1. Introduction
In early 1005, the Song and Liao finally reached a treaty after a prolonged war. Three years later, Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (968–1022, r. 997–1022) visited Mount Tai 泰山 to perform the Fengshan 封禪sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, hoping to share peace with his subjects. After the long-held view that Zhenzong’s grand sacrifices was to “expunge the disgrace”1, new research proposes in-depth political reinterpretation of Emperor Zhenzong, where he “aimed at forging hegemonic political discourses and universal beliefs for the ruling class, establishing an absolute state authority through a series of politically symbolic rituals and ceremonies across the country” (He 2005, p. 95). Deng Xiaonan 鄧小南 proposed that the repeated declarations of receiving the omens of regime legitimacy (fuming 符命) was an attempt to integrate the authority of Heaven with the political rule and ritual orders of the dynasty (Deng 2006, pp. 317, 319). Liu Ching-cheng 劉靜貞 summarized it as “a way of governance that rule through rituals and symbolism for spiritual leadership” (C.-c. Liu 1996, p. 140). The representative sinologists like Anna Seidel and Suzanne Cahill, focused on the relationship between Taoist theory and the Fengshan sacrifices, especially highlighting the Daoist signification of Heavenly Scripture (tianshu 天書) in the political propaganda (Seidel 1969–1970, pp. 216–47; Cahill 1980, pp. 23–44). Dieter Kuhn also raised Zhenzong’s imitation of Tang predecessor Xuanzong 玄宗 (685–762, r. 712–756) when staging the impressive Fengshan sacrifices (Kuhn 2009, p. 47). In the current study, Chang Weiling 張維玲 has treated this topic extensively and provided lot of details on the general circumstances and background of Zhenzong’s entire ritual program, exhibiting the profound connection between the “Era of Heavenly Scripture” and the Ancient Chinese Movement. (Chang 2021) Complementing on the existing scholarship that concentrate on the purpose and theory, this paper reveals the details and the underlying influence factors of the ceremony. The key lies in the core meaning of the auspicious omens appearing in the ceremony—Zhicao (Ganoderma Lucidum, a particular type of fungus).
The Heavenly Scripture (tianshu) has been considered the most famous auspicious omen during the Dazhongxiangfu 大中祥符 era (1008–1016) and received the most scholarly attention. In comparison, Zhicao was an equally pivotal element of the political propaganda at that time, but has remained understudied. In fact, there are abundant records about the appearance and offering of Zhicao from Mount Tai before and after the 1008 Fengshan rituals. Xu zizhi tongjian changbian 續資治通鑑長編 provides a few examples of its grand occasion, among which reached 8139, 8711 and 38250 respectively (Tuotuo 1977, p. 1389; T. Li 2004, pp. 1564, 1570).
Frequently appearing in thousands in the historical records, Zhicao had become the basis for the powerful propaganda for legitimacy during Zhenzong’s reign. Consequently, when the strategy of political propaganda failed, the criticism of public opinion also focused on these auspicious omens.2 However, the previous researches only briefly mentioned the emergence of Zhicao during the Dongfeng xisi 東封西祀 ceremonies.3 In Songhuiyao jigao 宋會要輯稿, Emperor Zhenzong repeatedly disposed the Zhicao obtained during his 1008 Fengshan of Mount Tai, among which the distribution in 1011 was the most magnificent:
On the second day of the third lunar month in the fourth year of Dazhongxiangfu, the court eunuch, Tan Yuanji (?–1020?) and others announced an imperial decree: “The Zhicao from Mount Tai shall be crafted into two hundred Treasure Mountain (Baoshan, Mountain Lingshan in Buddhist cosmology), with each Treasure Mountain consisting of eleven pieces of Zhicao. they shall be packed into lacquered boxes.” The decree further orders the distribution of these to various renowned mountains, scenic spots, and significant temples and shrines across the realm (Xu 2014, p. 2595a).
大中祥符四年二月三日，內侍譚元吉等言，“準詔，以泰山芝草裝成寶山二百，每山十壹本，盛以漆匣。”詔分送諸路名山勝境、名宮觀祠宇。
Perhaps due to the lack of further records, the common occurrence of distributing auspicious Zhicao during the Zhenzong reign did not attract the attention of scholars. From court’s perspective of managing auspicious omens and calamities, Zhicao’s nationwide distribution was indeed unprecedented. Different kinds of auspicious omens were reported, recognized, and classified according to their differences. The Tang dynasty had developed a taxonomy and hierarchy for auspicious omens, which were divided into four levels of great, upper, middle, and lower auspicious.4 The management and reporting of auspicious omens were regulated with clearly established rules. According to Yizhi ling 儀制令 quoted by Tang huiyao 唐會要, only the great auspicious should be reported immediately to the throne, the others only recorded shapes and place of origin faithfully and reported to related institution (P. Wang 1991, p. 618). The Song court was acquainted with the Tang administration of auspicious omens, while most of the above referred to the general situation outlined by the imperial system.5 When extraordinary auspicious ones emerged, the emperor usually invited officials to express congratulations by composing eulogies together. Sometimes the emperor himself also wrote poems or eulogies to publicize the occasions to the world.6 Overall, the memorial, presentation, and display of propitious signs follow a bottom-up pattern. However, the distribution of Zhicao was obviously a top-down initiative promoted by Emperor Zhenzong himself, significantly deviated from the handling of previous auspicious omens.
In this article, I emphasize the special and symbolic nature of Zhicao and why it was so important during Zhenzong’s reign. Specifically, I explained why did Zhenzong assign greater importance to the Zhicao among those auspicious omens that emerged during the Fengshan ritual. By analyzing the records of the distributions of Zhicao, I also reproduce the time, scale and impact of these distributions in order to find the motive of Emperor Zhenzong behind repeatedly distributing. Compared with the precedents, such as the distributions of Buddhist relics in Sui (581–618) and Tang dynasties, I also try to find the theoretical foundation for these innovative yet unconventional distributions. This approach will allow me to clarify the Buddhist and Daoist influence on the political propaganda during Dazhonxiangfu era and address the theory transformation of auspicious omens and calamities in the Song Dynasty.
