THE ROLE OF EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY IN THE EUROPEANIZATION PROCESS CASE OF UKRAINE

Abstract

[...]we consider that the truth is somewhere in between because on one hand, the EU represent the majority of European countries, it might be considered the one that should set the rules, according to common aspects of the member states. [...]our research made us understand that the premises we have set are only partially true.

Headnote

Abstract: Dans la présente recherche nous tournons notre attention sur le concept d'européanisation, que nous considérons un vraiment thème de controverse. Ainsi, nous commencerons par présenter aux lecteurs le processus d'européanisation des voisins de l'UE. Puisque nous voulons analyser l'influence d'une politique européenne dans le processus mentionné ci-dessus, nous allons discuter du rôle de la politique européenne de voisinage et si elle favorise ou non VEuropéanisation de sorte que, finalement, de présenter l'exemple de l'Ukraine.

Mots-clés: Integration, Les voisins de l'est, Les Politiques Européenne, Évolution, Région.

1. Introduction

1.1.Europeanization - a contradictory topic. Premise and main objectives

The Europeanization process was initiated in some people's opinion, in 1990s155 and has become a rather fashionably research tool amongst scholars from European Studies and International Relations156. Some other researchers on the other hand, consider that this process has its roots before that date, the two world wars being considered "the parents" of Europeanization and that it usually refers to changes that take place in practices and national politics coming from European integration157. Different definitions of this process, elaborated based on different premises and research interest, found in time, their way to reach the public and we wonder which one in closer to the real meaning of this term.

Before elaborating our article, we would not like to come-up with a new definition for this concept, but we would like, however, to express our own opinion on what Europeanization mean. This will also help the reader to better understand our research's methodology, and finally why the conclusions of this study.

Europeanization represents, in ours believes, one of the parties that express the concept of Globalization, and a concept that should have a strong approach to the people, before the approach to the institutions. Also, we consider that there is not a precise year, but maybe a period of time, when this process found its beginnings and that it started at the moment when Europeans realized that they belong to the same continent and that all together, by their history, culture, religion, behavior or even politics or economics compound Europe. In our opinion this might have happened in the 18th century, better that in the 20th one because we see its presence at the time, among the European countries that look forward to identifying themselves with already created European "rules"158. See for instance the beginning of "The declaration of Human Rights from 1789" and its later adoption by the European states. It might have happened during the Roma Imperium as well, when the Romans spread their culture through the expansion they initiated, or it might have happened even before this period of time. But at that time, we cannot talk about Europe, with the same meaning as today. However, placing Europeanization in time is strongly connected to how one person perceives Europe and its "birth". On the other hand, the 20th century, with its progress and historic events lead to a better understanding of this process and it also helped it to evolve and to gain importance among the European citizens.

But is Europeanization all about people? Or it is also about economics, politics or institutions? The answer seems to be positive if we rely on Abraham Lincoln's phrase "of the people, by the people, for the people," because people are de center of humans' universe, the creators of politics and economics. However, nowadays we can easier observe this concept to be mainly focused on the EU and on the domestic changes of the states that find themselves into this process, but again we maintain ours believes and we advocate that it is more than that and that this process goes beyond the EU.

Another question is related to the borders of this process. Where can we talk about Europeanization and where does it end? Nowadays, it is commonly considered that Europeanization reflects only the European Union159. However, we believe that Europeanization goes beyond European Union and that it also affects the European Neighborhoods. We are talking here not only about the neighbors that are parts of Europe as continent, but also the ones that geographically speaking, are located on other continents, present different kind of relationships with European countries and which in order to maintain their relationships, adapt to European common values, standards, policies, or start an entire process of European Integration.

Bearing in mind all the above-mentioned aspects and mainly the fact that nowadays, Europeanization is more and more linked to the EU area and that it is considered that this area represents the cradle of this process, the premise of the article states that although, in our beliefs, Europeanization represents a process that was initiated before and that should have led to the European Integration and European Union, finally it is developed mainly according to the EU "regulations", not only inside, but also at the periphery of this area, where ENP interfere. An additional premise is linked to the study case of the article and it states that Ukraine is a Europeanized country.

At the end of the research we will be able to conclude if the premises were correct and if we managed to achieve the main objectives we have set:

- to observe how a European policy interfere in the Europeanization process;

- to analyze the effects of Europeanization in the Neighborhood countries of the EU;

- to better understand the Europeanization process in Ukraine.

