Linguistic Contact, Transcoding and Performativity: Linguistic and Cultural Integration of Italian Immigrants in the Río de la Plata

Abstract

From the late 19th to the early 20th century, Argentina experienced a wave of mass migration due to political, economic, and social instability in Europe. This study examines how idiomatic expressions in Argentine Spanish incorporate Italianisms and Rioplatense slang (lunfardismos), focusing on linguistic contact, transcoding, and performativity. The integration of these lexical and phraseological elements occurred through direct borrowings, phraseological calques, and neological formations influenced by both languages, shaped by continuous interactions between immigrant and local communities. Based on a corpus of 179 phraseological units (PUs) from the Diccionario fraseológico del habla argentina. Frases, dichos y locuciones (DiFHA), compiled by Barcia and Pauer, the study analyzes semantic and structural changes resulting from this exchange. The findings highlight linguistic contact, reflecting the interaction between Italian and Rioplatense Spanish; transcoding, illustrating the adaptation of linguistic elements to a new sociocultural context; and performativity, demonstrating how these expressions acquire distinct meanings in daily communication. By examining these phraseological units, the research reveals how language embodies Argentina’s migratory and cultural history, showing how linguistic contact enriches communication and identity through the interaction of different communities.

1. Introduction

Phraseology serves as a privileged manifestation of contact between languages, cultures, and societies. From a diatopic perspective, its study enables an analysis of the linguistic particularities of a given region, in this case, Buenos Aires Spanish, where contact with immigrant communities, especially the Italian community, has left a profound imprint on its lexicon and idiomatic expressions. This approach is essential to understanding how historical and sociocultural factors shape phraseological units¹ (PUs) and turn them into linguistic testimonies of regional identity.

The 23rd edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua Española of the Real Academia Española (DLE) (Real Academia Española, n.d.) highlights the lexical richness of Spanish, reflected in an extensive inventory of words and expressions contributed by all Spanish-speaking regions. In Latin America, as Lipski (2004) asserts, the configuration of Spanish is not solely the result of its European heritage but also of contact with indigenous languages and the influence of various migrations, both forced and voluntary. This phenomenon is particularly evident in Rioplatense Spanish, whose phraseology reflects the Italian imprint on everyday communication.

However, defining a strictly Argentine repertoire presents dialectological challenges. As in other Spanish-speaking regions, lexical configuration does not exclusively correspond to modern national borders, as these do not always align with cultural and historical divisions preceding independence, nor with subsequent sociolinguistic dynamics (Moure, 2003). Additionally, migratory, touristic, and media exchanges in recent decades have enhanced the diffusion and resignification of expressions, making it difficult to identify phraseological forms as exclusively Argentine.

Moreno de Alba (1993) argues that, although American Spanish maintains its essential unity with European Spanish, it has developed its own identity across different linguistic levels, including lexicon and phraseology. This development must be analyzed not only in contrast to Peninsular Spanish but also in relation to other varieties of the Spanish-speaking world, providing a more comprehensive view of its diversity and richness.

The compilation of Argentine PUs containing Italianisms and lunfardismos in this study highlights regional particularities and demonstrates how some of them may be opaque or incomprehensible to speakers of other Spanish varieties. Some reflect idiosyncratic cultural elements, such as references to tango, lunfardo, and local everyday practices, many of which originate from Italian influence.

Thus, the diatopic exploration of phraseology not only enriches the understanding of Rioplatense Spanish and its interaction with Italian but also reveals the dynamics of linguistic contact, transcoding, and performativity as phenomena that integrate and resignify cultural elements within a new linguistic context.

The study of language contact draws on diverse theoretical perspectives that allow for an understanding of the complexity of phenomena such as transfer, convergence, and transculturation. From a classical standpoint, Thomason and Kaufman (1988) define language contact as the use of more than one language in the same community, emphasizing that the transfer of linguistic features depends not only on structural factors but also on social conditions, such as power relations, the intensity of contact, and speakers’ attitudes. For his part, Weinreich (1974) highlights the importance of considering individual bilingualism as the primary locus of contact, where interference may affect all levels of the linguistic system. More recent studies, such as those compiled by Hickey (2020), delve into the typological variability of contact-induced changes in different linguistic settings around the world, reinforcing the idea that the outcomes of contact depend on both internal factors and external social conditions.

With regard to the phenomenon of transcoding, authors such as Katan (1999) emphasize that it not only involves a simple lexical substitution, but a profound cultural reinterpretation, in which expressive units are adapted to resonate within the new sociocultural environment. This view is complemented by the contributions of Winford (2021), who argues that processes of language contact and revitalization necessarily entail phenomena of hybridity and cultural re-signification, transforming not only linguistic systems but also collective identities.

Likewise, the theory of linguistic performativity, initially formulated by Austin (1962) and expanded by Butler (1997), provides a conceptual framework for understanding how PUs not only convey information but also perform social acts. In this sense, expressions such as hacer gamba, as we will see, in addition to conveying literal meanings, serve as a means of acting within the social fabric of the Río de la Plata region, influencing and reshaping social relations through the use of words.

Language contact in the Río de la Plata, then, should not be seen as a superficial phenomenon of word borrowing, but rather as a complex process of cultural hybridity, semiotic reconfiguration, and the generation of new performative acts that shape the discourse and identity of its speakers.

1.1. Perspectives on the Evolution of Rioplatense Spanish: Multicultural Influences and Linguistic Diversity

The evolution of Rioplatense Spanish has been the subject of numerous studies in literature, sociology, and linguistics, disciplines that have emphasized the close relationship between language, culture, and social history. Research by Fontanella de Weinberg (1979), Di Tullio (2003, 2015), and Barcia and Pauer (2010) highlights that the Spanish spoken in Argentina is not merely a means of communication but also a reflection of ideological and social transformations that have shaped national identity. Its development has been marked by a constant dialogue between local traditions and foreign influences, resulting from contact with diverse migrant communities that have contributed their linguistic and cultural wealth.

In this regard, authors such as Lavandera (1984), Fontanella de Weinberg (1979, 1987), Glozman and Lauria (2012), and Di Tullio (2003) have pointed out that Rioplatense Spanish exhibits distinctive features that clearly differentiate it from Peninsular Spanish, to the extent that it is considered by some to be an autonomous linguistic variety or even a dialect of Castilian.² The question of whether a local authority is needed to establish a standard linguistic norm remains a topic of debate in academic circles. Nevertheless, far from constituting a static system, this variety of Spanish continues to evolve, reflecting the political, economic, and social changes of its environment.

Spanish, in its current configuration, is situated within a pluricentric linguistic framework due to the existence of multiple centers of prestige that serve as normative models in different Spanish-speaking regions.³ Within this panorama, Virkel (Virkel, 2000) points out that the linguistic variety of Buenos Aires holds particular relevance due to its role as a disseminating center of linguistic norms in Argentina and its geographical and cultural area of influence. The consolidation of Buenos Aires as a normative epicenter responds to extralinguistic factors that have been widely studied.

Blanch (1986) identifies three fundamental dimensions in the formation and prestige of a cultivated norm: political, demographic, and cultural. Politically, the author emphasizes that the linguistic norm of a sovereign state’s capital acquires prestige based on its institutional and symbolic weight. In Argentina, Buenos Aires’ centrality as the national capital is indisputable in this regard. Demographically, the population size of a territory directly affects the consolidation of its linguistic norm. According to data from Modolo (2016) and the 2011 population and housing census (INDEC, 2012), the province of Buenos Aires, including the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, concentrates approximately 40% of the country’s total population, reinforcing its relevance as a normative center. Culturally, the presence of universities, publishing houses, audiovisual media, and a vast literary production has been decisive in expanding Buenos Aires Spanish throughout the country.

As Blanch (1986) points out and Cuadrado Rey (2020a) reaffirms, the consolidation of Buenos Aires as a publishing hub has played a key role in the standardization and dissemination of its linguistic variety, a phenomenon amplified by mass media, whose influence has even crossed national borders. Similarly, the urban context fosters the expansion of this norm through the education system, which promotes linguistic correctness criteria associated with the Buenos Aires variety and contributes to the exclusion of non-standardized features, reinforcing the trend toward a relative dialectal homogenization in Argentina.