2. Concomitant to the Heavenly Script: The Elevation of Zhicao in National Sacrifices
Before delving into Zhenzong’s distribution of Zhicao, it is necessary to briefly introduce the features and review the meaning of Zhicao. Zhicao, also known as Zhi 芝, Lingzhi 靈芝, Zhijun 芝菌 and Zhirui 芝瑞, is one of the most precious medicinal fungus and high-grade auspicious omens in Medieval China. Zhicao is still widely used as a medicine or diet supplemental until now because it can enhance immunity and eliminate fatigue, insomnia, and migraines. In 2000, Zhicao (Ganoderma) was formally included in the Pharmacopoeia of the People’s Republic of China (Guojia yaodian bianweihui 2000, p. IV).
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Commonly, Zhicao looks like a “mushroom”, is the dry entity of Ganoderma sinense Zhao. Xu et Zhang 紫芝 or Ganoderma lucidum (Leyss. ex Fr.) Karst. 赤芝 (Zhao and Zhang 2000, p. 1). The fruiting body of Zhicao grows from mycelium, which is formed by the germination of basidiospores under suitable conditions (Zhao et al. 1981, p. 3). The basidiospores and the reproductive hyphae of Zhicao are tiny, transparent, thin-walled and fragile, with a diameter of only 1–3 μm. Due to these characteristics, Zhicao was often considered to be “a sudden growth” without roots or cultivation in ancient times. It was very different from the lifestyle of common green plants, resulting in a large number of legends about the “transformation” of Zhicao. Undoubtedly, those legends added more mystery of Zhicao, gradually became a symbol of Taoist immortality and ascension.
Zhicao was also available in tangible and reproducible forms, not as transitory and irreproducible as the rare celestial phenomenon, or as unruly as the animals. Even compared to other ordinary plant-based auspicious omens, Zhicao, as a type of Macro-fungus, can be preserved for a long time without significant morphological changes. Unlike most auspicious omens that can only be depicted in text or represented in painting8, Zhicao is particularly suitable for on-site display as living proof and real experience of the state rituals. Among the myriad auspicious signs, Zhicao was more persuasive in shaping public opinion.
Therefore, Zhicao became an important type of auspicious omens in the Fengshan ritual. Although there is no direct historical record during Zhenzong’s reign, Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021–1086) once commented on the vicissitudes of Zhicao in his Zhige ji 芝閣記 (The record on the Zhi Pavilion), highlighting the hidden truth. A lot of people intentionally searched for Zhicao by soaring mountains and plunging valleys, in order to celebrate the great ceremony of Zhenzong’s Fengshan (A. Wang 2005, p. 1575). Because of that Zhicao could not be artificially cultivated in Tang and Song dynasties, there was also a possibility of forgery (Yang 2022b, pp. 72–74). According to the records, the conformed incidents of forging Zhicao as auspicious omens occurred during the reign of Emperor Huizong徽宗 (1082–1135, r. 1100–1126).9 One of the examples was to stick the Zhicao and toad together, in order to create the propitious atmosphere. We have reason to believe that the sudden emergence of thousands of Zhicao was also suspicious in the era of Zhenzong. In the relevant records, the donated pieces of “Zhicao” were packaged together into the shape of immortals, precious birds and beasts, symbolizing the auspicious omens (Tuotuo 1977, p. 1391). Under the circumstances, it was more difficult to distinguish the Zhicao from the other kinds of fungi. Anyway, Zhicao was available in abundant quantity and easy for preservation for its distribution. During the ceremonies of Fengshan and the worship to the Supreme Venerable Sovereign, the number of Zhicao could reach hundreds of thousands, fulfilling the needs of distribution.
In addition to Zhicao’s practical factors, we must take the significance as auspicious omens and immortal medicine into consideration. Indeed, in the official ranking of auspicious omens in Medieval China, Zhicao was not classified with high priority. In Tang liudian唐六典, Zhicao, along with other thirteen types of omens, were categorized as Lower Auspicious (L. Li 1992, p. 115). Official only needed to report on the emergence of them all at once at the end of a year, indicating their underappreciated value in the original Tang hierarchy. Nevertheless, under specific political circumstances and with particular type of propaganda, Zhicao was often elevated beyond the hierarchical regulation. For example, during Xuanzhong’s reign in 748, a Jade Zhi 玉芝 grew on the pillars of the Datong Hall 大同殿, shining with a divine light. All of the officials asked the emperor to add imperial honorific title 尊號 for this reason (F. Li 1960, p. 535). The emergence of Zhicao was not only a sign of divine right of the emperor, but also a testament for his honorific title.10 Its importance thus far surpassed the category of Lower Auspicious.
The elevation of Zhicao typically occurred when the emperors intended to highlight the importance of Daoism. This is not due to the repositioning of Zhicao in the conventional auspicious system but rather its special position in Daoism. In Shennong bencao jing神農本草經, Zhicao was regarded as an elixir for longevity. Specifically, the efficacy of the “Five Zhi” 五芝, the typical five kinds of Zhicao with different color (green, red, yellow, black and purple), has been described in detail (Shang 2008, pp. 28–31). In the formation of the Daoist belief system, the amalgamation of sources in materia medica, alchemy, and immortality endowed Zhicao with the meaning of longevity and immortality. In Baopuzi 抱樸子 (a Daoist classic compiled by Ge Hong [283?–363?]), a chapter detailing the classification, origin, shape and efficacy of the Five Zhi listed Zhicao as the top grade of the immortal medicine alongside cinnabar, gold and silver. The benefits of consuming Zhicao for immortality were especially highlighted: “taking one liter of Shinao Zhi 石腦芝 will lead to a thousand years of life” and “taking these three kinds of Zhicao will lead immortality in broad daylight.” (H. Ge 1985, pp. 196–203) Consequently, these records lay the foundation of Zhicao in the Daoist belief of longevity and supernatural being.
