SLOVENE PRE-MODERN LITERATURE IN LITERARY STUDIES AFTER 1990

Abstract

A great accomplishment has been the digitalization of the Passion and the discovery of its date of origin ([Matija Ogrin] was the main collaborator on the project). The passion is on the website Elektronske in znanstvenokriticne izdaje slovenskega slovstva (Digital and scholarly critical editions of Slovene literature) in a format that corresponds to standards of scholarly electronic publications: a scan, a diplomatic and critical transcriptions of contents with translations of non-Slovene texts, and simultaneous display of all three items. The commentaries provide codicological and paleographic descriptions and the detective work on dating, the time staging began, and further performances (it was written in 1725 and played from 1713 on), though intermittent (1721, 1727, 1728, and 1734), unlike German versions. There are arguments against the 1721 date: if the text appeared and the first performance was in 1721, then the following statements would be meaningless: "the permanent guardian of the procession... is the fraternity," "this time the treasurer was," "the right noble Kosem had until now always given a horse," and "the casket is born by fourteen men, who have always been burghers." Further, folio 2r, dated 1721, is on different paper, in a different handwriting,2 and is not cotemporaneous with the main text; it is recorded in it that the presbytery had given permission for 23 May 1721, while Good Friday had been on 11 March 1721 (May 1721 probably refers to a new legal for the performance). Kristof of Gradec (1713-22) is recorded as the provincial who gives permission for the procession, but in the main text Gotthard (1725-27) is recorded as the provincial. This means that the main text was written after 1725 and bound into the codex of 1730. When did performances begin? Based on letters appended to the codex, we can conclude it was 1713. One of the arguments is that the leader of the procession says in one letter that popular uprisings were in the making and there is talk of war. This probably refers to the Tolmin peasant uprising of 1713, which threatened to spread to the Loka realm. From the fact that different fraternities are named as sponsors, and the codex contains lists of different scenes, etc., we can conclude that this was a long tradition and that the 1725 recording simply fixed the tradition. Letters of invitation indicate annual and not occasional performances. Ogrin refutes the thesis that the Loka passion was the only one in Slovene, and that all other known passions were in German in the following way: Folio 14, in which there is the German-Slovene song "Slavo Kristusu skazimo" (We praise Christ), is older than the central text; it could well have been a fragment of another Slovene passion. Three years later, Ogrin (2011b) found a page inserted among Ferdinand Ljubljanski's homilies, on the margin of which is the note, "Christus gehet dem Garten zu, Vide 4te Vorstellung." Here [Ferdinand] is speaking of the passion scene where Jesus goes to the Mount of Olives. Since other recorded versions of the passion3 do not mention this scene, it appears that Ferdinand had a passion that we are not familiar with. The passion tradition, then, goes back at least to 17134. Romuald received the passion in 1715 and wrote it down in 1725. Ferdinand Ljubljanski received it next, and it was staged every year, although it was not the only passion in Slovene.

[Igor Grdina], [Marko Kersevan], Saso Jerse, Kos, Sabina Mihelj, Jakob Müller,10 and others addressed these questions at the symposia and elsewhere. There are basically two answers: A group in the sixteenth century was understood as a linguistic group, not as a group with the same past and tradition, and the reverse view. I cite the sociological viewpoint: "A common historical destiny was for them (before the sixteenth century - A.B.) the common destiny of the lands of the German empire in that area (and/or under the Hungarian crown), and the common linguistic and ethnic destiny of the various inhabitants of Carniola, Styria, Carinthia, and Gorizia... Only with the development of linguistic (self)consciousness or identity and ideology did a distinct 'common destiny' of 'Slovenes' [...] apart from the destiny of German [...] speaking inhabitants appear" (Kersevan in Jeziki, identitete, pripadnosti, 86-88). "Only with the use of a standard language (as the literary language) in institutions do the linguistic similarities and differences that exist become public and are legitimized as a centripetal frame of connection and at the same time centrifugal demarcating" (Kersevan 2006: 19)-that is, only with the appearance of a literary language in the sixteenth century. Grdina agrees in the entry "Slovenci" (Slovenes) in the Enciklopedija Slovenije. Further, "the Protestants' language and publishing work in the sixteenth century certainly did not have national goals, or the goals of identifying and connecting people with the same language by means of a literary language. The main intention was religious (Kersevan in v Jeziki, identitete, pripadnosti: 83). As regards language, I would also like to mention Kersevan's rejection of reductionism, meaning that for the Protestants, Slovene was but a tool for spreading the true faith. They were instead interested in spreading God's word (the Bible) and "at the same time, God's word in yet another language meant multiplying praise for God and hallowing that language," which is why Germans, too, supported Slovene books.

