Abstract: The use of social media as a tool to convey religious thoughts has a considerable impact when carried out on/by accounts of public figures that are popular among millennials. Technological savviness and religious knowledge acquisition are not only required to be possessed by those accounts but also the creativity to engage with the audience by formulating genuine rhetorics. An example is the Instagram account of Taqiyudin Malik (@taqy_malik - hereinafter referred to as Taqy), a young Indonesian entrepreneur-preacher with around 2.4 million followers. Using sociolinguistics and netnography approaches as well as employing a descriptive qualitative method, we examined Taqy's account posts, specifically those collected in the #TamparanPagi (Morning Slaps) category. Through a register study on 12 posts, found that Taqy carried out digital da'wah in simple, humorous, and casual rhetorical ways filled with satirical irony. We categorised six categories of Taqy's posts, namely remembering and preparing the afterlife, the Allah's commands, the fruitfulness of ibadah, the oneness of Allah, call for marriage, and improving personalities. The finding confirms that the use of social media, specifically Instagram, can be a tool for spreading da 'wall messages with no explicit impression of being patronising or intimidating.
Keywords: digital da'wall, Indonesian Muslims, Instagram; netnography, sociolinguistics, Taqy Malik
Abstrak: Penggunaan media sosial sebagai alat untuk menyampaikan pemikiran agama mempunyai kesan yang besar apabila dilakukan pada/ oleh akaun tokoh masyarakat yang popular di kalangan generasi milenium. Kecerdasan teknologi dan pemerolehan ilmu agama bukan sahaja diperlukan untuk dimiliki oleh akaun tersebut tetapi juga kreativiti untuk melibatkan diri dengan penonton dengan merumuskan retorik tulen. Contohnya adalah akaun Instagram Taqiyudin Malik (@taqy_malik - selepas ini dirujuk sebagai Taqy), seorang usahawan-pendakwah muda Indonesia dengan kira-kira 2.4 juta pengikut. Menggunakan pendekatan sosiolinguistik dan netnografi serta kaedah kualitatif deskriptif, kami memeriksa siaran akaun Taqy, khususnya yang dikumpul dalam kategori #TamparanPagi. Menerusi kajian daftar terhadap 12 kiriman, mendapati Taqy menjalankan dakwah digital dengan cara retorik yang ringkas, jenaka, dan santai namun penuh dengan sindiran satira. Kami mengkategorikan enam kategori kiriman, iaitu mengingati dan mempersiapkan akhirat, mentaati perintah Allah, kenikmatan ibadah, keesaan Allah, seruan untuk berkahwin, dan memperbaiki peribadi. Penemuan itu mengesahkan bahawa penggunaan media sosial, khususnya Instagram, boleh menjadi alat untuk menyebarkan mesej dakwah tanpa kesan sebagai merendahkan atari menakutkan.
Kata kunci: dakwah digital, Instagram, Muslim Indonesia, netnografi, sosiolinguistik, Taqy Malik
Introduction
The use of the internet has become a ubiquitous phenomenon nowadays, including for the majority of Indonesians. As of January 2022, internet users in the country had reached an estimated 204.7 million of the total population, somewhere around 275 million (Statista, 2022b). While the online audience is projected to reach 233.03 million users by 2025, Degenhard (2021) stated that there was also an estimated 188.59 million mobile users. They usually spend an average of eight hours and 36 minutes online daily, primarily for social media connections, shopping, and streaming videos (Nurhayati-Wolff, 2021). Therefore, Indonesia is among one of the largest social media markets in the world. It was ranked fourth globally after China, India, and the United States (Statista, 2022a).
Being highly connected to digital media caused Indonesian people to utilize technology in virtually all aspects of their daily lives, including religious purposes (Fakhruroji, 2021). Most religious scholars (ulama) or preachers (da 7) were prompted to use social media as an alternative to proselytize their messages (da 'wah). The use of social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, or TikTok, aids them in easily sharing Islamic teachings or their views concerning trending issues to the public (Cheong, 2014; Fakhruroji, 2019; Islam, 2019; Pabbajah et al., 2020). Furthermore, the participating audience, namely the netizens - citizens of the network, tend to spread the messages previously proselytized by the core population. This cycle generally produces new terminologies, among others are Islamic authority online, cyber ummah, clicktivism, and religious digital creatives (Ahyar, 2017; Bunt, 2003; Campbell, 2021; Khamis, 2021).