At the same time, the country’s linguistic diversity, marked by the coexistence of Spanish with at least twelve indigenous languages (Censabella, 1999) and a wide range of European languages introduced by immigrants (Blengino, 1990; Cancellier, 1996; Meo Zilio, 1993; Sciutto, 2024), underscores its multicultural character. Since the last third of the 19th century, the so-called “immigration flood” marked the massive arrival of Italians, Spaniards, Germans, French, and other European groups, whose integration into Argentine territory was heterogeneous. While some communities settled in agricultural colonies in provinces such as Santa Fe, Córdoba, Misiones, and Patagonia, others integrated into the urban coastal hubs like Buenos Aires and Montevideo, influencing the shaping of Rioplatense Spanish (Bein, 2011). In agricultural colonies, the languages of origin remained alive for generations, giving rise to linguistic contact phenomena that influenced the evolution of the Spanish spoken in the country. In the cities, everyday interaction between linguistically diverse groups facilitated the incorporation of loanwords, calques, and neologisms that enriched Rioplatense vocabulary (Sciutto, 2023). Beyond the simple adoption of lexical terms, this process led to the creation of new phraseological constructions that reflect cultural assimilation. In this sense, the diatopic study of PUs allows for an understanding of not only the transformation of the language but also the underlying cultural dynamics.

The analysis of loanwords is a key tool for tracing the influence of different communities on the history of the language. Sapir (1954) argues that the incorporation of terms from other languages does not occur arbitrarily but is driven by power relations, contact, and communicative needs. This phenomenon is especially evident in Rioplatense Spanish, where the linguistic traces of various migration flows have left a lasting imprint. From idiomatic PUs influenced by Italian to the integration of lunfardo terms into everyday speech, the language reflects the cultural convergence characteristic of the region. In this context, Spanish in Argentina cannot be conceived as a homogeneous or isolated language, but as the result of a continuous process of linguistic interaction and blending. Its history is the story of an encounter between multiple languages and traditions, which has given rise to a dynamic and multifaceted system. Rioplatense PUs are a testament to this constant evolution, reflecting not only the adaptability of the language but also the cultural legacy derived from contact with various linguistic communities.

1.2. Multilingualism and Multidialectalism at the Turn of the Century in the Río de la Plata: The Italian Contribution

In 1880, the linguistic landscape of Buenos Aires was characterized by a notable duality, resulting from the multilingualism and multidialectalism coexisting in the region. The predominant languages were Spanish and Italian, with French as a lesser language and English and Latin as special-purpose languages (Blengino, 2005). As mentioned in the previous section, besides Spanish and Italian, various indigenous languages coexisted in the country along with other languages and dialects introduced by immigrants from different origins, including German, Welsh, Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, Yiddish, Syrian-Lebanese Arabic, and Portuguese, among others. This multilingual context not only reflected the cultural diversity of the immigrant population but also fostered a process of linguistic interaction and fusion, contributing to the configuration of Rioplatense Spanish.

The contact between Spanish and Italian played a central role in the linguistic evolution of the Río de la Plata, shaping a space of linguistic and sociocultural hybridization. While Spanish-speaking immigrants came from various regions of Spain and spoke different dialectal varieties, the differences between them did not constitute a significant barrier to mutual comprehension due to their relative structural and lexical proximity. In contrast, Italian presented a more complex situation, as the Italian immigrant community was deeply fragmented in dialectal terms, which made communication among its speakers more difficult (De Mauro, 1976; Bettoni, 1993). This fragmentation had direct consequences for the fate of the Italian language in Argentina, as despite the presence of numerous Italian-speaking immigrants, the absence of a widely shared standard variety facilitated the displacement of Italian in favor of Spanish and the development of intermediate varieties such as cocoliche and lunfardo (Meo Zilio, 1955, 1956a, 1956b; Fontanella de Weinberg, 1987).

Cocoliche emerged as an interlanguage in which features of Rioplatense Spanish and Italian dialects converged, forming a hybrid and transitional system characteristic of Italian immigrants in their early stages of integration. Its function was primarily communicative, allowing for daily interaction in a context of asymmetric bilingualism, where Spanish functioned as the dominant language. According to research by Meo Zilio (1993), due to its ephemeral nature and the progressive linguistic assimilation of the Italian population, cocoliche did not consolidate as a stable variety and eventually disappeared in subsequent generations.

Lunfardo, on the other hand, transcended its status as a transitory phenomenon and became integrated into the linguistic repertoire of Rioplatense Spanish. Although it initially developed as an argot associated with marginalized urban sectors, its lexicon, with a strong Italian influence, expanded through tango and mass media, gaining significant presence in the everyday speech of Buenos Aires and other regions of the country. Its expressive character and identity-laden nature made it a distinctive element of Rioplatense Spanish, with terms of Italian origin that still persist in popular usage (Fontanella de Weinberg, 1987).⁴

The prolonged contact between Spanish and Italian in the Río de la Plata not only facilitated lexical and phraseological integration but also accelerated the process of Spanish acquisition among Italian-speaking immigrants. Given the typological proximity between the two languages, learning Spanish was relatively accessible, easing the integration of Italian immigrants into Rioplatense society and contributing to the expansion of certain distinctive linguistic features in local speech (Sciutto, 2023). This process of linguistic convergence and sociocultural assimilation consolidated a dynamic and heterogeneous linguistic repertoire, in which the interaction among multiple languages left a lasting imprint on the region’s linguistic identity.

The Italian influence on Rioplatense Spanish is, therefore, the result of a complex process of contact and transcoding, in which communicative needs and the sociolinguistic conditions of the time determined the evolution and persistence of certain linguistic phenomena. The resulting hybridization not only enriched the lexical and expressive repertoire of the Rioplatense variety but also gave rise—as will be seen—to new forms of identity construction through language. In this sense, the Italian influence on the configuration of Spanish in the Río de la Plata goes beyond the strictly linguistic level and is part of a broader process of cultural exchange, whose impact remains visible today.

1.3. Advances in the Study of Diatopic Phraseology in Argentine Spanish: Trends and Research Lines

In recent decades, the study of the diatopic phraseology of Spanish has gained increasing relevance in the academic sphere, driven by the need to accurately characterize the lexical and discursive particularities of national varieties. This momentum is reflected in the growing number of studies, doctoral dissertations, conferences, and specialized projects focused on the study of phraseological and paremiological units in the various variants of Spanish. This body of work is contributing to a characterization of the lexical and discursive particularities of Argentine Spanish; however, as Pamies (2017) points out, significant theoretical and methodological gaps still remain, particularly in the systematic treatment of diatopic variation.

A pioneering contribution was made by Zamora (1993), who conducted a contrastive analysis between Buenos Aires Spanish and Peninsular Spanish, highlighting differences not only in the repertoire of PUs but also in their pragmatic values and contexts of use. This work laid the foundation for considering phraseology as an indicator of regional linguistic identity.

Subsequently, in 2005, Sciutto defended his doctoral dissertation on somatic PUs in Argentine Spanish, published in 2006 (Sciutto, 2006); this research, by integrating Lakoff and Johnson’s conceptual metaphor theory into phraseological analysis, inaugurated an innovative methodological approach that links PUs to cultural conceptual schemas. Moreover, his approach systematically introduced contrastive analysis between Argentine Spanish and Italian, establishing parallels and differences in the phraseological configurations of both languages (Sciutto, 2005). Building on this initial work, Sciutto developed a model that combines cognitive linguistics, diatopic variation, and interlinguistic contrast, opening new perspectives for the study of the interaction between language, culture, and migration.⁵ His most recent contribution (Sciutto, 2024) delves deeper into the influence of interlinguistic and migratory contact on phraseological units, integrating aspects of diatopic variation with processes of cultural integration.

The publication of the DiFHA in 2010, led by Barcia and Pauer, marked a milestone in the systematic documentation of Argentine idiomatic expressions. With over eleven thousand entries and fifteen thousand meanings, this work reflects the expressive richness of Rioplatense Spanish and its capacity for linguistic innovation (Barcia & Pauer, 2010)⁶. Unlike previous compilations, the DiFHA incorporated contrastive criteria with respect to European Spanish and other Latin American varieties, allowing for a clear visualization of regional specificities. Furthermore, its inclusion of pragmatic information and usage registers enhances its value as a research tool.