Headnote

This survey is structured according to periods and writers. In view of recent discoveries, it begins with seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Roman Catholic writings and new revelations on pre-Enlightenment literature, which was thought to be all but non-existent. It encompasses a broad spectrum of religious genres-for example, the Osp passion, books of theological meditations (the Skalar MS, Bukve svete Gertrudis [The writings of St. Gertrude]), the life of Christ, lives of the saints, homilies, ways of the cross, hymnals, prophecies, and many minor forms. Next I consider Protestant writings and secular literature before France Preseren. There have been numerous sociological, historical, and theological publications. I deal in detail only with individual publications, leaving aside survey publications and baccalaureate, M.A. theses, and dissertations.

Key words: religious literature, seventeenth century, eighteenth century, sixteenth century, manuscripts

1 The Catholic seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

1.1 Recently discovered manuscripts of Slovene literature

The greatest accomplishment in research into pre-modern literature during recent decades has been Neznani rokopisi slovenskega slovstva (Unknown manuscripts of Slovene literature), part of Matija Ogrin's project at ZRC SAZU (Academic Research Center of the Slovene Academy of Arts and Sciences). It includes a listing of 176 manuscripts and descriptions of 107 manuscripts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 7,011 pages have already been scanned, some of which have been until now unknown; for instance, the 700-page Poljanski rokopis; the passion from Osp; and the meditation on The Four Final Things, Smrt, sodpa, peku, nebesku kralestvu (Death, judgment, hell, the heavenly kingdom). These and individual publications deriving from the project are not only new discoveries but a new chapter in Slovene literary history. In the popular consciousness, the time between the Reformation and Pisanice almanac is a dormant period with such exceptions as Janez Svetokriski, Rogerij, and the Skofjeloski pasijon (Skofja Loka passion). If, for example, we take Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva 1, 1956 (History of Slovene literature 1; Slovenska matica, 1956), 185 pages are on Slovene literature before Pisanice, with twenty-eight on the Catholic Counter-Reformation. The project demonstrates that it is erroneous to judge literature of these centuries only on the basis of print publications and to draw a conclusion about "stasis." Ogrin (2011b: 385) finds Rupel's opinion in Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva telling: "Given the numerous print publications in the eighteenth century, manuscripts in general are not of as much importance as in older times when there was a paucity of literature." For whom are they not important? For us? Today? They indeed were important to the public of the day, and this is key, because the time before mandatory schooling was a time of oral culture (songs were sung, homilies were delivered, passions were played) and manuscript culture, which had a different

idea of what it meant to publish a work. Even during the Slovene Baroque, manuscripts were leant, and readers understood and received the texts in these manuscripts as finished works... And manuscripts reveal the period, we might say, in its rightful image: they show its diversity, as well as the breadth and number of texts that appeared; however, later, when our idea of what a finished literary work is and ought to be, manuscripts were no longer preserved in cultural memory. (Ogrin, Javorsek, Erjavec 2011: 338)

It was first necessary to locate the manuscripts in public and private archives and to decide what in general to search for. Next came the determination of "what kind of text confronted us, what were its contents and genre? Who was its author? Was the text 'original,' translated, or adapted? When and where did it originate?" Here the disciplines of archival studies, historical bibliography, codicology (paper and watermarks must sometimes be analyzed for dating), paleography, and the classic (comparative) methods of literary studies come into play. The goals, methods, and conclusions are on the project website. Among the general conclusions is that the

preponderance of texts from this period come out of the Catholic religious heritage, relying on Scriptures and the lives of the saints; however, very many also come from noninstitutional, pseudo-canonical, apocryphal, and popular literary sources. Further, this literature in various ways diverges from pure canonical texts in the direction of literariness, narrative, symbol, and the aesthetic, without diminishing its religious import, but lending it greater convincingness and genuineness. (Neznani rokopisi slovenskega slovstva, web.)