By the Song Dynasty, Five Zhi had been accepted as a fixed idiom, and its infusion with the Daoist theory of longevity had become a common knowledge. In Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤, a Daoist scripture compiled by Song officials, Zhicao’s effects of achieving immortality were decisively recognized and acknowledged. As one of the most authoritative Daoist texts, it described the different types of Zhicao as giving people thousands of years of lifetime (J. Zhang 2003, pp. 467–69). In the same way that the Laoren xing 老人星 (Canopus) was constructed into the image of the emperor’s longevity, Zhicao was also favored in the imperial culture for it added the auspicious meaning of longevity, which contributed to the elevation of its status.
The elevation of Zhicao’s status is most intuitively reflected in its changing role and increased deployments in state ceremonies such as Fengshan and the worship of the Supreme Venerable Sovereign (taishang laojun 太上老君). In Zhenzong emperor’s scheme of “Transforming Politics with Daoist Teaching (shendao shejiao 神道設教)”, Zhicao, a sacred object that combined the traditional Confucian theory of auspicious omens with the Daoist deity, occupied a special position among the numerous omens during Zhenzong’s reign. In the emperor’s edict promulgated during the nineth lunar month, the plant-based auspicious omens of Zhicao, Jiahe 嘉禾 and Ruimu 瑞木 (auspicious crops) should be displayed in front of the Heavenly Scriptures on the day of sacrificing to the Imperial Ancestral Temple (taimiao 太廟) (T. Li 2004, p. 1560; Xu 2014, pp. 753b, 1124b). It was quite different from the traditional procedures of the Confucian rituals.
According to the design recorded in Confucian classics, blood sacrifices are crucial to the worshipping of imperial ancestors.11 However, Zhenzong offered vegetable dishes of auspicious plants, such as Zhicao, Jiahe, and Mulianli木連理 (intertwined branches), rather than blood food, alongside the Heavenly Scriptures to honor the ancestors. This seemingly deviating behavior reflected the depth of Daoist transformation of state rituals. Daoism held a critical stance towards blood sacrifices, believing that it symbolizes the turbid force (liutian guqi 六天故氣) of slaughtering. On contrast, Daoism advocated for “the holy force from the three highest manifestations (sanqingtian zhi daoqi 三清天之道氣)”, which are not fed on blood sacrifices.12 However, for state sacrificial ceremonies such as Fengshan, Daoism, which relied on the emperor’s patronage, tended to adopt a subtle and circuitous approach—choosing to integrate Daoist elements into the state rituals rather than completely replacing others. The selection of sacrificial offerings in the Imperial Ancestral Temples was a visible example.
As the site of the Fengshan rituals, Mount Tai was also abounded in Zhicao in the Daoist cosmology. In Fudi ji 福地記 (Gazetteer of Auspicious Land), Mount Tai was described as 16340 m high, with a circumference of 1000 km, abundant in Zhicao, jade, spring and rooms of immortality (Q. Sima 2014, pp. 311–12). As a result, it is reasonable to interpret that the number of Zhicao was exceptionally high during the Fengshan ceremony at Mount Tai. Moreover, in 1013 and 1014, to prepare for Zhenzong’s visit to the Supreme Venerable Sovereign, Ding Wei 丁謂 offered in two times more than 130,000 pieces of Zhicao, building a direct link between the presence of Zhicao with the Daoist deity (T. Li 2004, pp. 1853, 1862). Zhicao transitioned from the supplementing role in the Fengshan ceremony to one of the most eye-catching auspicious omens besides the Heavenly Scriptures. This is because of Zhicao’s deep-rooted structural connection to Daoism.
Against the backdrop of Zhenzong’s promotion of Daoism, Zhicao, once ranked lowly in the Confucian hierarchy of omens and signs, evolved into a crucial symbol due to its association with Daoist immortality. In the Fengshan rituals, Zhicao served as an ideal substitute for blood sacrifice, and emerged as a unique auspicious omen in the political landscape of Mount Tai. Besides, Zhicao also proved to be a strong support in the worship to the Supreme Venerable Sovereign for its symbolism in Daoist immortal culture. The elevation and utilization of Zhicao was a natural outcome. Zhicao, which embodied the meaning of longevity, had become a representation of the authority of Emperor Zhenzong. Thus, Zhenzong’s interest in Zhicao extended far beyond the ceremonies in 1008. Serving as the witness to the great ceremony of Fengshan, Zhicao was invested with high hopes of recording and reproducing political rituals, thus started an unprecedented distribution across the country.
3. Zhicao from Mount Tai: The Procedure of Emperor Zhenzong’s Distribution
The religious meaning and political elevation of Zhicao elucidates Zhenzong’s intention of attaching great importance to auspicious omens. Throughout Medieval China, it was common for emperors who believed in portent and presage to rely on certain types of auspicious omen. For instance, Jiahe for the Wu Kingdom (229–80), and the Mahāmegha Sūtra (Dayun jing shu 大雲經疏) for Wu Zetian 武則天 (624–705, r. 690–705), such cases have been thoroughly discussed in prior’s researches.13 However, the way in which Emperor Zhenzong handled Zhicao differed fundamentally from previous emperors. After the routinized procedures of submission, display, congratulations, preservation, and documentation, Zhenzong opted to distribute the Zhicao offered to him across the country, over a span of nine years, from 1008 to 1016. The nationwide distribution of auspicious omens was not only rare among other Song emperors, but also unheard of in other dynasties.