Our objectives outlined our work and named the study and the analyses terms.

1.2.Methodology

The present study that presents three main chapters, intends to achieve its above-mentioned objectives that wouldn't have been achieved without a precise study on the definition and different acceptances of the term of Europeanization. For that, many online and physical archives that exposed the terminology of Europeanization have been studied.

Further on we focused our attention on Europeanization process among neighbor states of the UE. At this point, we will focus mainly on an East-European state, Ukraine, mainly because this is the region/state that interests us, especially because of its historic past. So, the first restriction of the study is geographical, and refers to the Eastern periphery of the EU. The second restriction is thematic and focuses on the European Neighborhood Policy and how this policy affects the Europeanization of neighbor states.

This research wouldn't have been possible without several paper-works that we will present in a formal way, in the Bibliography of the study, and informal, based to the knowledge that we have gained by reading them.

In our lectures and studies we appeal to European publication, Ukrainian included. Further on, the above-mentioned methodology can be observed in all the chapters of the paper.

2. The Europeanization of the EU neighbors and the ENP role in the process

Before starting analyzing the role of the ENP in the Europeanization process of the Eastern European neighbors, we would like to present a short distinction of this process inside the EU and within the neighbors' areas:

a. In the EU context, member states, who are in the process of EU integration, initiate and shape the Europeanization.

b. In the EU periphery, the Europeanization process presents a different structure, mainly because the states of these areas have different types of institutional links with the EU. Their contacts are determined especially by geopolitical and geographical factors, factors that are linked with constraints and choices decided by the EU with regard to its external involvement. In this area, states do not have the institutional means to influence the decisions made by the EU and that through the Europeanization process, affects them. In this area, this process can only be seen by EU, as a foreign policy instrument160.

If we go back to what we have stated in the chapter before, regarding the birth period of the Europeanization, we could compare the EU with the Roman Empire. This seek to "conquer" more states, to include them into its borders161 so its power to increase. Otherwise, if this comes to be somehow difficult, compared to the Roma Empire, the EU Empire establishes agendas or policies that involve the neighboring countries so that it doesn't miss the chance to link and to trade with the last ones. This main difference between the two determined the success of the EU in what concerns connections with other states.

Due to its dimensions, the EU has become during the years an important actor162 that attracts from different point of views many other states. However, because the EU have established different plans of interaction with other countries through Foreign Policy or ENP, the states in questions must somehow submit to the EU decisions in order to create links with it. In this case, they might encounter an advantage by presenting some common values, rights, economies with the EU or find themselves under the conditionality of implementing domestic changes. In this case, Europeanization without conditionality talks about long-term embedding of European values and norms and internalization. Such a process is based more on lesson and learning. The EU has to focus more on promoting 'linkage', mainly because it is dealing with non-candidate neighbors163.

As we already argued above, ENP as an EU tool, the last one being considered by us a Europeanization effect, represents nowadays one of the developers of the Europeanization, that aim the EU neighbors, and that provides to them a conditionality layout to link with the EU.

Under these conditions, three dimensions of ENP policies are important not only for the quality of Europeanization of these neighbor countries (Justice and Home Affairs and Democracy Promotion), but also for the EU's strategic interest (Economic Cooperation)164.

Economic Cooperation

According to Vincentz (2007), the EU has offered to the ENP states "economic cooperation in exchange for political reforms". However, the subject of economic cooperation remains rather vague. Compared with EU enlargement, ENP presents a development component and is also strictly bilateral, which fore-goes the chance of creating a unified economic region.

The EU however, presents appropriate models with ENP members of future economic integration. Depending on interest of either the ENP states or the EU, the economic integration remains a bilateral instrument with specific cooperation schemes and a basic trade component.

Democracy Promotion

In some people's case, the ENP represents for the EU a democratization tool165. On the other hand, the EU's democracy promotion strategies are seen by others as being badly coordinated166.

Non-state actors and similar institutions should be supported by bottom-up and not belonging to high-level politics strategies in the field of civil society, education system, and media. In what concerns the education system and the civil society, ENP offers different financial support through TEMPUS and TACIS/EIDHR respectively. While TEMPUS is intended for higher education modernization or people-to-people-contacts among European students, especially between East and West, TACIS refers to infrastructural help and EIDHR to bottom-up democracy promotion. Finally, in neighboring countries, the freedom of media represents an essential part of helping democracy. Although the EU is a young player in supporting the media as we already argued above, the EU sees the instrument of media support as a tool of democracy promotion167.