Matija Ogrin is the main interpreter of this corpus of Slovene literature. (He has also written a good deal on the principles of digital scholarly publishing.)1 He has pointed out general shortcomings in literary history: Svetokriski and Rogerij's Capuchin homilies were called Franciscan, while not one Franciscan homily was attested (Ogrin 2011c: 232). This would seem innocuous, had it not resulted in a mistaken typology with two kinds of homilies, Franciscan and Jesuit (Basar). Since the Franciscans had developed a full network of seminaries (they had three-year schools of theology on the provincial level, and a seven-year school on the level of the order, with one of them having opened in Ljubljana in 1593), and since both the Franciscans and Capuchins have a pastoral mission, it would seem improbable than not one Slovene homily was preserved. It is true that no print versions are known, but manuscripts keep turning up.

First Ogrin researched the Franciscan Anton Bresan (1638-1708), Evgen Lauer (1722-71), and Adavkt Nikl's (1740-88) homilies (Ogrin 2009, 2011c). Old sources from 1808 cite six printed books (!) of Bresan's Slovene homilies and fifteen manuscripts, including Biblia Paouperum and a handbook of homilies: "If this opus had been preserved, it would be impressive." (Ogrin 211c: 232) Unfortunately, until now only three Slovene homilies and a long work in Latin, Vita Christi, have been found. Ogrin precisely analyzes the homilies -for instance, there is the analysis of a homily for the Epiphany: the homily has the three classic parts, the introduction is also tripartite, containing a citation from the Gospel (the three kings "will return to their country by another way"). Bresan first states the theme, which he then explains three times in the introduction-first philosophically, then with careful illustrations, and concluding with an exegesis of the allegorical (symbolic) meaning of the excerpt. In the philosophical part Bresan explains God's goodness as a necessary quality of the deity and thus introduces the key philosophical problem of the concept of God: if God is not good, then there is no God, which is to say if the being lacks one of the qualities traditionally assigned to him, then we are dealing with another being. Bresan's interpretation of the allegory follows: the arrival of the kings at Herod's is a symbol of the human fall from grace, and their decision not to inform Herod of Jesus's birth but return to their country by another way is a symbol of the human way out of sin. Ogrin stylistically analyzes the second, central part of the homily with three examples and demonstrates Bresan's rhetorical substance (and the stability of literary norms). The third part of the homily is not preserved.

To note briefly Ogrin's other publications, in 2009, the Capuchin Ferdinand Ljubljanski's (about 1684-1740) opus was uncovered, now numbering fifty-eight homilies in manuscript on 500 pages bound into a book. They were delivered in Skofja Loka, Kranj, Ljubljana, and Trieste. Ferdinand's hand can also be seen in the Skofjeloski pasijon (Skofja Loka passion). A homily discovered in Novo mesto, where he did not preach, indicates that he wrote even more and that his works were circulated and borrowed. Bukve Svete Gertrudis (Writings of St. Gertrude; Ogrin 2011b) from 1745 is a 450-page manuscript of the saint's spiritual revelations, songs, prayers, litanies, and other forms. It is an adaptation of a German text (Gertrudenbücher) that arose on the basis of the thirteenth-century German mystic's visions. One of Ogrin's largest finds was the 700-page Poljanski rokopis (Poljane manuscript) of 1799, which is socalled ascetic literature about Jesus's life, vita Christi. Besides a description of the life, it contains theological commentaries and reports of several saints' mystical visions in a combination of theology and legend. It is "the first and only known example of this particular genre in Slovene." One of the translation sources could have been the wellknown Das Grosse Leben Jesu by Martin von Cochem, who lived in the seventeenth century. Even more importantly, the manuscript is probably a copy of a 900-page, unfortunately unpreserved manuscript from fifty years prior (Ogrin 2011b: 395). Dober legent teh svetnikov (Good legends of the saints; Ogrin 2011c) is an eighteenth-century Carinthian manuscript. With 1,032 pages that constitute a translation of one-half of Martin Cochemski's 1705 Legenden der Heiligen, it is the largest work of the century. This is hagiography, easily the favorite reading of the "people"-that is, for the people. It came from the Urban Jarnik archive. Jakob Sket described it already in 1886. Ogrin takes up genre questions, distinguishing between homilies, stories, legends according to the degree of fictiveness in the narratives about historically attested saints.

