimilation of Western ideas and standards, alongside the willingness to reinterpret traditional beliefs in accordance with these newly introduced and imposed frameworks”. Consequently, this perspective might be used for the concept of “neo-Jainism”.
17. See
18. See
19. Anekāntavāda (many-sidedness) is the Jain theory about metaphysical facts. It asserts that the ultimate truth and reality are intricate and possess several dimensions. This does not reflect the contemporary understanding of the principle of Anekāntavāda among most Jains. They perceive it as a principle that fosters religious pluralism rather than simply a logical instrument, as it was initially conceived.
20. I interviewed Paul Hedges on this topic. Paul Hedges is a Professor in Inter-Religious Studies in the Study of Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies program at RSIS (S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies), Nanyang Technological University, in a personal conversation.
21. This is a tradition not unique to the Jain community in Malaysia, but rather universal to the Jains.
22. Notes from fieldwork, March 2024, Ipoh, Malaysia.
23. The rite involves the consecration of a statue in a temple, during which hymns and mantras are chanted to invite the deity to inhabit the figure, marking the moment when the statue’s eyes are opened for the first time.
24. Gau mata literally means “mother cow”. See “Thirty-three million demi-gods reside in mother cow (gau mata). Cow is our mother. The atmosphere of a house where there is a cow is very pure. Since all the demi-gods are present in a cow, we do not consider a cow as an ordinary animal; this is part of our culture. Similarly, Tulsi is not an ordinary plant. In our religion and culture, we also acknowledge rivers such as Maa, for example, Ganga Maiya, Narmada Maiya, Yamuna Maiya. We worship mountains and trees” (
Footnotes
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Enlarge this image.Figure 1. The Ayambil Oli, a communal event among the Jains in Singapore, serves as an occasion that bridges the old and new, uniting various sects within the community.
Enlarge this image.Figure 2. Paying respect to Saman Shrutpragya during his visit to Singapore, 26 April 2024, Kallang, Singapore.
Enlarge this image.Figure 3. Members from various religious traditions (Buddhism, Hinduism, Christianity, the Bahá’í Faith) were invited to participate in the Jain function organized by SJRS. Both the current and former presidents of SJRS were present. Jain vegetarian food was served in this inter-faith setting.
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