As previously mentioned, records of the distribution of Zhicao from Mount Tai in 1011 is mentioned in the Song huiyao jigao. Record this distribution is also found in Yuhai 玉海 (Y. Wang 2016, p. 3653b). Information in Yuhai was brief. The specific date of distribution was not clear, nor was there any detail of the distribution. Tang Shichi 唐士恥, a scholar active during the Emperor Lizong 理宗’ reign (1205–1264, r. 1224–1264), mentioned the scale of the Zhicao distribution in his article Zhishan Song 芝山頌.
(Zhenzong) ordered the court eunuch, (Tan) Yuanji, to distribute (the Treasure Mountain made of Zhicao) to two hundred famous landscapes.”
(Zeng and Liu 2006, Vol. 308, p. 94)
（大中祥符）二年四月二十三日，命內臣元吉分畀名地凡二百焉。
Tang Shichi’s account aligned with Song Huiyao Jigao. However, Tang recorded the time of distribution as “on the twenty-third day of the fourth lunar month in the second year of Dazhongxiangfu”, while Song Huiyao Jigao and Yuhai both indicated the fourth year of Dazhongxiangfu. Most likely that the “twenty-third day of the fourth lunar month in the second year of Dazhongxiangfu” was a clerical error of “the second day of the third lunar month in the fourth year”. The more accurate time of distribution of Zhicao from Mount Tai was in the fourth year of Dazhongxiangfu.14
It can be confirmed that the act of distributing Zhicao was not a spontaneous move by Zhenzong. Before this, Zhenzong had already awarded Zhicao obtained from the Fengshan rituals to his officials (Y. Wang 2016, p. 3653b). In another occasion he sent two boxes of Zhicao from Mount Tai to a temple (X. Wang 1992, p. 3203). Perhaps, as these dispersed distributions achieved his desired outcomes, Zhenzong became determined to distribute Zhicao on larger scales. In 1011, after nearly half a year of preparation, Emperor Zhenzong ultimately performed the worship of Houtu 后土 (Goddess Queen of the Earth) in Fenyin 汾陰 (north of the Fen River) (T. Li 2004, p. 1711–12). On the third day of the second lunar month, he entered the Shan Prefecture 陝州 (nowadays Sanmenxia in Henan Province) was the final preparation for his worship at Fenyin (T. Li 2004, p. 1710). Zhenzong chose to distribute the auspicious Zhicao at this critical moment, because he aimed to generate momentum for the subsequent sacrificial act. This also explains the likelihood of Zhenzong’s nationwide distribution of Zhicao in 1011. Through the auspicious Zhicao, which embodied the Fengshan ceremony in Mount Tai, Zhenzong fused the “Eastern Enfeoffment (dongfeng 東封)” with the “Western Sacrifice (xisi 西祀)”. Though the two ceremonies took place in different times and places, the living embodiment of Zhicao integrated the two ceremonies and realized the ideal of “Honoring Heaven and Earth”.
In 1015, Zhenzong organized another nationwide distribution of Zhicao:
In the eighth year of Dazhongxiangfu, (Zhenzong) bestowed each of his close officials two pieces of Lingzhi Shan, all of which were offered by Ding Wei. Famous mountains, Buddhist monasteries and Taoist temples, and spiritual relics across the country were all rewarded.
(Xu 2014, p. 2596a)
（大中祥符）八年六月，賜近臣靈芝山各二，皆丁謂所進。天下名山、洞府、靈跡、寺觀皆賜之。
It was notable that the Zhicao distributed this time did not specifically refer to those from Mount Tai. In 1014, Zhenzong decided to visit the Taiqing Temple 太清宮 in Prefecture Bo亳州 (nowadays Bozhou in Anhui Province), in response to the petition from more than 3300 officials and elders from the prefecture, the hometown of the Supreme Venerable Sovereign. At this time, Ding Wei, serving as the Commissioner for Ritual Ceremonies, was also appointed as prefect of Bo to prepare for the worship to the Supreme Venerable Sovereign. He came to the court from Prefecture Bo and presented over 37,000 pieces of Zhicao (T. Li 2004, p. 1853). To dispel misgivings of Kou Zhun 寇準 (961–1023) and other officials, Zhenzong even exhibited these Zhicao in the Wende Hall 文德殿, which showed his confidence of these auspicious omens (T. Li 2004, p. 1854). In the spring of 1014, when Zhenzong’s imperial carriage arrived at the Fengyuan Temple 奉元宮 in Prefecture Bo, Ding Wei seized the moment to offer more auspicious omens, he presented a white deer 白鹿 and 95,000 pieces of Zhicao (T. Li 2004, p. 1862). Apparently, the total amount of Zhicao exceeded 132,000 presented in these two occasions. The distribution of the Zhicao in 1015, as recorded in Songhuiyao Jigao, specially pointed out that all these pieces were presented by Ding Wei and originated from Bo prefecture. Between the emperor at the center and his officials from locality, through the offerings from the bottom and the distribution from the top, this seemingly cyclical process was an indispensable part of Zhenzong’s political propaganda in preaching and transforming. it also shows that Zhenzong and his advisors had gradually become familiar with this process through previous Zhicao distribution, and could apply the procedure in different occasions.
Evidently, the scales of the distributions of Zhicao in 1011 and 1015 far surpassed the previous standards of omen distribution. The pieces of Zhicao distributed to various temples and monasteries were preserved so well that they continue to be impactful into the Southern Song period. According to Zhou Bida 周必大 (1126–1204)’s account of Mount Gezao 閣皂山:
Entering the gate (of the Chongzhen Temple), there was the Imperial Writing Pavilion (Yushu Ge) with eleven rooms. It has collected 118 calligraphy works bestowed by Emperor Taizong (939–997, r. 976–997), two pieces of Zhicao from Mount Tai distributed by Emperor Zhenzong, one volume of Huangyou Xinyue Tu (Records of the Royal Music), and ten volumes of imperial writings by Emperor Gaozong (1107–1187, r. 1127–1162).