Justice and Home Affairs (JHA)

JHA has been from the start within ENP, an element of the Action Plans, which demonstrates that there is an increasing importance of security aspects. The main fields of cooperation and demand in JHA are the border policy and the migration, judicial and police i /:o training and cooperation and organized crime and drug trafficking .

Policy regulations in the field of JHA have several characteristics. First, some aspects are very important for the EU's interests on internal security (illegal migration, EU's Schengen regime, organized crime, asylum policy). Second, JHA is both a long-term initiative for democracy, good governance and socio-economic transformation and a shortterm security strategy. The EU had to offer rewards, like visa facilitation for asylum seekers, due to its interest in the JHA. Third, core state functions like police cooperation or border policy are affected by demands concerning policy. Finally, demands in JHA are closely linked with the acceptance of democratic values, and this can be seen in areas like independent judiciary169.

The above-argued subjects are characteristic for each ENP states. However, depending on the geographical area of the state, it can present some different aspects, but this doesn't astonish us because we already know that each country has its own history and this applies also to an entire region as well.

Bearing this in mind we are wondering if for instance, the Eastern European countries found themselves for the first time in the situation of Europeanization, or if they have encountered forms of Europeanization before EU. If we are looking to the soviet age, we see a cultural, politics and even economic approach among these countries and based on that, we could bend to state that Eastern European countries encountered Europeanization even before. But did the soviet countries represent Europe at the time, as EU does today? The answer is very simple: they did not, in the context of a continent that found itself especially between Soviet and Nazi ideology and this without considering the other ideologies of the time. But what happens if we take a closer look to the Eastern neighbors and if we take their case in particular. For example, what is the case of the Republic of Moldavia? Is this a relevant country to observe Europeanization before EU era, so we can assert our premise that Europeanization led to the EU birth, and that Europeanization development should not depend on the EU decisions, but the EU should relay on the Europeanization process? Not exactly, and we base our affirmation on historic data. Moldova represents a state that gains its independence not long before and which during the time, was attached to different states or ideological country Unions by its own will or under the historic circumstances of the moment170. In this case, we will not direct our attention to this case and we will look forward to Ukraine, which is another state that gained its independence not long before, but which history was different that Moldova's.

Considering all the argued subjects, in the following chapter, we will analyze the Europeanization process in Ukraine, how ENP influence it and if we can talk related to this state, about Europeanization before the EU. Otherwise, we could consider that either Europeanization did not exist before EU, or that for the East European neighbors Europeanization exist only under the context of the EU.

3. The Europeanization of Ukraine

In 1991, Ukraine's parliament adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine. At this moment, after 70 years of Soviet-style modernization, Ukraine started to show an interest in joining the EU, but it failed in becoming a member state because she didn't manage to transform itself into "a fully European country, measured by stability and prosperity"171. Under these conditions, Ukraine had to reconsider its actions and to achieve a better integration if she still intends to become a member state. All these would also help Ukraine to start, or to continue, a Europeanization process that will bring her closer to EU and to the other European countries that share the same values, policies or economics. Later on, the EU came up with a solution, to create a linkage with the European neighbors, so EU can achieve its interests under the promise of the integration. Thus, in 2003, the EU brought a new initiative that by 2004 became a new policy, the European Neighborhood Policy. Ukraine became soon one of the ENP member states. Further on we will focus our attention on the three topics that we argued above: the economic cooperation, democracy promotion and justice and home affairs.

For the new participant states to the ENP, European Commission centers proposed to offer a place on the internal market, through a detailed integration. So, the barriers with the neighbors' states would have been lowered. Also, they will enter into accepting the EU conditionality, without affecting the member states' integration. But the economic benefits of integration, under ENP do not stimulate enough the reforms in Ukraine, because first of all, Ukraine should become more European in political terms and the economic aspects do not influence and led to big political reforms, second because for Ukraine the balance of costbenefits is less attractive than for the states with a membership perspective. For that, Ukraine must adopt the acquis to gain access to the market. Third of all, the countries without a perspective of membership may not find it interesting to adapt and to accept the conditions of the EU and the ENP doesn't justify the exposing of an ENP member to the EU's rule-setting agenda, especially because these countries cannot influence the rule-setting, as the member states can do172.