The Skalar Manuscript, which has been known since Jernej Kopitar's time, is a codex of four religious texts from the mid-seventeenth century. Monika Dezelak Trojar (e.g., 2010) and Ogrin (e.g., 2010) have researched it a number of times from literary, codicological, and paleographic perspectives and determined the authorship, sources, genre, and composition. The manuscript was published in 2011. It comprises three books and one fragment: the meditation Shulla tiga premislhluuana (School of meditation) and the philosophical speculation Exemplar od suetiga Bonauentura (The exemplar of St. Bonaventure) are translations; Vsakdanie spomishlane vernih karshanskich dushiz (Daily meditations for faithful Christina souls) is incomplete and the author unknown; Vselai inu nikoli, to ie vezhnost (Forever and never, this is eternity) is probably by Skalar. The three texts were most probably prepared for printing in three books. Schulla is a translation of the Franciscan Joannes Wolf's German work, which Dezelak Trojar found in a Vienna library; she did the comparison in Göttingen. In the case of Exemplar, she concluded that it is not a translation of Bonaventure's Breviloquium but probably of a 1608 German book, Breuiloquium St. Bonaventurae. Das ist ein Exemplarun Vorbild des Menschlichen Lebens, which she found in Berlin. Despite the title, it is not the Breviloquium: it remains an open question as to what Wolf was translating. It most resembles Bonaventure's Soliloquium. The latter two texts introduced the new genre of meditative prose ("that treats especially moral questions and is marked by a meditative approach to spiritual and mystical topics" (Ogrin 2010: 130) into Slovene letters. The excerpt Vsakdanie spomishlane introduces a new theme, of pondering the dignity of human nature, which is "founded on the conjoining of divine and human nature in Christ" (Ogrin 2010: 145). The Medieval denigration of the world and humans, contemptus mundi, is now gone. Vselaj inu nikoli is the first Slovene text on the quandary of hell and damnation. It portrays hell in numerous lively, graphic illustrations, and is the first Slovene example of ascetic literature (visions of the next world, communications from the dead). Ogrin describes the books composition and surveys the authors cited, thus demonstrating Skalar's broad theological erudition.

Despite the fact that they are manuscripts, the texts we encounter in the project Neznani rokopisi are not private texts "apart from public life and social import" (Ogrin 2011b): preachers traveled the entire Slovene territory, including Trieste, speaking in overflowing churches (illiterate people had no other spiritual and intellectual nourishment); members of fraternities (lay religious groups) borrowed meditative texts (now thoroughly blackened from use) from each other. The project is ongoing. It is only a shame that when Emperor Joseph disbanded the Jesuits, almost all of their Slovene literature was lost.