Within this line of work, Pauer (2008, 2012) delved into the analysis of phraseological divergences and convergences between Argentina and Uruguay, noting that, despite a shared cultural identity, phraseological variations reflect significant national nuances, particularly in areas such as gastronomy and everyday life. These studies demonstrate the need to nuance Rioplatense phraseological analyses, avoiding excessive generalizations.

Since 2016, the work of Cuadrado Rey has constituted another important strand in the field. His doctoral dissertation (Cuadrado Rey, 2016) focused on the collection and analysis of Argentine PUs not recorded in conventional dictionaries, enriching the documentation of idiomatic heritage, with proposed translations into German. His participation in the compilation of the Frasytram (Phraseology and Multilingual Translation) database at the University of Alicante, which systematizes large comparative corpora, enabled him to create a variational framework based on PUs (Cuadrado Rey, 2018). Subsequently, his studies on PUs of Italian origin (Cuadrado Rey, 2020a) and on phraseological neologisms (Cuadrado Rey, 2020b) expanded the analytical scope toward the interaction between linguistic innovation and cultural contact. In his most recent work (Cuadrado Rey, 2025), he once again addresses the diatopic phraseology of contemporary Spanish as spoken in Argentina, highlighting the greater dynamism of actual usage compared to lexicographic cataloguing, and proposing its translation into German. In addition, he classifies expressions according to their origin (autochthonous, allochthonous, inherited) and analyzes the degrees of equivalence between the two languages.

Complementarily, studies focused on the influence of foreign languages highlight the research by Ariolfo and Mariottini (2022), who examined the presence of Italianisms in the Diccionario de la Lengua de la Argentina (DiLA); and the analysis by Zaccone (2021) on Italianisms in the PUs from Argentina and Uruguay, which demonstrates the impact of sociocultural changes on the transformation of idiomatic expressions.

Based on Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), the volumes Andar entre metáforas (Pérez & Bortolón, 2016) and Metáforas, de la cognición al texto (Rueda de Twentyman & Montes, 2016) have provided fundamental perspectives for discourse analysis in Argentine Spanish. Andar entre metáforas begins with the recognition of metaphors in everyday speech and explores their manifestation in specific discourses—legal, journalistic, literary, and didactic—demonstrating how metaphors not only organize thought but also fulfill persuasive, manipulative, and mobilizing functions. Metáforas, de la cognición al texto, for its part, examines how metaphors impact the formation of judgments and perceptions, revealing subtle mechanisms of discrimination that permeate language with rhetorical violence. Both works make it possible to understand the cognitive and ideological dimensions of metaphors in different discursive contexts.

The works of Novodvorski (2017a, 2017b, 2022), Novodvorski and Lima (2020) and of Novodvorski and Bevilacqua (2021) have significantly expanded the field of contrastive phraseological studies by incorporating methodologies based on Spanish-Portuguese parallel corpora. Through an empirical and systematic approach, these studies analyze the translation of PUs containing Argentineisms in journalistic texts (Novodvorski, 2017a) and cinematic texts (Novodvorski, 2017b), revealing how local cultural nuances impact interlinguistic equivalence and adaptation. In his subsequent research, Novodvorski and Lima (2020) delves into the treatment of taboo terms and idiomatic expressions with high cultural content, while in 2022 he analyzes the productivity of the suffix “-azo” in the formation of lexical-phraseological neologisms, uncovering dynamics of transfer and recreation in contexts of language contact. Additionally, in the study conducted with Bevilacqua (Novodvorski & Bevilacqua, 2021), they examine political metaphorization through football in Argentine journalistic corpora, showing how specialized PUs are semantically adapted in translation and how they reflect underlying ideologies. These studies not only consolidate the use of corpus analysis as a central methodology in phraseological research, but also open new perspectives for the study of metaphorical variation, the ideological load of language, and the challenges of translation in multilingual contexts.

In the same line of progress, the works of Mogorrón Huerta (2014, 2020a, 2020b, 2020c) have reinforced the study of phraseological variation in diatopic contexts through the analysis of extensive corpora. In his 2014 study, the author examines fixed expressions from Argentine and Mexican varieties, revealing how cultural and regional differences are manifested in phraseological units and emphasizing the importance of considering diatopy in the analysis of Spanish-American phraseology. In his more recent publications (Mogorrón Huerta, 2020a, 2020b, 2020c), Mogorrón delves into the systematization of linguistic variation through specialized databases, consolidating methodologies for collection and classification that allow phraseology to be approached from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. The FRASYTRAM project (FRASYTRAM, 2023),⁷ led by Mogorrón and his team, represents a milestone in this direction: it provides a robust platform for the comparative study of PUs across different varieties of Spanish, facilitating research on the influence of foreign languages, the role of metaphor in popular discourse, and the evolution of phraseological repertoires. The consolidation of this body of work outlines a trajectory of increasing methodological and conceptual sophistication, enriching knowledge on diatopic variation, language contact, and the role of popular culture in the creation of phraseological units and opening new lines of inquiry in the study of Hispanic phraseology.

2. Materials and Methods

The general objective of this study has been to analyze the processes of language contact, transcoding, and performativity underlying the incorporation of Italianisms and lunfardismos into Rioplatense Spanish, based on the analysis of PUs. In particular, we have posed the following research questions:

What types of borrowings, calques, or phraseological neologisms derived from Italian can be identified in the Argentine phraseological repertoire?

What categorial features make it possible to distinguish these phenomena?

What dynamics of integration, re-signification, and creation of Argentine PUs can be observed in contexts of language contact with Italian and its dialects?

To address these questions, a corpus was compiled consisting of 179 PUs from Argentine Spanish that incorporate, in their internal composition, at least one lexeme of Italian or Italo-dialectal origin, such as laburar de guiso, or a lunfardism, such as morfarse un garrón. These representative units were extracted from the DiFHA.

The DiFHA is a strictly phraseological repertory that records PUs functioning as nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and interjections, as well as proverbial phrases. However, it does not include proverbs, collocations, or complex lexemes. It is a contrastive dictionary that establishes differences between the PUs used in Argentina and those recorded in phraseological dictionaries of European Spanish, such as the Diccionario fraseológico documentado del español actual (Seco et al., 2017), as well as in genre-specific phraseological repertories. Additionally, the dictionary registers units shared with other Rioplatense Spanish varieties (Uruguay and Paraguay), as well as expressions widely used in other Spanish-speaking countries. However, it should be noted that usage labels for the compiled units are not always explicitly provided.

Based on this specific corpus, we proceeded to distinguish, on the one hand, PUs that represent phenomena of borrowings, calques, and neologisms at the level of the phraseological unit, rather than merely isolated lexemes, and on the other hand, PUs with lexical Italianisms and lunfardismos, since the latter were integrated into the formation of new Argentine PUs.

In this study, due to space constraints, we present a selection of these PUs, applying a representativeness criterion that aimed to ensure a paradigmatic selection capable of clearly and categorically exemplifying the phenomena under study. Consequently, 18 PUs were selected that would allow for the analytical isolation of the phenomena of borrowings, calques, and phraseological neologisms; and 4 exemplary PUs illustrating the phraseological productivity of Argentine Spanish in contact with Italic languages.

From a methodological perspective, to confirm the presence of Italian elements in the analyzed PUs, a systematic comparison of lexemes and structures was conducted across various specialized lexicographic sources. This procedure consisted of the following:

Verifying the existence and meaning of Italian and dialectal lexemes in the following repertoires: Vocabolario Etimologico della Lingua Italiana (Pianigiani, 1907), Dizionario Etimologico della Lingua Italiana (Cortelazzo & Zolli, 1999), Grande Dizionario Italiano dell’Uso (De Mauro, 2000), Vocabolario Treccani (Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, n.d.), Vocabolario Napoletano-Italiano (Andreoli, 1887), and Dizionario moderno genovese-italiano e italiano-genovese. Arricchito di una raccolta di mille proverbi liguri (Frisoni & Gazzo, 1910).

Confirming the presence of Italian phraseological structures in the Dizionario dei modi di dire con esempi d’autore. Capire l’antifona (Turrini et al., 1995) and the Dizionario Fraseologico Completo Italiano-Spagnolo e Spagnolo-Italiano (Carbonell, 1990).