Presently, the use of social media to learn Islam is an effective way to develop religiosity (Fakhruroji, 2021; Latepo et al., 2021; Mokhtar & Bahari, 2021; Rusydiyah et al., 2020). According to a study, 69% and 66% of undergraduates stated they follow online da'wah content on social media occasionally and regularly, respectively (Purwanto et al., 2017). Another survey carried out by Jinan (2013) reported that students who are active users (54%) prioritize searching for answers on the internet, leading to the establishment of Islamic websites or institutions. Those familiar with the virtual technology are encouraged to solve problems quickly without waiting to meet the ustadz or other traditional authorities in person. Meanwhile, only 14% "physically" asked the ustadz or people who were deemed able to provide the relevant answers, and 32% resorted to reading books, including magazines, newspapers, and leaflets.
To some extent, the process of da 'wah in digital media requires the preacher's genuine and genius creativity in reaching out to the audience (Muthohirin, 2021). The messages are appropriately disseminated and have good engagement. The connection between the ulama or da 'i and their audience critically transforms Islamic values. The communication pattern enables the audiences, such as followers, subscribers, or simply viewers, to embrace a two-way communication style with the preacher and engage in multiple ways with other parties. Therefore, the strategies adopted by the preacher to manage the engagement could not omit certain considerations (Setyawan, 2020). There is also a need to consider that the internet user is allowed to select the preferred scholars or preachers due to the democratic character of social media (Bunt, 2018). This also paves the way for new religious authorities. The "market" of religious authority also produces famous and influential figures, some of whom were unrecognized as non-Muslims and the traditional authorities who were among their audience before the digital technology era (Lukens-Bull & Woodward, 2021). These include socialites, celebrities, politicians, and business people willing to share their experiences as part of Islamic da'wah. Kiai Haji Abdullah Gymnastiar (Aa Gym), Ustadz Yusuf Mansur, and Felix Siauw were included in this category (Hamdani, 2020; Hoesterey, 2016). The netizens who possess personal agencies are free to select one preacher and leave the others, specifically those who did not survive the "contestation" (Akmaliah, 2020; Hidayatullah et al., 2020). It depends on the market mechanism where the preachers must possess both religious knowledge and technological savviness and utilize them properly (Chairiyah et al., 2021; Makhutla, 2021; Rohmatulloh, 2022). To successfully disseminate da'wah on digital platforms, Indonesian social media preachers cannot escape all necessary prerequisites, namely sufficient religious knowledge and technological savviness, as well as genuine and genius creativity to engage with the audience.
The choice of platform used for da 'wah is also regarded as an essential task because the media technology developments are highly dynamic. This study compared only Facebook and Instagram, the two most popular social media platforms in Indonesia, and other minor platforms, such as Twitter, YouTube, and TikTok, as shown in Figures 1 and 2.
Both platforms have distinctive characteristics, except that the total numbers of Facebook users far outweigh those of Instagram. However, considering the study by Bhakti (2020), Instagram has become increasingly popular among youths, specifically female students, and it was finally selected rather than Facebook. The tendency to make a choice based on gender from studies on the importance of female netizens as "information collectors" as well as their vulnerability to digital literacy (Gelgel et al., 2020; Kotler et al., 2016; Kurnia et al., 2020; Setia, 2019).
Furthermore, several individuals who actively preach or engage with their fans on social media, such as Buya Arrazy Hasyim, Felix Siauw, Gus Baha, Gus Miftah, Hanan Attaki, and Taqy Malik, were considered. Compared to the other personalities, Taqy Malik has the least flashy background in religious training. He is publicly known as a hafidh (memorizer of whole verses of the Qur'an), and more famous as an entrepreneur rather than a religious scholar or preacher. The unique profile of Taqy was initially considered before it was finally discovered that the young da 'i has an interesting rubric on his Instagram account, namely #TamparanPagi (Morning Slaps), used to deliver his ideas of da 'wah.