(Zhou 2020, p. 1159)
入門即御書閣十一楹，藏熙陵賜書百一十八幅，章聖封泰山芝草二本，《皇祐新樂圖》一卷，紹興宸翰十軸。
The two pieces of Zhicao from Mount Tai in Zhou’s record were regarded relics from Zhenzong’s time, as important as the calligraphies and paintings of the other Song emperors. Zhou Bida was also familiar with the origin of these Zhicao:
In the nineth year of Qiandao, (Zhou Bida) paid respects to the emperors’ portraits and the calligraphy works from Emperors Taizong, Zhenzong, Renzong (1010–1063, r. 1022–1063) and Gaozong. More than 160,000 pieces of Zhicao were acquired during the Fengshan ritual at Mountain Tai, they are distributed to temples and monasteries. Two pieces are found here.
(Zhou 2020, p. 2794)
（乾道九年十月）戊辰早，瞻禮玉像及四朝御書、太宗、真宗、仁宗、德壽宮。芝草、封禪泰山凡得十六萬有余，分賜名山宮觀，而二本在此。
Even though we do not know from which distribution did these two pieces of Zhicao come, their origin can be undoubtedly traced back to the Mount Tai. There was no doubt that Zhenzong distributing Zhicao was not just an ineffective order but a government decree that was actually implemented. Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933)’s Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji 洞天福地嶽瀆名山記 (The Records of Holy Sites in Daoism) documented seventy-two Taoist Holy Sites, with Mount Gezao in Xingan County 新淦縣 ranking thirty-third (G. Du 2013, p. 392). Mount Gezao was the home shrine of the Lingbao Sect 靈寶派, paralleling in importance with Mount Sanmao 三茅山 of the Dadong Sect 大洞宗 and Mount Longhu 龍虎山 of the Zhengyi Sect 正一派. All these mountains were among the most celebrated holy sites in the history of Daoism, undoubtedly falling under the category of the “famous mountains and scenic spaces” mentioned in the imperial decree. If Zhenzong were determined to implement the plan of distributing the Zhicao to “all famous mountains, scenic spaces, Taoist and ancestral temples all over the country”, it would have attracted attention at the time. Even into the Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279), the scholar-officials still had fresh memories of Zhenzong’s act of distributing Zhicao.
There are only scant records in existing historical materials on Zhenzong’s distributions of Zhicao, allowing a vague picture reconstructed with limited materials. Behind these scattered clues, there were extravagant ceremonies, elaborate distribution process spanning months and years to complete, all of which indicating the growing significance of these distribution from the central court to the local governments. Zhenzong not only relied on the appearance of auspicious omens on site of the ceremonies, but also distributed the Zhicao obtained in these events in the following years. What was the purpose of his distributions? And what are the practical references for his imaginative act of distributing auspicious omens? Actually, they were deeply influenced by the Buddhist factors used in the political propaganda of the middle period.
4. Creating Hallows and Establishing Authority
Both Songhuiyao Jigao and Yuhai used the term “Baoshan” 寶山. “Baoshan” was originally a Buddhist terminology. As explained in Yiqiejing yinyi 一切經音義, a dictionary on Buddhist terms, Mount Sumilu 蘇迷盧山, was the Sanskrit pronunciation of Baoshan, it can also be translated as Mount Xumi 須彌山 or Mount Milou 彌樓山, both of which are due to the improper transliteration of Sanskrit (Shi et al. 2008, p. 528a).
Mount Sumiru, also known as Mount Sumen, is situated in the center of the Caturdvipa (the Four Great Regions) of the Buddhist cosmology. Over time, with the popularization and secularization of Buddhism, the Chinese translation of “Baoshan” gradually replaced the Sanskrit transliteration and became a commonplace usage. It can denote both the holy mountains where Buddhas reside and the mountains abundant with treasures. Due to the decorative style, the appearance of the stacked Zhicao was associated with the treasure-laden mountains. Therefore, people at the time referred to stacked Zhicao as “Treasure Mountain” or “Lingzhi Mountain”, using it as a metaphor for the precious treasures piled high in thousands. Tang Shichi’s Zhishan Song described Zhenzong’s distribution of Zhicao:
Those pieces of Zhicao were distributed to the shrines once more and rewarded the officials with two pieces each, in order to immortalizing these precious deposits.
(Zeng and Liu 2006, Vol. 308, pp. 94–95)
（大中祥符）八年六月復錫殊庭，加賚臣工各二，俾之寶藏不朽。
“Immortalizing these precious deposits” clearly indicate the purpose of distributing Zhicao. Overall, the immortality of Zhicao symbolized not only the great enterprise of the Fengshan rituals, but also the enduring authority of Zhenzong.