Validating lunfardo terms of Italian origin using specialized sources such as the Nuevo Diccionario Lunfardo (Gobello, 1999), the Novísimo Diccionario Lunfardo (Gobello & Oliveri, 2005), the Diccionario Etimológico del Lunfardo (Conde, 1998), and the Diccionario de la Lengua de la Argentina (Academia Argentina de Letras, 2019).

The comparison involved evaluating not only the formal correspondence of terms but also their possible phonetic, morphosyntactic, and semantic adaptations in Rioplatense Spanish. In this way, it was possible to map the processes of borrowing, calquing, and neologization, as articulated with the phenomena of contact and transculturation that shape the phraseological repertoire under study.

3. Analysis and Discussion

The phenomenon of linguistic interference constitutes a complex manifestation of language contact, observable at various levels of the system: lexicon, phraseology, grammar, and pragmatics. From a classical perspective, Weinreich (1974) defines interference as the incorporation of elements belonging to language A into utterances produced in language B by a bilingual or multilingual speaker. This process, far from being accidental, is conditioned by sociolinguistic factors that shape the environment in which the contact occurs.

In the case of Rioplatense Spanish, the prolonged contact between Italian immigrant communities and local speakers during the 19th and 20th centuries created an interlinguistic space characterized by code-switching, transfer, and adaptation. As noted by Thomason and Kaufman (1988), linguistic transfer phenomena are directly related to the degree of intensity and duration of contact, as well as to factors such as prestige, political power, and the functional distribution of the languages involved. These asymmetries determine, as Martínez (2021) points out, the frequency and characteristics of borrowings and calques, as well as the evolutionary dynamics of the languages in contact.

Within this framework, Gusmani (2003) argues that any phenomenon of linguistic interference should be understood as a form of borrowing, since it arises from the contact and mutual influence between different languages—conceived not only in their national or literary dimensions, but also in their individual manifestation within each speaker’s repertoire. This process of linguistic enrichment, emerging from interaction with another linguistic tradition, illustrates the inherent dynamism of human communication systems. According to Gusmani, such enrichment involves a process of imitation, internalization, and creative adaptation that results from linguistic contact.

The impact of linguistic interference is not limited to the incorporation of external elements; it also influences the configuration of a secondary language under the structural influence of the speaker’s primary language. In this regard, it is relevant to consider the nature of the bilingual or multilingual individual, understood as someone who, by alternating between different languages, generates a contact zone in which interference phenomena emerge (Moreno Fernández, 1988). These interference phenomena, therefore, are not merely “contaminations” of one system by another, but rather legitimate expressions of linguistic creativity arising from the constant and alternating use of two or more codes (Weinreich, 1974).

The convergence of linguistic structures gives rise to phenomena of transfer and adaptation which, in the case of Rioplatense Spanish, are manifested not only at the lexical level, but also at the phraseological level. The lexicon and phraseology of a language spread not solely through internal innovation processes, but also through the assimilation of elements from other linguistic systems (Gusmani, 2003). D’Achille (2010) emphasizes that borrowing is a historical constant in the evolution of languages, driven primarily by extralinguistic factors such as cultural exchange, economic relations, armed conflict, migratory processes, and prolonged contact between communities. Indeed, the sociocultural dimension of contact is crucial to understanding the extent of borrowing: the more intense and prolonged the ties between communities, the greater the transfer of lexical and phraseological elements, in a process that involves not only formal adoption but also semantic and pragmatic adaptation.

In the Rioplatense context, the spaces of contact were multiple and diverse:

Public spaces such as markets, conventillos,⁸ craft workshops, factories, ports, schools, mutual aid societies (associations providing support among immigrants of the same nationality), social clubs asnd cultural centers of immigrant communities, cantinas,⁹ cafés, and pulperías,¹⁰ as well as popular markets in neighborhoods like La Boca, San Telmo, or Almagro, and artistic expressions such as music, dance (particularly tango), and theater, all served as privileged settings for interaction between the languages in contact.

Private spaces, primarily the home and family life, facilitated the intergenerational transmission and consolidation of Italianisms (Barrios, 2009) and hybrid phraseological structures.

Additionally, the duration of exposure and the dynamics of isolation or community integration were key factors. Although Italian communities initially maintained internal communication networks in regional dialects, they were progressively integrated into the social fabric of Buenos Aires and its surroundings, generating functional bilingualism that fostered the emergence of new linguistic forms (Meo Zilio, 1993; Cancellier, 1996; Barrios, 2009).

Language contact, therefore, cannot be reduced to the mere incorporation of terms; it involves complex processes of linguistic reconfiguration in which Italian structures are reinterpreted and adapted within the framework of Rioplatense Spanish. As Gusmani (2003) emphasizes, the source language does not passively yield its elements but rather acts as a model that is actively reinterpreted by speakers of the recipient language.

Within the corpus of PUs analyzed, composed of Italianisms and lunfardismos documented in the DiFHA we have established a proprietary categorial framework derived from the study of the observed phenomena of language contact. Although this categorization is grounded in certain lexical classifications proposed by authors such as Cabré (1993, 1999), it has been used as a reference framework and adapted to the specific needs of analyzing PUs in contact contexts.

The categories proposed for analysis are as follows:

(a). Phraseological borrowings

(b). Phraseological calques, subdivided into formal calques and semantic calques

(c). Phraseological neologisms

(d). Phraseological units incorporating lexical Italianisms or lunfardismos

Each of these categories will be precisely defined and systematically addressed in the following sections. It is important to note that our analytical approach focuses on the entire phraseological structure rather than the mere incorporation of isolated words. This approach allows us to observe not only the mechanisms of linguistic transfer, but also the processes of cultural re-signification and performativity that characterize PUs in their context of use. The performativity of PUs constitutes a central analytical axis of this study.

In the following section, a detailed analysis will be presented of a representative selection of PUs drawn from the corpus and classified according to the criteria outlined above, with their respective definitions, etymological sources, and observations on the processes of linguistic integration and adaptation.

3.1. Phraseological Borrowings

Starting from the conception of linguistic borrowing as an active response of one language to the influence of another, whereby foreign elements are adapted to its own linguistic system (Gusmani, 2003), and considering that the presence of borrowings in a language—as well as their formal and functional adaptation to the receiving system—serves as an indicator of a language’s vitality, the community’s attitudes toward linguistic identity, and the hierarchical relationships between languages (Cabré, 1999), we extend this notion to the domain of PUs.

In this study, we understand phraseological borrowing as the adoption of a PU from another language—specifically, Italian or its dialects—which may exhibit varying degrees of phonetic and orthographic adaptation in the receiving language. The classification we propose distinguishes between two types of phraseological borrowings: formal, when the structure is altered (giving rise to structural formal phraseological borrowings), and semantic, when the alteration affects the meaning or contextual use of the expression (classified as semantic formal phraseological borrowings).

Within the category of structural formal phraseological borrowings, we further differentiate between perfect borrowings, which preserve the original lexico-syntactic structure, spelling, and/or phonetics intact (as in expressions such as dolce far niente or a piacere), and altered borrowings, in which one or more components are adjusted to the linguistic conventions of the target language—Spanish—with respect to the source language—whether standard Italian or one of its dialects (a representative example being facha bruta, due to the inversion of its phraseological components).

It should be noted that this classification is a proposal that allows distinguishing the various forms of adaptation that phraseological borrowings can undergo in the process of integration into the recipient language. These categories are not mutually exclusive, as they can combine in different ways depending on each particular case, as detailed in the analysis of the following examples:

(1). ¡A la madona!

According to DiFHA, this is a colloquial interjective phrase derived from the Italian La Madonna, referring to the Virgin Mary. It expresses incredulity, astonishment, surprise, or indignation. According to consulted Italian lexicographical sources, the expression A la Madonna! or La Madonna! is more typical of the Neapolitan dialect and southern Italian dialects. In standard Italian, expressions such as Oh Madonna!, Madonna mia!, or simply Madonna! are used. In Neapolitan, we also find similar expressions: Maronna mia! (equivalent to Madonna mia!), A Maronna! (similar to A la Madonna!), Madò! (a common abbreviation of Madonna).