Taqy Malik, or Ahmad Taqiyuddin Malik, is one of the successful preachers to employ an online personal brand (Qonitat, 2019). He was trained in a religious institution named Pesantren Darul Qur'an under the auspice of another popular entrepreneur-preacher, Ustadz Yusuf Mansur, to become a hafidh saddled with the responsibility of memorizing the whole verses of the Qur'an (Pesantren Daarul Qur'an, 2016). He was also a student of Hadith studies at Al-Azhar University, Egypt, and a popular entrepreneur with some product lines promoted through social media (Walisyah, 2021). Asides from the fact that he is an entrepreneur who promotes commercial activities on social media, he also performs as a celebrity who attracts many netizen's attention to many of his activities (Sunaryanto & Syamsuri, 2022). Taqy started gaining popularity thanks to his ability to memorize and recite the Qur'an beautifully (tilawah), thereby branding himself as a hafidh or qari ' (Jannah, 2020; Purnama, 2020). However, through a series of Qur'an recitation videos mainly uploaded on Instagram and YouTube, perceived as a kind of "shared interest pool" (Rohmatulloh & Marwantika, 2021), he attracted a significant female audience.
Taqy had 2.448.720 followers or netizens as of August 30, 2022, as shown in Figure 3, as well as was branded as Juragan Saffron (the merchant of saffron) and a public figure. This 25-year-old was also known as a Muslim couple traveller - because he regularly uploaded photos of himself together with his wife in several tourist destinations. Taqy not only tagged his business as a brand ambassador and influencer or marketing manager, but also stated his ability to recite the Qur'an and imitate 40 international Imams, not to mention his call for philanthropic crowdfunding to build a mosque.
On Taqy's account, several thematic rubrics were collected in the Instagram feature Highlight, such as Masjid 4M, Al-Haram, Makkah, Taqy Story, Tamparan Pagi, Donasi Palestina, Bisnis Saffron, and Taqychan (Figure 4). In this study, the rubric #TamparanPagi, which means Morning Slaps, was in particular discussed.
The interesting fact on posts under the #TamparanPagi is that Taqy routinely posted them in the mornings; therefore the posts are called as morning slaps. Besides, Taqy's posts show the usage of polite and humble dictions, while their importance and significance were used to disseminate acceptable messages to the audience (Sholihah, 2022). This young da 'i, who highlighted a number of Instagram posts (on feed and story) under the rubric #TamparanPagi, was deliberately examined. It was realised by adopting a sociolinguistics approach concerning the registers of the evaluated subj ect's activities on the platform to understand the strategies employed to engage with his audience. A register refers to functional groupings of the actual realisations of the text, for example, how a statement was made and the reason it was delivered in such a manner (Liimatta, 2019). Register study is a branch of linguistics that studies language from a certain point of view. It is based on the varying styles and mediums of use. This can be used in sports, religion, journalism, radio, work, and social media. In accordance with a specific purpose, the register, as opposed to a social variety, differs with respect to the speakers. This variation is used in certain professions that make communication within a group more efficient. The members agree that communication needs to be established in a suitable manner that reflects their professions. This is in line with the opinion that registers can be intended as a variety of languages based on their usage (Halliday, 1994). Therefore, by examining the registers on the Instagram account of Taqy Malik and his interaction with the audience, based on a particular interest (da 'wah), this study is aimed to understand how social media facilitate religious preachers to engage with their audience in a specific manner actively.
Methodology
This qualitative study employed netnography and sociolinguistics approaches. The use of netnography in the context of this study is adequately relevant, since the existence of the examined subjects were in cyber network. Through netnography, the data were not only acquired from interviews and observations but also lurking activities on the aforementioned digital platform, where vast information might be gathered without being noticed by the researched culture members (Kozinets, 2010). The netnography principle makes it easier to examine the data obtained from Taqy Malik's posts, including the pictures, texts, captions, as well as responses raised by his audience, especially of the posts under the rubric #TamparanPagi. Furthermore, the sociolinguistics approach concerning the register of the reviewed subject's activities on the platform was also used to understand the strategies adopted to engage his audience. The use of religious registers in the form of Instagram stories and feeds posted on Taqy's account shows that he communicates with his followers using a language that is easy to understand while still inserting religious symbols. Although, many of the used words are mainly of non-standardised variety as they are used in the form of spoken conversations on social media (Chaer, 2012). On his account, Taqy also uses non-standard dictions as well, such as nuntut, ga, djalanin, dinikmatin, halalin, nyadar, dengerin, dikecilin, nyari, mikirin, baper, and ayang (spoken words' variety) as well as foreign dictions including handphone, wfe, and iman.