As the sixth emperor to perform the Fengshan ceremony in Mount Tai, Zhenzong intentionally emulated the rituals of his predecessors while also accentuating his distinctive characteristics. Following the Fengshan ceremony, Zhenzong continued the practice of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang by conferring the title of Prince on the Five Sacred Mountains God. For instance, in the first year of Dazhongxiangfu, Dongyue 東嶽 (Mount Tai) received the title of “Prince of Heavenly Harmony and Benevolence (Rensheng Tianqi Wang 仁聖天齊王)” (T. Li 2004, p. 1572). Three years later, as the lead of the Five Sacred Mountains, Mount Tai was enfeoffed with the title of emperor for the first time, now called the Emperor of Heavenly Harmony and Benevolence (Tianqi Rensheng Di 天齊仁聖帝).15 This initiative strengthened the preeminence of Mount Tai among the Five Sacred Mountains. Through the continuous elevation of the Mount Tai, Zhenzong consistently underscored the profound significance of Fengshan. The more fundamental reason lies in that the sacred power of the Five Sacred Mountains was bestowed by the emperor, deeply reinforcing Zhenzong’s own authority. As summarized by Liu Ching-cheng: “All of this has only one purpose, to propagate Mandate of Heaven of the Song dynasty and that of Zhenzong himself.” (C.-c. Liu 1996, p. 129)
More importantly, Zhenzong intentionally emulated the precedents of Emperor Gaozong 高宗 (628–683, r. 649–683), who conducted the Fengshan ceremony in 666. In reality, the nationwide distribution of auspicious omens, seemingly created by Zhenzong as his unique initiative, also had its root in the measures taken by Emperor Gaozong after his Fengshan ceremony. According to Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書, there were three Daoist temples named Ziyun紫雲, Xianhe 仙鶴, Wansui 萬歲 and three Buddhist monasteries named Fengluan 封巒, Feiyan 非煙, Chonglun 重輪 were set up in Prefecture Yan. Each prefecture across the country was to establish one Daoist temple and one Buddhist monastery in commemoration of Fengshan (X. Liu 1975, p. 90). The content in Cefu Yuangui 冊府元龜 closely parallels that of the Jiu Tangshu, it also states that “each prefecture across the country should have its own Daoist temple and Buddhist monastery” (Q. Wang 1960, p. 574b). This marks the first instance of setting up state-sponsored temples and monasteries on a nationwide scale during the Tang Dynasty. These new establishment also marked the pioneering effort of Emperor Gaozong to commemorate the Fengshan ceremony. Afterwards, though Wu Zetian built Dayun Monasteries 大雲寺 in 690 at the two capitals of Chang’ an and Luoyang as well as throughout the prefectures of the empire, her motivation was to celebrate her accession to the throne.16 Emperor Xuanzong also established Kaiyuan Monasteries and Temples 開元寺、觀 in various prefectures of the empire in 738, but his initiative was more than ten years apart from his Fengshan in 725 (P. Wang 1991, p. 996). These constructions of monasteries and temples under Wu Zetian and Xuanzong were not intended to commemorate the Fengshan ceremonies. By contrast, Zhenzong’s decision to establish the Tianqing Temples 天慶觀 across the country immediately after Fengshan drew direct inspiration from Gaozong and closely imitated Gaozong’s original intention. According to Songhuiyao Jigao:
On the thirteenth day in the tenth lunar month of Dazhongxiangfu, an edict reads: “I, in reverence for supreme virtue, bestow a new era. May the entire land be blessed under the vast sky, and may prosperity and auspiciousness be widespread. To promote the spirit of purity, let there be temples and monasteries, fostering their construction for suitable purposes. This will cultivate the pure and serene atmosphere, perpetuating the flourishing culture. In response, all provinces, prefectures, military garrisons, supervisory offices, passes, and counties throughout the realm that lack temple and monastery may select vacant government-owned land, utilize official funds and artisans to construct a Daoist monastery, with the Tianqing Monastery designated as the model. If the people are willing to donate land or contribute materials for construction, their offers shall also be accepted.”
(Xu 2014, 572a)
真宗大中祥符二年十月甲午，詔曰：朕欽崇至德，誕錫元符。率土溥天，冀福祥之咸被；靈壇仙觀，俾興作以攸宜。庶敦清凈之風，永洽淳熙之化。應天下州、府、軍、監、關、縣有全無宮觀處，擇空閑官地，以官錢及工匠建道觀一，以天慶觀為額。若百姓願舍地及就官地備材修者亦聽。
In the second year following the Fengshan ceremony, Zhenzong instituted the Tianqing Temples in “all provinces, prefectures, military garrisons, supervisory offices, passes, and counties throughout the realm”, covering a broader geographical range than the state temples established by Emperor Gaozong while achieving the same purpose. As symbols commemorating the Fengshan, the Tianqing Temples themselves were shaped into sacred embodiment. Through the nationwide spread of the state temples, Zhenzong not only reproduced the commemoration of Fengshan but also proclaimed the divine will of heaven.
What role did the distribution of Zhicao play during this process? It should be noted that Zhenzong gave a unified title of “Tianqing” to all the state Daoist temples. In contrast, Gaozong’s temples and monasteries received unique names in different prefectures, usually after different auspicious omens. A number of examples documented in Shazhou dudufu tujing 沙州都督府圖經 (The Map of the Governor’s Mansion in Prefecture Sha) and the “Jingxing si beiming 景星寺碑銘 (Scripture of Jingxing Monastery)” by Lu Cangyong 盧藏用 (655?–713?) collected in the Quan Tang wen全唐文 (Complete Literature Works of Tang Dynasty). According to the imperial decree in the first year of Qianfeng 乾封 (666–668) era, the temples and monasteries in Prefecture Sha 沙州 (modern-day Dunhuang in Gansu Province) and Prefecture Rong 容州 (Yulin in Guangxi Province), were named after two different auspicious omens: Ruishi 瑞石 and Jingxing 景星 (the auspicious holly stones and stars). In addition, the Daoist temples and Buddhist monasteries built in other prefectures were similarly named after the auspicious omens observed in the local region.17 During the construction of the Tianqing Temples, although the titles of the temples did not explicitly refer to auspicious omens, the distributed Zhicao played a comparable role as the auspicious stone and stars. They were regarded as the auspicious omens distributed from the central authority to local regions, to share the shrine of the emperor with the entire empire.