This expression constitutes a formal phraseological borrowing, which, although it has undergone a slight structural alteration, maintains an exact semantic correspondence with its original Italian form. Graphically, the main difference is the presence of the inverted exclamation mark at the beginning of the phrase, characteristic of Spanish, which contributes to its emphatic and expressive function. Additionally, the phonetic simplification of the /n/ sound in madona reflects the adaptation of the expression to Spanish phonology, facilitating its pronunciation in the Hispanic context. This phraseological borrowing has not only retained its emotional and pragmatic load in the host language but has also been fully integrated into colloquial speech, serving as a clear example of linguistic and cultural adaptation.

(2). Al dente

The expression al dente is a phraseological borrowing from Italian that refers to a specific cooking style for certain foods, particularly pasta or rice, in which a firm texture is retained when bitten, without being fully cooked.

DiFHA records it as a colloquial adverbial phrase used in culinary contexts, with a clearly defined meaning: a punto (just right), referring to food preparation where the texture should not be excessively soft or hard. From a linguistic perspective, al dente has been incorporated into Spanish as a direct borrowing, without undergoing structural or semantic alterations, qualifying it as a structurally and semantically perfect formal borrowing.

The expression retains both its original form and specific meaning in Italian, contrasting with other borrowings that, upon incorporation into Spanish, may undergo phonetic, morphological, or semantic adaptations. The stability of al dente in terms of structure and meaning implies that this borrowing has not required adaptation to the Spanish linguistic system but has remained intact in its form and function. The presence of this PU in other languages, such as English, French, and Portuguese, reinforces its status as a globally recognized borrowing. In these languages, al dente maintains a precise semantic equivalence with its usage in Italian and Spanish, without substantial variations in meaning or structure.

(3). Al uso nostro

The expression al uso nostro, derived from the Italian all’uso nostro, is a phraseological borrowing that has been integrated into Spanish in a structurally adapted yet semantically perfect manner. According to DiFHA, this colloquial adverbial phrase is used to refer to an action performed our way or according to our custom, preserving its original meaning in the adopted language. From a linguistic standpoint, al uso nostro is an example of a formal structural borrowing.

Although the meaning of the expression remains intact, its incorporation into Spanish involves an alteration of the original grammatical structure. In Italian, all’uso nostro is a combination of the preposition a with the definite article il, which is modified in the target language to conform to Spanish syntactic and orthographic rules. The preposition a and the article el merge into al in the Spanish phrase, an adaptation adhering to Spanish orthographic norms. This structural modification is not significant in terms of meaning, as al uso nostro in Spanish maintains the exact sense of its Italian counterpart.

This structural modification is not significant in terms of meaning, as the form al uso nostro in Spanish retains the exact Italian meaning. The alteration is limited to the syntactic structure, that is, to the reconfiguration of the PU to fit the conventions of Spanish, without affecting the semantic accuracy of the term. Thus, despite this slight structural alteration, the loanword assimilates into the Spanish linguistic system in a fluid and functional manner.

(4). ¡École cuá!

This is a colloquial interjective phrase meaning that’s it! (DiFHA). The transcoding of the Italian PU eccolo qua into the Argentine variant ¡École cuá! is a clear example of a structurally perfect but semantically imperfect phraseological borrowing.

At the morphosyntactic level, the original expression, composed of a demonstrative adverb (ecco), a clitic pronoun (lo), and a locative adverb (qua), is reconfigured in Spanish as a fixed exclamatory phrase, losing its pronominal function and acquiring an emphatic nuance.

Phonetically and graphically, the Italian double c is simplified, lo is integrated into the structure of école, and qua is orthographically adapted to cuá, with a modification in accentuation.

It is considered semantically imperfect because, while in Italian the expression indicates the presence of something, in Rioplatense Spanish, it has been lexicalized with a more expressive pragmatic use, employed to highlight an obvious conclusion or evident correctness.

(5). Dolce far niente

The Argentine PU dolce far niente is a structurally perfect and semantically intact formal phraseological borrowing taken directly from Italian without modifications.

At the morphosyntactic level, the structure of the Italian PU remains unchanged in Spanish, indicating a total transfer without grammatical adaptation. Lexically, the three elements that compose it—dolce (sweet), far (to do), and niente (nothing)—are preserved in their original form, without translation or phonetic or graphic modifications.

Semantically, the equivalence is absolute: in both languages, the expression denotes the pleasure derived from inactivity or worry-free rest (DiFHA).

Additionally, phonologically, the PU retains the Italian pronunciation within Rioplatense Spanish, reflecting a phonetic integration not observed in altered borrowings.

3.2. Phraseological Calques

Phraseological calques, as a specific form of linguistic borrowing, play a fundamental role in the evolution and expansion of a language’s lexical and phraseological repertoire. Their impact is evident in the incorporation of new expressions through direct translation or lexical-syntactic adaptation of foreign structures, allowing the recipient language to assimilate constructions from other languages without losing internal coherence. In this regard, Martí Solano (2017) defines a phraseological calque as the literal translation or a syntactic modification of a foreign expression to adjust it to the linguistic system of the recipient language. The author also notes that, in some cases, the calque not only replicates the original content but may also undergo semantic, connotative, or even grammatical changes within the new linguistic context.

From a typological perspective, phraseological calques can be classified as structural or semantic. Structural calques, also known as formal calques, occur when a foreign syntactic structure is reproduced in the target language, either in compound words or phrases whose structure is replicated in the recipient language. In contrast, semantic calques arise when an existing word or PU in the recipient language acquires a new meaning influenced by the source language.

In the analysis of our corpus, we identified various PUs in Argentine Spanish that reflect this influence from Italian and/or lunfardo, either through the reproduction of syntactic structures or by adopting specific meanings from the foreign language. Examples of this phenomenon can be observed in expressions that maintain the original construction of an Italian PU or reinterpret one of its elements within Rioplatense Spanish, as illustrated in the following examples:

(6). Andar como ánima en pena

This PU constitutes a structurally perfect and semantically faithful phraseological calque of the Italian expression andare come anima in pena.

Morphosyntactically, the original syntactic structure remains intact in Spanish, preserving the verbal scheme and prepositional complement of the Italian PU.

Regarding semantic content, both expressions convey the same idea of a person wandering in sadness, despondency, or suffering, reinforcing the equivalence between the source PU and its adaptation into Spanish.

From a lexical standpoint, the PU retains the noun ánima, a direct adaptation of the Italian anima (‘soul’), showing minimal phonetic alteration without affecting its recognition in Spanish.

It is worth noting that DiFHA also documents the variant andar como alma en pena, where the term alma replaces ánima, aligning with more frequent usage in general Spanish. However, the form with ánima maintains greater fidelity to the Italian lexical structure. In relation to Italian lexicographic sources, De Mauro records anima in pena as a feminine noun phrase, defining it as persona inquieta, tormentata: essere, sembrare un’anima in pena, reinforcing the conceptual equivalence with the Spanish PU.

(7). Armar camorra

This is a structural and semantic phraseological calque of the Italian expression fare camorra, which colloquially means provoking conflicts or generating disturbances. According to DiFHA, this verbal locution is defined as ‘provoking, instigating quarrels’, thus maintaining a direct semantic equivalence with its Italian counterpart. In both cases, the expression is linked to the idea of altercations or confrontations, reinforced by the term camorra, which in Italian refers both to violent disputes and to the Neapolitan criminal organization of the same name. In this sense, the GDU documents fare camorra with the meaning of ‘agreeing to carry out dishonest purposes to the detriment of others’, confirming its association with conflictive or illicit practices.

From a syntactic and morphological perspective, the calque in Spanish presents a slight structural modification. While in Italian the typical construction is fare camorra (literally, ‘to make camorra’), in Spanish, it adapts to the more frequent syntactic scheme for indicating the generation of conflicts, replacing fare with armar, a verb commonly used in Rioplatense Spanish to refer to the creation of problematic situations (e.g., armar lío, armar escándalo). This change reflects minimal syntactic reconfiguration, maintaining the base structure of the Italian PU while adjusting to the Spanish verb regimen system.

The establishment of this phraseological unit in Argentine Spanish evidences the influence of Italian in the configuration of colloquial vocabulary, particularly in lunfardo and expressions associated with conflict or criminality.