The data used for the study were carried out from twelve @ taqy_malik's posts (on feed and story) highlighted under the rubric #TamparanPagi, selected based on the relevance and resonance of the topic under investigation, which were posted on January 9th to April 3rd, 2022. The data were obtained by "an attentive observation", such as studying the use of languages in the form of "an uninvolved conversation observation technique" (Sudaryanto, 1993). Therefore, those working on the analysis acted merely as observers of Taqy's selected posts. Each word, phrase, clause, and sentence contained in the data is transcribed. These transcriptions are then read repeatedly while the clauses containing the register of #TamparanPagi are recorded. By performing analysis through "the identity method" (Kesuma, 2007) to distinguish linguistic units according to the reaction, as they show the topic similarities, the data might be classified into a number of categories. The data classification/categorisation is pivotal to avoid redundancy in analysing the similar data and presenting them as the study findings. The data validity was then determined through persistent observation and peer-reviewing techniques. Finally, by examining the registers used by a certain group (Taqy and his audience) for a particular interest (da 'wah), this study is aimed at answering the question centred on the activities of the young digital da 7.
Results and Discussion
The registers of @taqy_malik's #TamparanPagi
Taqy Malik has uploaded a series of posts on several topics and keeps them highlighted on his Instagram account, among others are those under #TamparanPagi rubric. Of the rubric, 12 of these posts were deliberately selected. On the selected posts as well as Taqy's style in writing on #TamparanPagi, the variety of languages used ranges from informal, colloquial, written, to jargon and slang, which consecutively affected the choice of words. On #TamparanPagi, Taqy plays figurative language by showing the contradiction between clauses one and two in each post. Clause one is used to seek the audience's attention and exhibits what occurs typically or is done by people, while the second one is the #TamparanPagi core clause which shows how Taqy sarcastically reminds his audience of the matters related to ibadah (worship). To connect both clauses, Taqy usually uses the conjunction tapi (but), which signifies the informality of the registers as it should be written tetapi as the formal one.
Of the 12 selected posts under #TamparanPagi, we have categorised based on the topic similarities of the data into six categories, namely: (1) remembering the afterlife and its preparation, (2) obeying the commands of Allah, (3) enjoying the fruitfulness of ibadah, (4) Allah is the one and only, (5) marry!, and (6) be a better person!
a. Remembering the cfieri,fe and its preparation
Data 1: Selamat pagi orang yang sibuk mempersiapkan hidupyang baik, tapi lupa mempersiapkan mati yang baik. 'Good morning, people who prepare for a better life, but forget to prepare for a better death.'
Data 2: Selamat pagi orang-orang yang sibuk memikirkan pakaian terbaik di depan manusia, tapi berpakalan seadanya saat menghadap Sang Maha Pencipta. 'Good morning people who are busy thinking for the best outfit to wear in front of others, but dress plainly in front of the God the Creator.'
In data 1, the clause 1, people who prepare for a better l,fe, is contrasted with the clause 2, but forget to prepare for a better death depicts a form of #TamparanPagi (morning slaps). The clause of people who prepare for a better l,fe is a description of what most of people do in general, namely thinking about the daily life challenges, such as working hard, thereby intriguing them to forget worshiping God. Furthermore, the phrase a better death was intended to invite Taqy's followers not only to think about worldly affairs but also of the hereafter. The phrase a better I,fe as opposed to a better death are certain forms of ironic satire, as mentioning the words "life" and "death" based on the Islamic concept is an interconnected chain. This means that death is a dimension of the next life and will definitely occur after the first life process. In the Qur'an, these events are considered forms of creation that deserve careful attention. Interestingly, death and life require actual analysis by referring to the nature of God through the representation of Asmaul Husna, that the level of God's goodness is indeed infinite. In other words, death and life were created by God and needed to be gratefully acknowledged and accepted as sincerely as possible as the basis of a Muslim's piety in the context of faith (Latif, 2016).
Meanwhile, in data 2, the clause 1 states that people who are busy thinking about the best on fits to wear in front cfothers portray a condition where people are usually in the habit of always thinking about their appearance. As humans, people always try to appear in the best outfit to meet others or in the course of an event. However, it contradicts the clause 2, but dress plainly in front of the God the Creator. This condition portrays that people often do not think about their prayer clothes, and even the ones (mukena or scjadah - prayer mat) worn are rarely changed or even cleaned. In contrast, people usually feel embarrassed to wear the same clothes at different events. In the caption of this post, Taqy added a 'slap', "... is there anything more important than Allah?". The post itself was liked more than 69.000 times and earned 581 comments, including one from another public figure, a hijrah celebrity, @ariekuntung, who confirmed that he also felt slapped by the post.
b. Obeying the commands of Allah
Data 3; Selamat pagi orang-orang yang banyak nuntut ke Allah, tapi kewajibannya ga djalanin, larangannya malah di nikmatin. 'Good morning, people who usually demand much from Allah, but the obligation is not performed, the prohibition is rather enjoyed.'
