Content area
Full Text
(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)
Articles
Introduction
There is a perceived legitimacy deficit in the ordering structure of international society. A symptom of this is the political contestation surrounding the 2011 Libyan crisis and its influence on the 2011-13 Syrian crisis.1This involved criticism being levelled at the coalition led by the so-called Permanent-3 (P3 or France, the UK, and US) for the way they implemented the protection of civilians (POC) mandate contained in UN Security Council Resolution 1973 (2011), as well as for the referral of the Libyan situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Resolution 1970 (2011). The coalition intervening to implement Resolution 1973 was accused by the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) states of exceeding the POC mandate and pursuing regime change; and the Security Council's decision to refer the situation to the ICC, and to not defer the subsequent indictments, was considered by African states to be imprudent and irresponsible.
These arguments were not the only indicators of a perceived legitimacy deficit. In many respects they built on previous frustrations with the P3's interpretation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which includes the responsibility to prosecute, and they have influenced post-Libya international relations, especially with regard to the humanitarian crisis in Syria.2We do not believe these frustrations amount to a legitimacy 'crisis'. If legitimacy crises are defined, in Christian Reus-Smit's words, as 'critical turning points in which the imperative to adapt is heightened by the imminent possibility of death, collapse, demise, disempowerment, or decline into irrelevance', then we do not think an international society that upholds a responsibility to protect and prosecute is at that point.3However, we do see evidence that indicates the perceived legitimacy deficit is making it more difficult for international society to meet its responsibilities. 'Adaptation' is necessary in order to pre-empt a crisis and a better understanding of the 'interpretive arguments' that constitute the current 'legitimacy fault line' will assist that process.4The purpose of this article therefore is to first provide that understanding by drawing on the work of contemporary English School scholars and the political theorists they cite; and second to provide the context in which specific policy recommendations may guide the response of...