1.2 The Skofja Loka passion

A great accomplishment has been the digitalization of the Passion and the discovery of its date of origin (Ogrin was the main collaborator on the project). The passion is on the website Elektronske in znanstvenokriticne izdaje slovenskega slovstva (Digital and scholarly critical editions of Slovene literature) in a format that corresponds to standards of scholarly electronic publications: a scan, a diplomatic and critical transcriptions of contents with translations of non-Slovene texts, and simultaneous display of all three items. The commentaries provide codicological and paleographic descriptions and the detective work on dating, the time staging began, and further performances (it was written in 1725 and played from 1713 on), though intermittent (1721, 1727, 1728, and 1734), unlike German versions. There are arguments against the 1721 date: if the text appeared and the first performance was in 1721, then the following statements would be meaningless: "the permanent guardian of the procession... is the fraternity," "this time the treasurer was," "the right noble Kosem had until now always given a horse," and "the casket is born by fourteen men, who have always been burghers." Further, folio 2r, dated 1721, is on different paper, in a different handwriting,2 and is not cotemporaneous with the main text; it is recorded in it that the presbytery had given permission for 23 May 1721, while Good Friday had been on 11 March 1721 (May 1721 probably refers to a new legal for the performance). Kristof of Gradec (1713-22) is recorded as the provincial who gives permission for the procession, but in the main text Gotthard (1725-27) is recorded as the provincial. This means that the main text was written after 1725 and bound into the codex of 1730. When did performances begin? Based on letters appended to the codex, we can conclude it was 1713. One of the arguments is that the leader of the procession says in one letter that popular uprisings were in the making and there is talk of war. This probably refers to the Tolmin peasant uprising of 1713, which threatened to spread to the Loka realm. From the fact that different fraternities are named as sponsors, and the codex contains lists of different scenes, etc., we can conclude that this was a long tradition and that the 1725 recording simply fixed the tradition. Letters of invitation indicate annual and not occasional performances. Ogrin refutes the thesis that the Loka passion was the only one in Slovene, and that all other known passions were in German in the following way: Folio 14, in which there is the German-Slovene song "Slavo Kristusu skazimo" (We praise Christ), is older than the central text; it could well have been a fragment of another Slovene passion. Three years later, Ogrin (2011b) found a page inserted among Ferdinand Ljubljanski's homilies, on the margin of which is the note, "Christus gehet dem Garten zu, Vide 4te Vorstellung." Here Ferdinand is speaking of the passion scene where Jesus goes to the Mount of Olives. Since other recorded versions of the passion3 do not mention this scene, it appears that Ferdinand had a passion that we are not familiar with. The passion tradition, then, goes back at least to 17134. Romuald received the passion in 1715 and wrote it down in 1725. Ferdinand Ljubljanski received it next, and it was staged every year, although it was not the only passion in Slovene.

1.3 Svetokriski and other authors of homilies

The Zbornik o Janezu Svetokriskem (Studies on Janez Svetokriski) was published with a facsimile of his Sacrum promptuarium. Lojzka Bratuz writes about three unknown eighteenth-century collections of homilies from Gorisko, Josip Bratulic about the connection between the Croation Stefan Zagrebec and Svetokriski, and Stefan Kozuh and Angel Kralj fill out Lionelij's biography based on archival materials (he was certainly born in 1647 near Sv. Kriz, studied in Zagreb and Celje, was anointed a sub deacon in Zagreb, but it is not known when he was anointed a priest). Bostjan Turk argues that we should take Pohlin's note in Biblioteca Carnioliae on Lioneli's membership in the Akademija operozov seriously. Marko Juvan (2000) surveys some of the main types of intertextual references in Svetokriski, Rogerij, and Basar's texts. They are primarily moral examples, allusions to topoi, and quotations of aphorisms, which are among the main means of argumentation in homilies. A small book of studies-one literary (Pogacnik), one linguistic (Orel), and a third theological (Mlinar)-was published with a facsimile of Rogerij's Palmarium (2001). No one has treated work of Jernej Basar. Viktorijan Demsar published Peter Pavel Glavar's homilies with the Mohorjeva house in 1991, and Lojzka Bratuz published Attems' Slovenske pridige (Slovene homilies) in Trieste in 1993.

1.4 Church hymnals

Scholars have identified about 250 manuscript hymnals (Tinjska rokopisna pesmarica, 7). Three have been published recently: the Martjanci, Tinje, and Loka. All three are from near or across the border. The Martjanci has been known to scholars for quite some time; the other two were recently discovered and described for the first time. None of them contain melodies; all three were used in the liturgy; the Martjanci also contains secular songs.