Similarly, Zhenzong intended to use the frequent appearances of auspicious omens to rationalize the Fengshan as responding to public opinion and correlate with the will of Heaven. The distinction lay in the fact that auspicious stones and scenic stars were irreproducible, while the large amount of Zhicao can be physically distributed throughout the empire. Not only did it create a better sense of presence and credibility, but its quantity and coverage also exceeded that of simply building state temples. Through a series of measures such as establishing Tianqing Temples and distributing Zhicao, Zhenzong continuously evoke people’s memories of Dongfeng and Xisi. By showcasing the tremendous achievements of the emperor across vast space and time, Zhenzong successfully projected an image of authority of himself.
While Zhenzong’s method of large-scale distribution of auspicious omens appeared innovative and original, his predecessors had already set precedents of using sacred objects to construct political legitimacy. Historical resources show that the distributions of auspicious omens were deeply influenced by Buddhist traditions during the middle period. For example, the distribution of Buddhist relics by Emperor Wendi 文帝 (541–604, r. 581–604) of Sui and the dispensation of life-size bronze statues by Emperor Xuanzong of Tang.
According to You Ziyong 游自勇, nearly half of the prefectures in the Sui Dynasty had built a stupa of Buddhist relics (You 2003, pp. 24–30). The scale of the distributions of Zhicao could be grater, while they were also placed in the Buddihist monasteries, Daoist temples or other sacred architectures. Although it may be an exaggeration to say that by 1015 all the “famous mountains, Buddhist monasteries, Daoist temples and spiritual relics across the country” had been rewarded with Zhicao, the scale of the distribution in 1011 can be gauged from the record that two hundred copies of Zhicao from Munt Tai were packed and distributed to the prefectures. Though they were not evenly distributed among localities, the scope of distribution could easily cover at least half of the empire’s territory. Naha Toshisada 那波利貞 believes that the dispensation of life-size bronze statues by Emperor Xuanzong during the Kaiyuan 開元 (713–741) and Tianbao 天寶 (742–756) eras strengthened the autocratic monarch (Naba 1974, pp. 49–53). Lei Wen 雷聞 and Nie Shunxin 聶順新 suggest that the distribution was a form of idol worship (Lei 2009, pp. 132–33; Nie 2015, pp. 108–26). The emperor deifies himself by distributing statues to temples and highlights his legitimacy. Obviously, the function of distributed Zhicao were consistent with them. As sacred objects, both life-size bronze statues and Buddha relics proclaim the emperors’ authority in the same way the Zhicao distribution did for Zhenzong. The distribution of Zhicao was obviously a top-down initiative promoted Zhenzong himself, significantly deviated from the handling of previous auspicious omens and influenced by the Buddhist tradition.
Sun Shi 孫奭, an official who opposed the rituals and remonstrated with Zhenzong, had already decisively analyzed the series of worship measures implemented by the emperor in Jian xing Fenyin 諫幸汾陰. He stated that Emperor Zhenzong imitated the rituals of Wudi 武帝 (B.C.E.166–B.C.E.87, r. B.C.E.141–B.C.E.87)and Xuanzong, he went on inspection tours, carved stones to proclaim his achievements, promoted empty fame and boast to future generations. All of these were prepared to honor his reputation and become immortalized (T. Li 2004, p. 1700). Others further point out: “Zhenzong’s sacred worships heavily imitated the ritual activities of Emperor Xuanzong” (L. Du 2011, pp. 93–94). Truthfully, it can be said that Zhenzong followed Xuanzong step by step. Beneath the appearance of the “East enfeoffment” (Dongfeng) and “West Sacrifice” (Xisi) was the reflection of real political crises and the imitation of other dynasties’ precedents.
Similarly, Zhenzong’s distributions of Zhicao were not accidental, but rooted in the traditional Confucian theory of auspicious omens and calamities, derived from a strategy packaged with Buddhist and Daoist ideas and rituals. Its purpose was to establish the emperor’s personal authority and the legitimacy of the Song regime in general. The distinctive characteristic of Zhicao is that it serves not only as a symbol of the emperor’s authority, but also as a testimony of the political ceremonies, making the directionality and representation of Zhenzong’s purpose more explicit.
By comparing Zhenzong’s distribution auspiciousness with other emperors’ precedents involving sacred objects, I found that although appearing highly innovative in the management of auspicious omens and calamities, Zhenzong’s practices bear resemblance to, imitated, and continued the existing practices and cultures from the Chinese Middle Ages. At the scene of Dongfeng and Xisi, the donated Zhicao from local government was the evidence of the emperor’s legitimacy. Afterwards, Zhicao from Mount Tai and Fenyin symbolized the great rituals and were distributed from central authority to the whole country. Through the reproduction and distribution of auspicious omens, Zhenzong reenacted and replicated the specific time and space of Dongfeng and Xisi to materialize them, making them visible throughout the country. By imitating and integrating, Zhenzong fulfilled his purpose of reinforcing the legitimacy of regime and enhance the personal authority of himself.
5. Conclusions
Upon the passing of Zhenzong, the enthusiasm for auspicious omens created by the Dongfeng Xisi campion immediately dissipated. The once unexcelled Heavenly Scripture accompanied the emperor to be buried underground (T. Li 2004, p. 2297). Despite being entrusted with high expectations of Zhenzong, Zhicao did not leave enough records in historical materials that matched their importance, resulting in continuous neglect.
After Fengshan, Zhenzong aimed to strengthen the legitimacy of political power and his personal authority by reproducing the glory and continuously consolidating the importance of Dongfeng Xisi. As the representative of auspicious omens in traditional Confucian theory, Zhicao also connotates longevity in Daoist practice, thus its status has elevated in the context of promoting Daoist Worships. This explains why Zhenzong utilized the large quantity of Zhicao from Mount Tai as evidence of the ceremony, distributing them to evoke memories of Fengshan. As evident in the historical records, the auspicious omens of Zhicao, continuously distributed to famous mountains, Daoist temples and Buddhist monasteries, became the tangible embodiment for later generations to reminisce about the prosperous visions of Dongfeng Xisi during the era of Dazhongxiangfu.