(8). Asunto de la madona

This is a semantic calque of the Italian unit della Madonna, presenting both linguistic similarities and differences. In both cases, the expression is used to emphasize surprise, anger, or admiration with an intensifying nuance (DiFHA). However, whereas in Italian della Madonna retains its original prepositional grammatical structure (di + la Madonna), in Rioplatense Spanish, the construction has undergone a morphosyntactic adaptation, transforming into a noun phrase introduced by asunto de, suggesting a process of reinterpretation and lexicalization within local Spanish.

Phonetically, the Rioplatense pronunciation of madona remains close to Italian but adapted to Spanish prosody.

Semantically, the use of the Virgin Mary in both languages corresponds to a common intensification phenomenon in exclamatory expressions with religious references (por Dios, Madonna mia).

However, while in Italian della Madonna continues to be part of a more flexible and productive structure in idiomatic expressions (bestemmia della Madonna, pizza della Madonna), in Rioplatense Spanish, asunto de la madona appears to have been fixed as a more lexicalized and restricted phrase.

(9). Cusí cusá

The Argentine PU cusí cusá is a structural and semantic phraseological calque of the Italian adverbial locution così cosà or così così, both recorded in Italian lexicographic sources such as Treccani. In Rioplatense Spanish, this expression is defined by DiFHA as a colloquial adverbial phrase meaning más o menos (‘more or less’), confirming its semantic correspondence with its Italian counterpart.

Morphosyntactically, the calque is structurally perfect, as it preserves the repetition of the same lexical unit in both parts of the expression (così così → cusí cusá). However, at the phonological and graphic levels, an adaptation to Rioplatense Spanish is observed: the form così transforms into cusí. Likewise, the second part, cosá, seems to arise by analogy with the Spanish cosa, although with a prosodic accent reinforcing its expressive character.

(10). Saberla lunga

Within the phraseological repertoire of Rioplatense Spanish, saberla lunga is configured as a structural and semantic calque of the Italian expression saperla lunga, recorded in Carbonell (1990) with the meaning of ‘knowing a lot about something, being an expert’. In Rioplatense Spanish, DiFHA defines it as ‘knowing a lot about life’ or ‘having extensive knowledge on a topic’.

Semantically, the equivalence between both languages is total. In both variants, the unit denotes experience and extensive knowledge, either in a specific field or in life in general. This meaning is based on the conceptual metaphor of knowledge as something extensive or prolonged (lunga ‘long’), an association also found in Spanish expressions such as tener un largo recorrido or tener experiencia de larga data.

From a phonetic and graphic perspective, adaptation to Rioplatense Spanish is characterized by the preservation of the Italian adjective lunga, without translation or orthographic adaptation (larga in Spanish). This phenomenon suggests a calque closer to oral modality and direct contact with Italian speakers, likely influenced by dialectal varieties of southern Italy, where this expression is frequent.

(11). ¡Ma qué sé yo!

In Rioplatense Spanish, the PU ¡Ma qué sé yo! conveys a sense of annoyance or exasperation, used to disengage from a situation (DiFHA). The interjection ma, derived from Italian and equivalent to but, has been incorporated into Argentine colloquial speech, particularly through cocoliche, due to the influence of Italian immigration. Thus, the complete expression can be interpreted as But, what do I know?, maintaining the same pragmatic function as in Italian.

The adaptation process and the productivity of che ne so into ¡Ma qué sé yo! in Rioplatense Spanish reflect a combination of literal translation and the incorporation of Italian elements into everyday discourse. The syntactic structure remains similar but is adapted to Spanish constructions.

3.3. Phraseological Neologisms

The linguistic creativity of a speech community is particularly evident in the formation of neologisms. According to García Yebra (1985), neologisms can be understood as expressions that arise either from the combination and semantic adaptation of existing elements or as entirely new creations. We extend this notion to the phraseological domain. Phraseological neologisms represent a phenomenon that reflects both the internal evolution of a language and its contact with other linguistic systems. In this sense, phraseological neology constitutes a fundamental mechanism of innovation, in which new PUs emerge from preexisting structures, through semantic adaptations or novel combinations of elements already consolidated within a given linguistic system or originating from another language with which it comes into contact.

Phraseological units in contexts of language contact may not only emerge, as we have seen, as calques or borrowings, but can also acquire new and unprecedented meanings in the receiving language. In the latter case, we are dealing with phraseological neologisms, whose innovation lies not in the external form of the phraseological unit, but in the semantic load it acquires within the new linguistic and sociocultural context.

From the perspective of applied linguistics, the study of phraseological neologisms is relevant for understanding the processes of lexicalization and the stabilization of new expressions within a speech community. These neologisms may arise from expressive motivations, the need to name new realities, or the resemantization of already existing expressions. Unlike phraseological borrowings, which retain a closer connection to the source language, phraseological neologisms can develop their own connotations, increasingly diverging—to varying degrees—from the original meaning.

Cabré (1999) has addressed neologisms from a comprehensive perspective, emphasizing their multifaceted nature and the need to approach them from multiple dimensions—linguistic, cognitive, and social. In this study, we apply these insights to the phraseological domain. According to Cabré, neologisms not only serve a naming function but also reflect social and cultural attitudes, and their analysis requires consideration of factors such as speaker perception, usage dissemination, and acceptance within the linguistic community. This multifaceted view provides a deeper understanding of the dynamics behind the creation and consolidation of new expressions in a language.

In the following section, we will analyze several examples from the corpus that illustrate this process:

(12). Andar misho

The phraseological unit andar misho constitutes a phraseological neologism in Rioplatense Spanish; it contains the Genoese term miscio, which refers to a person without money. In the Dizionario moderno genovese-italiano e italiano-genovese. Arricchito di una raccolta di mille proverbi liguri (Frisoni & Gazzo, 1910), the definition reads: “Agg. Misero, povero, deficiente. // Essere senza un soldo” (Adj. Miserable, poor, lacking. // To be without a cent). According to DiFHA, the expression means ‘to be penniless’, while in lunfardo dictionaries by Gobello and Conde, mishio/sha is recorded with the same meaning. However, no equivalent phraseological unit has been found in Italian or the Genoese dialect that presents the same syntactic structure and function within a sentence, suggesting that this is an innovative formation within Argentine Spanish.

This phraseological neologism arises from a process of lexicalization and fixation, in which a lexical borrowing from Genoese is incorporated into a syntactic structure characteristic of Rioplatense Spanish. While in Genoese miscio functions as a noun, in Spanish, it takes on an adjectival use within a characteristic verbal construction (andar + adjective), similarly to expressions like andar mal (‘to be doing badly’) or andar seco (‘to be broke’). Additionally, the term has undergone phonetic and graphic adaptation, evolving from miscio to misho and mishio, in accordance with lunfardo phonology.

(13). Batir la posta

This PU, with variants such as de posta (‘for real, reliably’), ser algo (de) posta (‘to be true, reliable’), and tener la posta (‘to know the facts exactly, to tell the truth’), constitutes a phraseological neologism within Rioplatense Spanish, with a unique semantic evolution derived from an Italian-origin term.

We observe a process of resemantization and phraseological expansion based on a lexical borrowing. According to Gobello (1999), the word posta originates from Latin appositus, later becoming posta in Italian, with meanings related to a place to stay or the postal relay system using horses. In Spanish, this term initially entered the military domain with the sense of ‘a place where a soldier must remain’, giving rise to the expression estar de posta, equivalent to ‘being on guard duty’. This specific meaning later extended to the adverb aposta (‘deliberately, intentionally’), which also exists in Italian as apposta.

From a morphosyntactic perspective, in Rioplatense Spanish, posta is lexicalized as a noun in PUs such as tener la posta, where it takes on the meaning of ‘having precise information’ or ‘knowing the truth’. This usage has no direct phraseological equivalent in Italian, reinforcing the idea that it is a phraseological neologism generated in Argentine Spanish. Furthermore, the forms ser de posta and de posta as an intensifying adverb also derive from this resemantization, consolidating the fixation of posta within colloquial speech.

The formation process of this phraseological neologism demonstrates the interaction between lexical borrowing and phraseological creativity, where a word of Italian origin has semantically evolved to establish itself in idiomatic expressions with a broader and more abstract meaning in Rioplatense Spanish. The expansion of its meaning from ‘precise, exact’ to ‘true, reliable, real’ evidences a reinterpretation process that has led to the fixation of posta as a key element in the creation of new PUs within lunfardo and Argentine colloquial speech.