On the other hand, before 1991, Ukraine did not know the economic system of democratic western countries, the capitalist one, but the communist system. However, in the period of 1991-2004, Ukraine adapted relatively well the new system, but it still has some lacks in term of "EU economic system" or on other words, EU's regulations on this field.

On the other hand, in the field of democracy promotion, the EU put very clear demands on Ukraine compliance with democratic standards, especially on the field of politics and elections. Also, the new agreement partnership offered by the ENP, put a bigger emphasis on democracy promotion than the PC A document before. However, the in-existent reward form behalf of the EU, discourage the leaders of Ukraine in promoting the democracy. Besides, the EU demands are however, related to the need in civil education regarding the human rights, minorities and so on. Luckily, the absence of the political rewards at this level, are compensated by direct European support, especially financial one. We consider that if EU would support and reward more the leaders of Ukraine, they would fill responsible to reward by their own the population, and so, the democracy promotion will meet higher levels.

Still, we believe that Ukraine meet the feeling of democracy before the ENP. For that, will remember the Orange Revolution, which happen in 2004, one year before Ukraine become a ENP member, when citizens were aware of democracy and expressed in public their opinion on election fraud.

In the field of justice however, if before ENP there was a linkage focused on cross border collaboration, within ENP, the EU priorities are the governance -related matters. Compared to the time before ENP, within this policy, many financial supports are given for the justice aspect, as for the other two above-mentioned173, and these serves to civil education, which will maintain the principles that Europeanization promotes as well, when the country leaders will fail to do so.

All the above-mentioned subjects make us state that Ukraine finds itself in the process of Europeanization and that this country begun this process before the ENP. However, this process started not long ago or at least the institutional Europeanization process174, because the citizens seemed to be aware even before of some "European values". On the other hand, ENP presents some lacks in leading Ukraine to Europeanization, mainly because this policy cannot be influenced by Ukraine, a country without a membership perspective yet.

4. Conclusion and further research

From the beginning of the article we were able to better understand that the Europeanization goes far before the EU and that it should have led, in time, to the creation of the EU. Nowadays however, Europeanization is understood as being a result of the EU and in order to be considers Europeanized you must present the EU values and even more, you must adapt, accept and work under EU regulations. We were wondering if this is correct and if the EU is the one that should offer the perspective of Europeanization. We believe not, but as we already show in our research, in practice this is exactly how it happens.

In order to better understand our subject of study on how does a European policy affect the Europeanization, we had to adapt in parts to the idea that EU is the one that offers the terms. We did, however, try to bring proves that Europeanization should not gravitate only around the EU and we din encounter some arguments to state this idea. First we cameup with our own believes related to the meaning of Europeanization and the research made us understand that this goes beyond the economic or political aspects that EU promotes and that it also talks about values or about people. But then, the EU represents also common values or actions that aim the people. So again we were wondering if we are not wrong and if Europeanization should not be all about the EU. Second, we observed that elements of Europeanization where found in other centuries as well, for e.g. the 18th century's reforms. Finally, we consider that the truth is somewhere in between because on one hand, the EU represent the majority of European countries, it might be considered the one that should set the rules, according to common aspects of the member states. However, on the other hand, in some domains, the EU could try to achieve its own interest and not only to fail to Europeanize the countries that reform their regulations because of the Integration and Europeanization dream, but to have a negative impact on them as well, to cause divergence and so to lead them into "the arms" of other actors that seek to influence them.

Our research become a restrictive one, in the last chapter, where we studied the ENP impact on neighboring countries of the EU, members of the ENP and if this policy supports the Europeanization process with a particular focus on Ukraine. Regarding this subject, our conclusion is that ENP sustain only in parts the Europeanization process. Also, for the European neighbors, to adapt to the European rules in terms of cost-benefits is not so profitable or is more difficult than for the member states or for the states with a membership perspective. Otherwise, the ENP created some links between EU and Ukraine but it encounters some as well. Without common aspects, or without interest from the leaders or even form the population in promoting European values or policies, the Europeanization process knows a slow evolution in this country. Luckily, different European instruments exists in order to support at least one part (leaders or citizens) when the other fails in achieving its responsibilities. Also, we observed that especially from the moment when this country is considered a whole, as Ukraine, some Europeanization actions came forward. Nowadays however, through European initiatives and support, particularly financial, this could change and the process of Europeanization can be accelerated, but it is a must for all this actions to look not to create divergence.