It is crucial to recognize that in terms of managing auspicious omens and calamities, the distribution of auspicious omens from central authority to local regions marks a significantly departure from the previous dynasties. The distribution itself is undoubtedly rooted in the tradition of Fengshan and Buddhist practice of distributing relics. Particularly, the construction of Tianqing Temples after Fengshan was to imitate the establishment of state Daoist temples and Buddhist monasteries by Emperor Gaozong of Tang. Furthermore, the scope and location of distributing Zhicao shared many similarities with Wendi’s distribution of Buddha relics and Xuanzong’s dispensation of life-size bronze statues. The intellectual foundation of these political propaganda derived from the integration of the Buddhist practice into political culture.18
Thus, traditional Confucian doctrine of auspicious omens and calamities fused with Daoist and Buddhist influence to shape the distribution of Zhicao. The practice of distributing to both Daoist temples and Buddhist monasteries aligned with the religious policies of maintaining a balance among the Three Teachings after the Fengshan by Emperor Zhenzong. Despite Daoism’s dominant position during the Dazhongxiangfu era, Zhenzong also deployed Buddhist and Confucian methods of political propaganda, achieving a temporary balance. “In a sense, the structure of politics is to extend the power of the sacred universe into the realm of man, thereby achieving something resembling inevitability, divine authority and permanence.” (Sun 2020, p. 57) We should avoid focusing solely on one aspect and disregard the others when understanding the issues of rituals.
Throughout this study, it is evident that auspicious omens remained one of the most prevalent tools for political propaganda during the Song Dynasty, diverging from the conclusions drawn in some previous studies, which have focused on the decline of auspicious omens from Medieval19. The rise and fall of Zhicao was determined by the needs, methods, and purposes of the emperor’s political propaganda. When we examine Song political reality in history, it becomes apparent that the auspicious omens and calamities during the Song dynasty did not significantly diminish, both in terms of quantity and political influence. Instead, they played a crucial role in shaping political legitimacy by integrating and transforming the religious elements from Buddhism and Daoism. Zhenzong’s endeavor of distributing Zhicao as auspicious omens serves as a typical example.
Ethical review and approval were waived for this study, due to that this research does not include research on identifiable human materials and data.
Not applicable.
No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.
In the procedure to write and refine this paper, Ren Zhijun, Zhejiang University, Xie Yifeng, Hunan University and Gu Liwei, Central China Normal University made considerable contributions. The draft of this paper was presented in the conference on the topic of “Stuck in the Middle? The Third Middle Period China Humanities Conference (220-1600)” held at Yale University from June 22nd to June 25th, 2023. I received comments and suggestions from Barend ter Haar, Universität Hamburg; Chen Song, Bucknell University; ONG Chang Woei, National University of Singapore; and Yang Qin, The University of Nottingham.
The author declares no conflict of interest.
Footnotes
1. On the descriptions of “wiping out a disgrace”, see (
2. Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021–1086) once commented on the vicissitudes of Zhicao in his Zhige ji 芝閣記 (The record on the Zhi Pavilion), highlighting the distinctive contrast of the status of auspicious omens. Wang believed that the reason for the change of Zhicao’ status was due to the ruler’s “shifting penchant or aversion,” the rise and fall of Zhicao was determined by the needs, methods, and purposes of the emperor’s political propaganda. See (
3. For the most representative researches, see (
4. The records of the hierarchy system for auspicious omens in Tang liudian are identical with that in Xin Tang shu, see (
5. Songhuiyao jigao quoted a few of the records from Yizhi ling 儀制令 and Kaiyuan libu shi 開元禮部式, the regulations on the auspicious management in Tang China. See (
6. For example, Emperor Suzong (711–762, r. 756–762) wrote poems for the auspicious Yu Lingzhi 玉靈芝, see (
7. The figures are from Hong Kong Baptist University, “Medicine Plant Images Database”, School of Chinese Medicine and HKBU Library, August 7, 2024,
8. The painting and preservation records of auspicious images seen during the Fengshan in Dazhongxiangfu are scattered in historical materials. See (
9. For the extensive research of the forge during Huizong’reign, see (
10. On the research of the connection between Zhicao and honorific title of Emperor Xuanzong, see (
11. On the procedures of blood sacrifices, see (
12. On the opposite attitude of Taoism towards blood sacrifices, see (
13. The relevant researches, see (
14. It cannot be ruled out that there may be separately conducted distributions in the second and fourth year during Dazhongxiangfu (1009–11).
15. See (
16. The specific time when Wu Zetian ordered the establishment of Dayun Monasteries was recorded differently in the Tang huiyao, Jiu Tang shu and Zizhi tongjian, see (
17. On the comprehensive research of the establishment of official temples by Emperor Gaozong, see (
18. For more details of the integration, see (
19. The relevant researches, see (
Footnotes
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Abstract
Between 1008 and 1016, for several times Emperor Zhenzong (968–1022, r. 997–1022) distributed Zhicao (Ganoderma Lucidum), acquired during the Fengshan 封禪rituals. These grand-scale activities from central to local levels were completely different from the previous management of auspicious omens and calamities. Zhicao, serving as an auspicious symbol in the Confucian system of auspicious omens and calamities, underwent an elevation in status through its integration with the concept of longevity in Daoism. It began to play important roles in the political propaganda of Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1276) dynasties. On the one hand, the distribution was influenced by the political initiatives of Emperor Gaozong (628–683, r. 649–683) after his Fengshan ceremony, with the reason lying in the subtle influence of the Buddhist concept of sacred relics. By integrating the political propaganda of Three Teachings, Emperor Zhenzong reinforced the regime’s legitimacy and enhanced the personal authority of the monarch.
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