(14). Darle (a alguien) la taranta

In this example, the PU originates from the cultural influence of tarantismo, a traditional phenomenon in the Apulia region of southern Italy. Tarantismo was characterized by episodes of agitation and unusual behaviors, which, according to popular belief, were caused by the bite of the taranta, a spider whose venom supposedly induced states of trance or hysteria. To counteract its effects, affected individuals—known as tarantolati—underwent frenzied dance sessions, especially the pizzica or tarantella, to expel the venom through movement and sweat.

No lexicographic records document an exact equivalent of this phrase in Italian, but the metaphor underlying darle la taranta stems from the representation of the tarantolato, whose impulsive and unexpected reaction is associated with the idea that “le dio la taranta”, meaning a sudden impulse that makes someone act unusually. In this sense, the PU in Rioplatense Spanish functions as a phraseological neologism that emerged in Argentine Spanish, in which Italian cultural influence is reconfigured within the local linguistic system. Thus, the expression evolves autonomously, consolidating itself in colloquial speech to describe sudden and inexplicable behavioral changes, clearly exemplifying semantic reinterpretation based on cultural elements of Italian origin.

From a lexicographic perspective, the expression darle la taranta is recorded in DiFHA, where it is defined as “a sudden and inexplicable impulse to do something, usually unusual for the person”. Additionally, the DLE includes the colloquial verbal phrase darle a alguien la vena, defined as “to become obsessed with an idea that unsettles or drives one to make an impulsive or unreasonable decision”. In this sense, the dictionary mentions taranta as a synonym for vena, referring to a variable emotional disposition. These lexicographic references suggest that the expression darle la taranta is recognized in Argentine Spanish and is related to other locutions describing sudden impulses or unusual behaviors, reinforcing its innovative nature within the Rioplatense phraseological system.

(15). Hacer el vento y la marroca

The lunfardo verbal locution hacer el vento y la marroca is recorded in DiFHA with the meaning ‘to steal money and a watch chain from someone’s pocket’. This expression combines two terms of Italian origin: vento, which in lunfardo means ‘money’, and marroca, which in this context refers to the ‘watch chain’. According to Conde (1998), vento derives from Italian vento (‘wind’), whose use in Rioplatense lunfardo is metaphorically linked to the fleeting nature of money, whereas marroca has been interpreted as an Italianism, though its connection to standard Italian remains unclear.

A review of Italian lexicographic sources found no evidence of the term marrocca meaning ‘watch chain’. In the Vocabolario Treccani, maròcca is defined as ‘an accumulation of rocky debris of sedimentary origin; residue, waste from any commodity’, which is unrelated to the lunfardo meaning. Additionally, in the Neapolitan dialect, marrocca denotes a ‘corn cob’, as recorded in Andreoli’s Vocabolario Napoletano-Italiano (Andreoli, 1887). These discrepancies suggest that marroca in Rioplatense Spanish has undergone a semantic reinterpretation, possibly originating within the Italian migrant community in Argentina or emerging through independent lexical assimilation.

From a phraseological perspective, hacer el vento y la marroca is a phraseological neologism, as no equivalent construction exists in Italian. It is a lunfardo creation based on Italian lexical borrowings that were reinterpreted within the Rioplatense speech community. The consolidation of this expression in lunfardo demonstrates the influence of Italian on the phraseological repertoire of Argentine Spanish, particularly in the realm of crime and marginal jargon.

(16). Hacer gamba

This is a paradigmatic case of a contact-induced phraseological unit, meaning a PU that emerges in a context of bilingualism or strong influence from a foreign language. According to DiFHA, this expression has two main meanings: ‘to accompany someone’ and ‘to support someone’. Its structure combines the verb hacer, which is frequently used in idiomatic constructions in Rioplatense Spanish, with the noun gamba, an Italianism adopted into lunfardo with the meanings of ‘leg’ and ‘a hundred-peso bill’ (Conde, 1998). In Italian, gamba means ‘leg’, and this is the sense retained in the Argentine phraseological construction.

We classify hacer gamba as a contact-induced phraseological unit because its origin lies in the Italian-speaking migrant community, but not as a direct calque from Italian. Instead, it underwent a process of adaptation and innovation within Rioplatense Spanish. In this case, no exact phraseological antecedent like fare gamba is recorded in Italian lexicographic sources. Rather, this PU developed in Argentina as a structurally perfect phraseological calque of hacer pata, which already existed in Rioplatense Spanish with the same meaning of ‘accompanying or supporting someone’.

Linguistic contact between Italian immigrants and native Spanish speakers facilitated the reconfiguration of pre-existing idiomatic structures, in this case by replacing the Spanish term pata with its Italian equivalent gamba. Unlike conventional calques, where a foreign expression is directly translated into the recipient language, this process occurred within the bilingual community, making it a contact-induced phraseological unit. This phenomenon demonstrates how the integration of Italian lexical elements into pre-existing Spanish syntactic and semantic structures has led to phraseological innovations that have become institutionalized in Rioplatense speech.

(17). Manyar el estofado

The lunfardo verbal PU manyar el estofado is defined in DiFHA as ‘to understand something’ or ‘to figure out someone’s intentions and thwart them’. The term manyar derives from the Italian mangiare, meaning ‘to eat’. In Rioplatense lunfardo, manyar has expanded its original meaning of ‘eating’ to include senses such as ‘knowing’, ‘being familiar with’, and ‘understanding’. This semantic evolution reflects a conceptual metaphor process, where ‘eating’ is associated with ‘assimilating’ or ‘grasping’ information.

The expression manyar el estofado may be related to the Italian idiom mangiare la foglia, which literally means ‘to eat the leaf’ but is used idiomatically to describe quickly understanding a situation or intuiting something, especially to avoid danger.

Although no exact Italian expression combining mangiare and stufato in this sense has been found, it is plausible that the lunfardo phrase manyar el estofado emerged as a local adaptation, merging the verb manyar with estofado, a term that in Rioplatense Spanish can metaphorically refer to a complex matter or situation. This combination may have been influenced by the structure of the aforementioned Italian expression, adapting it to the cultural and linguistic context of the Río de la Plata.

(18). Trabajar de paco

This phraseologism is recorded in DiFHA with the meaning ‘to deceive or swindle someone using the cuento del tío (a confidence trick)’. From a phraseological perspective, this expression constitutes a phraseological neologism, as no exact equivalent exists in Italian or its dialects; rather, it appears to have been internally formed within Rioplatense Spanish, particularly in the lunfardo lexicon.

The term paco in this context may be related to lunfardo paco in its sense of ‘counterfeit bill’ or ‘money of dubious origin’, establishing a semantic connection with fraud. It is also possible that it relates to pacco in Italian, meaning ‘package’, which in some criminal jargons is associated with scams where worthless objects are substituted for money or valuable goods—a form of deception reminiscent of the cuento del tío.

The creation process of trabajar de paco may have followed a pattern of resemantization and labor-related metaphor. In lunfardo, the verb trabajar often acquires a criminal connotation, as in trabajar a alguien, meaning ‘to deceive’ or ‘to rob’. In this case, the phrase trabajar de paco likely emerged as a way to describe the activity of fraudsters who make a living by tricking people through scams such as the cuento del tío.

3.4. Phraseological Units with Italianisms or Lunfardisms

In this study, we understand PUs with Italianisms and/or lunfardisms as stable combinations of lexemes that include, within their structure, at least one Italianism (standard or dialectal) or a lunfardism of Italian origin. These Italianisms and/or lunfardisms are not merely elements borrowed from Italian or lunfardo; they contribute meaning to the creation of Argentine PUs, playing a role in the formation of others that did not previously exist. These units, therefore, are the result of a process of linguistic integration, where these lexemes, upon being incorporated into Rioplatense Spanish, generate new PUs, acquiring a specific meaning in a context of their own. Notably, examples belonging to this category are the most frequently represented in our corpus.