Data 4: Selamat pagi orang-orang lucu, yang kalo sholat cepat, tapi minta rezeki cepat. 'Good morning, funny people who pray very fast, but ask for instant fortune. '
Data 3 is a story post with the clause 1 stating that people who usually demand much from Allah, and it contrasts with the clause 2, but the obligation is not pet formed, the prohibition is rather er,joyed. Clause 1 shows that people are demanding in nature. It contrasts with the clause 2, which also exhibits an aspect of human nature that rarely carries out its obligations to worship, but often violates and enjoys God's prohibitions. In this post, Taqy uses four dictions in the form of non-standard words, namely nuntut, ga, djalanin, and dinikmatin - which should be written as menuntut, tidak, djalani, and dinikmati. However, considering that the post was uploaded on a personal social media account, the use of non-standard words is acceptable as it is a written form of oral communication. Its use also makes it easier for the audience to understand the conveyed message and feel the closeness because it seems as if they are casually discussing with the preacher.
The next register in data 4 is the clause 1 with the content funny people who pray very fast. This is a pretty hard slap because a proper prayer session is to be conducted solemnly and not ended quickly. It is contrasted with the clause 2, but ask for instant fortune, which is also a similarly hard slap. Besides, people often ignore how good they worship but do not hesitate to ask for answered prayers instantly. The #TamparanPagi in this context is relevant because Taqy also mentions the subject of "funny people". It can be interpreted as a funny act when people pray fast but ask for the fortune and its sustenance to be quickly granted. Implicitly, Taqy also reminded the audience to humbly and earnestly worship God, while the answered prayer is God's authority over all.
c. Er joying the frui,fulness of ibadah
Data 5: Selamat pagi orang-orang yang panik handphonenya mati, tapi ga nyadar kalo imannya mati. 'Good morning people who worry when the phone is dead, but unaware that the iman (faith) is dead.'
Data 6: Selamat pagi orang-orang yang menghayati dengar lagu, tapi gak ada rasa pas dengerin Al-Quran. 'Good morning people who enjoy listening to music, but have no feeling when the Qur'an is recited.'
The next register is in data 5 with the clause 1, people who worry when the phone is dead, is a portrait that often happen nowadays. This is because virtually everyone is addicted to smartphones, which makes them always on the hand. Its existence as the primary communication tool has become a mandatory object and is always present in every activity carried out currently, therefore, when the phone battery runs out, many people tend to panic because they are unable to connect with others anymore. It is then contradicted by the clause 2, but unaware that the iman faith) is dead. This is meant to remind them that a dying or weakening iman (faith in Allah) is of huge concern. This fact is often not realised by several people, and this caused Taqy to make it such a #TamparanPagi.
In data 6, the clause 1 states that people enjoy listening to music. It is contrasted with the clause 2 but have no feeling when the Qur 'an is recited. There is a need to slap such followers who prefer music rather than the recitation (tilawah) of the Qur'an. People are often more aware of the lyrics or meaning of a song than the verses of the Qur'an. This unfair condition motivated Taqy to compare music and the Qur'an in his post. A comment shown on the screenshot was made by @rizalarmada, a vocalist of the pop music band Armada. As another celebrity who follows the h,jrah trend, the post must be "slapping" very well against him. This vocalist is publicly known among the Indonesian netizens to follow Islamic religious learning (pengojian) alongside other hjrah celebrities. Irrespective of this, he kept practising music with his band. The question of whether a h,jrah musician intends to continue playing music or abandon the former professional life is indeed intriguing. It was observed that some other musicians who embraced the h,jrah have completely left music and even publicly declared that it is un-Islamic. Some of them even went as far as destroying their musical instruments, such as Sakti of Sheila on 7 who is now more popular with his hjrah name, Salman al-Jugjawi (Hasyim, 2020; Lyansari, 2018). However, some other h,jrah musicians kept practising their musical prowess while exhibiting the hijrah impacts on their lifestyles and physical appearances (i.e. beards and clothes), such as Derry Sulaiman and Komuji (Huda, 2021; Qomaruzzaman & Busro, 2021). Rizal's short comment, "Ya Rabb (Oh, God)", shows not only the relevance of the #TamparanPagi on his musical activity, but also the engagement between Taqy Malik and the audience.
d. Allah is the one and only
Data 7: Selamat pagi orang-orang yang sudah mengakui Allah sebagai Tuhan, tapi masih merjadikan manusia sebagai sandaran. 'Good morning people who acknowledge Allah as God, but keep relying on humans.'
