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Abstract
The dispute over a heavily forested section of Northern Amazon forest between Suriname and French Guiana is one of the most lingering boundary disputes of modern nations. Stemming from a colonial history that left borders fluid at the independence of Suriname, the border dispute today is marred by shifting and snaking waterways, diplomatic impasses and scant political resources to contribute by the two small Caribbean states. If the dispute was forwarded to a respected tribunal that follows customary international law, it is clear that because French Guiana has effectively occupied the area, a persuasive claim can be made to the disputed area. Suriname, on the other hand, contends that their colonial predecessor, Dutch Guiana, occupied the area through control over the inhabitants of the area.
The colonial legacy in Latin America and the Caribbean has fostered many enduring boundary conflicts, but none has persisted longer than the Itany-Marouini Triangle dispute in the South American Guianas.1 Possession of these lands, which consists of about 5,000 square miles in the southernmost region between Suriname and French Guiana, has been in dispute for over 300 years. Suriname maintains a de jure claim, asserting that the land was included in the earliest documents defining the boundaries of its predecessor, Dutch Guiana, and that people under its governance have lived there continuously. France maintains a de facto claim, asserting that it has actually administered and governed the territory as part of French Guiana from the time that the colony was delineated.
While disputes over other territories in the region began long ago, most have either been subsequently resolved or international efforts to resolve them have advanced considerably after prolonged and intense negotiations.2 However, the dispute over the Itany-Marouini Triangle persists and there has been no indication of movement toward resolution. Neither Suriname nor French Guiana has pursued its claim vigorously for the past century, and the efforts of both governments to establish predominance during that time have been little more than perfunctory. Suriname has maintained virtually no governmental presence and France, through its French Overseas Department, has devoted minimal resources and administration to the area. It appears that neither side wants to expend the considerable sums and effort required to resolve the issue and develop the region's infrastructure.