(19). Agarrarle (a alguien) la tanada

This phraseological unit exemplifies the integration of a lunfardism, tanada, into Rioplatense Spanish, particularly in Argentina. The term tanada derives from tano, a colloquial term for Italians, especially those from southern Italy, such as Neapolitans (in fact, tano is a diminutive of napolitano). In this context, tanada refers to a “group or set of Italians”, as recorded by Conde (1998), who also documents the PU “agarrarle la tanada” or “subirle a uno la tanada”, meaning “to become enraged”. Thus, this phraseological unit refers to an outburst of anger, likely linked to cultural stereotypes about Italians, especially regarding the emotional expressiveness of Neapolitans.

The DiLA (2019) also registers that tanada colloquially refers to a group of Italians, but with a derogatory connotation. This negative charge is tied to the way Italian migrants were perceived in the early 20th century, often stereotyped for expressing their emotions in an exaggerated or excessive manner, which was interpreted by popular culture as disproportionate. This can be related to the Italian expression fare una sceneggiata (napoletana), which also denotes an excess of emotion, particularly in situations of anger or sadness, and was used to stigmatize Neapolitans for their overt emotionality.

(20). Hacer un escrache

This phraseological unit is also formed by a lunfardism, escrache, which originally had various meanings, according to the dictionaries of Gobello (1999) and Conde (1998). One of its meanings referred to a photograph of a person, particularly their face, and it was also used in a derogatory sense to describe an unattractive or unpleasant person. Another meaning was fraud through an adulterated lottery ticket. However, when incorporated into the phraseological unit hacer un escrache, the term acquires a new semantic charge that is completely disconnected from its original meanings.

According to the DiFHA, hacer un escrache refers to a form of popular denunciation, particularly in Argentina, carried out in front of the home or institution of a person or entity accused of violating human rights, committing acts of corruption, or other crimes. This protest is manifested through public demonstrations such as sit-ins, graffiti, and chants. The re-signification of escrache in this phraseological unit shows a process of transformation in which, although it retains its lunfardic root, it takes on a completely new meaning deeply tied to social and political protest. Thus, hacer un escrache becomes a tool of protest and visibility for injustices rather than its original meaning related to photography or fraud.

(21). Sacar la chocolata

The phrase sacar la chocolata is registered by the DiFHA with the meaning of “to hit someone in the face until blood comes out of their nose”.

Regarding its etymology, chocolata comes from the Italian cioccolata, which means “chocolate”. However, the metaphorical use of the term in the expression sacar la chocolata alludes to blood, which in this context is compared to the brown color of chocolate, suggesting a violent bleeding or a stain caused by blood.

(22). Ser un chancho cualunque

The PU ser un chancho cualunque is a clear example of how an Italianism, in this case the lexeme cualunque (adapted from the Italian qualunque), is integrated into Rioplatense Spanish and acquires a specific meaning in the sociocultural context of the region. In its Italian origin, qualunque means “any” or “indifferent”, denoting something that has no special qualities or characteristics. When adapted into Argentine Spanish, the term retains this sense of generality and lack of uniqueness but is combined with chancho (pig), which here refers to something vulgar, common, or even crude. Thus, the phrase ser un chancho cualunque is used to describe something or someone irrelevant, undistinguished, ordinary, and not standing out from the usual.

The incorporation of cualunque in this expression reflects the process of re-signification undergone by Italianisms when adopted into a new linguistic system. The term, which in Italian refers to something generic, is recontextualized in Rioplatense speech, where chancho adds a dimension of vulgarity that reinforces the idea of being common and unremarkable. Ser un chancho cualunque not only reflects the phonetic and semantic adaptation of an Italian term but also illustrates how PUs can be shaped to embody the values and perceptions of the society that uses them, in this case, Argentina.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created in this study.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

Abbreviations

DiLA	Diccionario de la Lengua de la Argentina
DiFHA	Diccionario fraseológico del habla argentina. Frases, dichos y locuciones
DLE	Diccionario de la lengua española de la Real Academia Española
GDU	Grande Dizionario Italiano dell’Uso

Footnotes

Notes

1. For this study, we adhere to the definition of Phraseological Unit proposed by Corpas Pastor: ‘By phraseological unit, we understand stable combinations formed by two or more words, with their boundary situated in the compound sentence. They have a high frequency of occurrence in the language and are characterized by institutionalization, stability, and idiomaticity’ (Corpas Pastor, 1996) [translation ours].

2. Rioplatense Spanish displays a series of distinctive features that set it apart from Peninsular Spanish and other Latin American varieties. Among these, the widespread use of voseo instead of tuteo, both in informal and formal contexts, stands out (Fontanella de Weinberg, 1979, 1987), a phenomenon that includes specific verb forms such as vos tenés instead of tú tienes. Likewise, a particular intonation can be observed, characterized by a rhythm and melody historically influenced by Italian migration (Lavandera, 1984). On the phonological level, a central feature is yeísmo rehilado, in which the phonemes /ʝ/ and /ʎ/ are pronounced as [ʒ] or [ʃ] (Glozman & Lauria, 2012). Additionally, at the morphosyntactic level, Rioplatense Spanish exhibits peculiarities in verb tense usage, such as a preference for the simple past (pretérito perfecto simple) over the present perfect (pretérito perfecto compuesto). These features contribute to defining Rioplatense Spanish as an autonomous linguistic variety within the Spanish language continuum. In this sense, Di Tullio (2015) highlights the importance of constructing descriptive grammars rooted in regional usage, which can complement the academic model and support a normative approach aligned with speakers’ own linguistic evaluations. While the works of the RAE and the Nueva gramática de la lengua española represent a significant step forward in including American varieties in the official description of the language, and in proposing norms responsive to regional value systems, such a project necessarily demands extensive sociolinguistic work. Only through grammars that incorporate both structural description and speakers’ value judgments can language education avoid disregarding or discrediting local forms, which often leads to linguistic insecurity and disloyalty toward the vernacular variety. Thus, a truly pluricentric Spanish can only emerge not merely by acknowledging variation, but by managing it normatively. As Di Tullio (2015) observes, the paradox of a widely spoken language lies in integrating variation while sustaining a unifying norm—a challenge that seems more effectively resolved in actual linguistic practice than in the institutional discourses that seek to regulate it.

3. On the pluricentric nature of Spanish and the normative models across different Spanish-speaking regions, see the studies by Oesterreicher (2005), Maldonado Cárdenas (2012), Farias (2024), Torres (2010), Arnoux and del Valle (2010), and Di Tullio (2015).

4. For further linguistic studies on cocoliche and lunfardo, we refer especially to Meo Zilio (1993), Cancellier (1996), Conde (2011, 2016, 2017), and Sciutto (2024).

5. The author later extended her diatopic research to other semantic domains: she analyzed the phraseology of quantifiers (Sciutto, 2017a) and denominative expressions (Sciutto, 2017b), and explored the application of conceptual metaphor in expressions related to animals (Sciutto, 2018), plants (Sciutto, 2019), Rioplatense music (Sciutto, 2020), and those involving dehumanization and insult (Sciutto, 2022).

6. For a historiographic overview of lexicographic contributions to Argentine Spanish that include phraseological material and have contributed to the emergence and development of research in this field, see Sciutto (2015).

7. The FRASYTRAM project at the University of Alicante, which has documented over 40,000 phraseological verbal combinations (CVFS) used in Spanish-speaking America but not in Spain, exemplifies phraseological diversity. Such initiatives underscore the importance of a diatopic approach to studying how Spanish, while a shared language, adapts and evolves in unique ways across different regions.

8. The conventillo, which emerged in response to the housing crisis caused by rapid urban growth in cities such as Buenos Aires and Montevideo, consisted of collective dwellings characterized by overcrowding, the distribution of individual rooms, and the shared use of basic services. These spaces, in addition to serving as emergency housing, functioned as sites of intense social interaction and the formation of new cultural and linguistic dynamics among the various immigrant groups (Sciutto, 2024, pp. 112–113).

9. In Argentina, the cantina is a popular dining establishment that offers homemade food in an informal setting. Historically associated with Italian immigration (DiLA), it became a consolidated space of urban sociability, characterized by generous portions, a family-friendly atmosphere, and a simple aesthetic.

10. The pulpería was a typical rural establishment in Argentina between the 18th and 19th centuries, functioning as a general store, tavern, and social hub. It served as a supply point and meeting place for gauchos, peasants, immigrants, and travelers, playing a central role in rural economic and cultural life.

Footnotes

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