Data 8: Selamatpagi untukkamuyang berharappunya ayang, tapi lupa berharap kepada yang Maha Penyayang. 'Good morning for you who hope to have a darling, but forget to hope for the Most Merciful. '
The da'wah register in data 7 appears in the clause 1, namely people who acknowledged Allah as God. Considering the fact that Taqy's audience is Muslim by recognizing Allah as their God. Taqy further argued that every Muslim is meant to worship Allah. This is then contradicted by the clause 2, but keep relying on humans. It is interpreted as many people fail to surrender everything in their lives to God; rather they prefer to believe in fellow humans, who are impossible to guarantee their lives. Taqy's choice of background on the post is also interesting, as he selected the picture of Ka 'bah in Makkah.
In data 8, the clause 1 states that those who hope to have a darling are addressed to Taqy followers who long to have a partner. This is because the diction ayang is interpreted as "dear, lover, or darling". The register is then contradicted by the clause 2, namely but forget to hope to the Most Merciful. It simply implies that some people who intend to have a lover usually fail to directly ask their creator, namely God the Most Merciful. In fact, all human hopes and wishes need to be directed only to God Almighty. The choice of ayang diction also shows the use of slang (spoken variety), intended to attract the readers and make them absorb the content posted by Taqy as the post author. Additionally, the choice of ayang (darling) diction is also meant to equate the Penyayang (the Most Loving) rhyme at the end of the second clause. The feed post was successfully used to obtain more than 51.000 likes and 340 comments. Obviously, it is evident that the diction ayang was appropriately used.
e. Marry!
Data 9: Selamat pagi orang-orang cuman mau pacarin, tapi gak mau halalin, lemah. 'Good morning people who just want to date, but do not want to propose. Weak.'
Data 10: Selamat pagi untuk orang-orang yang sibuk mencari wifi tapi justru lupa mencari wife. 'Good morning people who are busy looking for wifi (internet signal), but forget to search for a wife.'
Clause 1 of data 9, people who just want to date, is simply defined as a romantic relationship between a man and woman, and it was depicted by using the diction pacarin (to date, to have a lover). This is contrasted with clause 2, but do not want to propose. Weak. Taqy seems to "challenge" those followers who only dare to date or go into courtship relationships, but fail to upgrade and legalize their relationship status by getting married. Taqy also included the word lemah (literally means "weak") at the end of the second clause to sarcastically quip the couples that are still afraid of legalizing the relationship. The register is indeed based on Islamic law that there are no lawful relations between a man and a woman except marriage. Therefore, Taqy promoted his followers to desist from this act by simply legalising their relationship.
Data 10 shows the register of clause I, people who are busy looking for wifi (signal). It is contrasted by the clause 2, but forget to search for a wife. The register shows how Taqy slapped his followers, who were busy thinking about worldly necessities. The "wifi" in this context is intended to be used for surfing cyberspace for worldly purposes, while the "wife" is juxtaposed to provide a contradiction as a form of worship that is not only worldly but also in the hereafter. The diction "wife" was selected not only to give advice on selecting to think about worship and marriage, but also to match the rhymes of the word "wifi".
Both data 9 and 10 have certain similarities and are the most interactive posts, comprising 84.981 likes with 1.454 comments and 78.519 likes with 1.070 comments consecutively. Both promote the audience to get married (halalin and search for a wife in data 9 and 10, respectively). The call for marriage and blame against premarital dating is indeed an important topic in the hijrah communities (Khumairoh, 2018; Sari et al., 2020; Sulaiman, 2020). This led to the reason why the posts were perceived as the most interactive or simply assumed to be a popular topic among the netizens. Taqy himself is also a practitioner of youth marriage as he has been married since he was 21 years old. Therefore, it is highly reasonable of him to make such teasing posts.
f. Be a better person!