At the end of the study, we considered that an interesting subject for a future research could be to analyze the Europeanization process before the EU era or to analyze the impact on Europeanization of European financial support in Ukraine.

To conclude, our research made us understand that the premises we have set are only partially true. It is true that the Europeanization exists before the EU, it is also true that nowadays the EU regulations tend to influence in different ways, the countries on the continent and not only. On the other hand, it is only partially true that a policy, such as ENP can fulfill Europeanization in the European neighbor countries, because it also creates some rejection feelings. Under these circumstances, Ukraine, for example, can be redirected towards Russia. Also, we can state that Ukraine is a Europeanized country, but we must bear in mind that this country finds itself only at the beginning of this process.

Footnote

155 U. Sedelmeier, The European Neighbourhood Policy. A comment on Theory and Policy, Governing Europe's Neighbourhood: partners or periphery?, 2007, p 168-174.

156 H. Axt, A. Milososki, O. Schwarz, " Europäisierung - ein weites Feld. Literaturbericht und Forschungsfragen" in Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 48(1), 2007,p. 136-149.

157 K. Featherstone, C.M. Radaelli, The Politics of Europeanization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p.82.

Footnote

158 Although in the text, the term is presented very similar to the concept of European integration, we would like to have a clear differentiation between the two of them.

159 A. Gawrich, I. Melnykovska, R. Schweickert, Neighborhood Europeanization trough ENP, 2009, [http://www.polso.z.fii- berlin.de/en/v/transformeurope/publications/working_paper/WP_03_August_Melnykovska_Gawrich_Schweick ert.pdf], Accessed 23 July 2012.

Footnote

160 B. Copieters, M. Emerson, M. Huysseune, T. Kovziridze, G. Noutcheva, N. Tocci, M. Vahl, Europeanization and conflict resolutioncase studies from the European periphery, Gent: Academia Press, 2004, p 20-27.

161 We are not talking here of the geographical borders only. Metaphorically speaking, we address at this moment the cultural, religious, economic, etc. borders.

162 N. Wright, The European Union: what kind of International actor?, 2011, [http://eastanglia.academia.edu/NickWright/Papers/474497/The_European_Union_What_Kind_of_Intemational _Actor], Accessed 02 August 2012.

Footnote

163 S. Levitsky, A. Way, "Linkage versus Leverage. Rethinking the International dimension of Regime Change" in Comparative Politics, 38 (4), 2006, pp.379-400.

164 D. Mahncke, S. Gstöhl, Europe's Near Abroad - Promises and Prospects of the EU's Neighbourhood Policy, Brussels, 2008, p. 214-239.

165 W, B. Ferrero, Remarks on democracy promotion, Brussels: European Commission, 2006, p.35.

166 G. Crawford, European Union Development Co-operation and the Promotion of Democracy. Democracy Assistance. International Co-operation for Democracy, 2000.

Footnote

167 Friederike Von Franqué, Medienhilfe als Instrument der Außenund Sicherheitspolitik: Ziele, Motive und Implementierungswege internationaler Akteure in Bosnien-Herzegowina und Kosovo, Berlin, 2008, p 39.

168 Michael Smith, Governing Europe's Neighbourhood: Partners or Periphery?, Katjia Weber, Michael E. Smith and Michael Baun (Ed.), 2007.

169 W. Knelangen, "A Neighbourhood of Freedom, Security and Justice?" in European Neighbourhood Policy. Challenges for the EU-Policy Towards the New Neighbours, 2007, pp. 78-101.

Footnote

170 República Moldova, Istorie, 2012, [http://www.moldova.md/md/istorie/], Accessed 02 August 2012.

171 John Tedstrom, The EU and Ukraine: a transatlantic veiw. The EU and Ukraine: Neighbors, Friends, Partners?, London, 2001,

Footnote

172 Kataryna Wolczuk, Integration without Europeanization: Ukraine and its Policy towads European Union, EUI Working Papers, 2004,p 72-112.

Footnote

173 A. Gawrich, I. Melnykovska, R. Schweickert, Neighborhood Europeanization trough ENP, 2009, [http://www.polso.z.fuberlin.de/en/v/transformeurope/publications/working_paper/WP_03_August_Melnykovska_Gawrich_Schweick ert.pdf], Accessed 23 July 2012.

174 We believe this is a result of the soviet period.

References

Bibliography

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