Data 11: Selamat pagi orang-orang yang cita-citanya dapat jodoh terbaik, tapi ia lupa memperbaiki diri. 'Good morning people whose dream is to have the best mate, but forget to be a better person. '
Data 12: Selamat pagi orang-orang yang setiap pagi merasa tertampar, tapi belum ada perubahan. 'Good morning people who feel slapped every morning, but do nothing to change. '
In data 11, clause 1 states that people whose dream is to have the best mate is interpreted as everyone who desires to get the most exceptional partner for themselves. However, that hope is often not accompanied by good efforts. It is ironically contradicted by the second clause, namely but forget to be a better person. People usually forget to improve themselves while attempting to search for a good mate as well. This slap is a simple form of da'wah to motivate the audience to become self-improved ones. Incidentally, it is observable on the screenshot where a short comment was also written by @teukuwisnu, another hijrah celebrity who was a movie actor and tv program host before his spiritual conversion.
Finally, the last register, namely on the data 12, is indicated by clause 1 people who feel slapped every morning are interpreted as many people, particularly his audience, who have received advice, warnings, and suggestions to be a better person, both from individuals around or social media, specifically Taqy's posts. This post tends to conclude the rubrics #TamparanPagi, by selecting the phrase of feeling slapped every morning, which is then contrasted by the second clause but do nothing to change. Taqy might have realised that most of his followers have failed to become better people. It was also argued that the situation is basically human nature to heed the advice.
Conclusion
This study explains that Taqy Malik has managed to carry out digital da'wah in a simple, humorous, and casual rhetoric way filled with satirical irony. The study finding confirmed that the use of social media, specifically Instagram, is beneficial for everyone to spread da'wah messages. Taqy, in his #TamparanPagi posts, has performed digital da'wah in a humble manner, with no explicit impression of being patronising nor intimidating. Based on the linguistics finding, the language style that serves as the main study data is the clause in the 12 #TamparanPagi selected posts and the contradictory coordinating conjunction (but). In the analysed clauses, there are words andphrases that indicate the register of religious terms such as imannya mati (the faith is dead) and mati yang baik(a better death), Maha Pencipta (The Creator), Shalat (prayer), kewcjiban (obligations), larangan (prohibitions), Tuhan (God), Allah, Maha Penyayang (The Most Merciful), and halalin (make it lawful or marry her). Meanwhile, the #TamparanPagi rubric was categorized into six parts, namely (1) remembering the afterlife and its preparation, (2) obeying the commands of Allah, (3) enjoying the fruifulness of ibadah, (4) Allah is the one and only, (5) Marry!, and (6) Be a better person!. Taqy's posts might be used as examples of the digital da 'wah by disseminating the ideas using humble terms as well as interacting with the targeted audience. He has shown his capability to play the words figuratively using the appropriate terms relevant to the da 'wah messages intended to be delivered. Furthermore, Taqy's social media activities have also shown a good engagement he has with the audience, his fellow millennials.
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Abstract
Penggunaan media sosial sebagai alat untuk menyampaikan pemikiran agama mempunyai kesan yang besar apabila dilakukan pada/ oleh akaun tokoh masyarakat yang popular di kalangan generasi milenium. Kecerdasan teknologi dan pemerolehan ilmu agama bukan sahaja diperlukan untuk dimiliki oleh akaun tersebut tetapi juga kreativiti untuk melibatkan diri dengan penonton dengan merumuskan retorik tulen. Contohnya adalah akaun Instagram Taqiyudin Malik (@taqy_malik - selepas ini dirujuk sebagai Taqy), seorang usahawan-pendakwah muda Indonesia dengan kira-kira 2.4 juta pengikut. Menggunakan pendekatan sosiolinguistik dan netnografi serta kaedah kualitatif deskriptif, kami memeriksa siaran akaun Taqy, khususnya yang dikumpul dalam kategori #TamparanPagi. Menerusi kajian daftar terhadap 12 kiriman, mendapati Taqy menjalankan dakwah digital dengan cara retorik yang ringkas, jenaka, dan santai namun penuh dengan sindiran satira. Kami mengkategorikan enam kategori kiriman, iaitu mengingati dan mempersiapkan akhirat, mentaati perintah Allah, kenikmatan ibadah, keesaan Allah, seruan untuk berkahwin, dan memperbaiki peribadi. Penemuan itu mengesahkan bahawa penggunaan media sosial, khususnya Instagram, boleh menjadi alat untuk menyebarkan mesej dakwah tanpa kesan sebagai merendahkan atari menakutkan.