1.4.1 The book version of the Martjanci Hymnal (the manuscript is in Maribor) has an eighty-page commentary by Vilko Novak that precisely explains the structure, religious character, age, sources, recorders, language, and similarities to other, in particular Croatian hymnals. It originated in the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. The contents of the 211 songs: The first three parts are liturgical songs; the fourth is religious songs for school instruction; the fifth part is somewhat alien-it contains love songs and one historical song (about Nikola Zrinski and the Battle of Siget). Religious character: most of the hymnal was written between 1592 and 1672, when the Martjanci people were Lutheran. Both Protestants and Catholics wrote or translate the songs, and both sang them. This was complicated: one large group of liturgical songs is pre-Reformation; a smaller group are newer, Protestant songs. Novak's apparently contradictory assertions can confuse us to a degree-for example, "by origin and use, the MP is Lutheran" (14), as against statements that the majority of liturgical songs are Catholic (22, 24, 26). This means that the sources of most are Catholic, but their content was also acceptable to Protestants, who wrote down most of the songs and used them for eighty years. After 1672, the hymnal passed into Catholic hands. Nationality: older Croatian historians in particular consider it the oldest document in Croatian Kajkavian poetry; songs from it are constants in Croatian anthologies. There were preparations in Zagreb to publish it already in 1942. The language of the hymnal is Kajkavian along with Prekmurje dialect: the Catholic parishes around Martjanci were until 1777 under bishop of Zagreb (Martjanci pod Györ), and the "secondary liturgical" language for prayers, songs, and homilies was Croatian.

1.4.2 The Tinje Hymnal in manuscript from Rakole, near Tinje in Austrian Carinthia was published in book form in 2005. Pavle Zdovc was the first to publish it in transliteration, in 2000, together with a precise linguistic commentary. The new edition comes with eleven studies. The non-linguistic ones are on versification and stanzas (by Bjelcevic), the songs' sources (by Stefan Ferencak), the melodies (Engelbert Logar), and the contents (Marijan Smolik). The hymnal was written or copied in 1839, but the texts are, of course, older. It contains eighty-nine songs that follow the calendar year from Advent to the Feast of Corpus Christi. Most of the songs are "(para)liturgical"5-that is, intended for singing at Mass, though not all of them. The sources of the Tinje Hymnal are Latin and German. Some of the translations are very old; for example, the Carinthian variant of "Kristus je od smrti vstov" (Christ is risen from the dead). Ferencak cites specific sources and comparisons. There are no musical notes: lay writers did not record notes because they knew the melodies by heart. Logar conjectured the melodies on the bases of comparisons with other hymnals that have them. I described the verse and stanza repertoire of all the songs. There are sixty-two kinds of stanzas, which is above average for a popular hymnal, and some are also unusually complex, showing the sophistication of popular literature.

1.4.3 The Loska cerkvena pesmarica (Loka church hymnal), found several years ago, has recently been published. It contains forty songs without melodies, is entitled Bukle sa zirkovne in boshie pesmi (The book of church and divine songs), and comes from Loce near Lake Basko (Faaker See) in Austrian Carinthia. It is probably from 1829, as it is dated, but came into being over time. There is an accompanying critical description and transcription, with nine studies appended. Many people wrote the hymnal over a long period. It is signed by "Wohinz, church singer," a layman. It is the kind of hymnal in which singers recorded songs themselves when they sang them in church. Unlike the Martjanci and Tinje Hymnals, the songs are not ordered according to church holidays (although there are holiday, such as Christmas and Easter, songs), and the singers probably did not intend to create an organized hymnal. Podstensek (2012: 164) presumes that these songs differ from those in comparable late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth-century hymnals. The Loka Hymnal's effects are easier to discern than its sources: its songs are found in the later Tinja and Smiklavska manuscript hymnals, and in the Majarjeva and Bichlerjeva hymnals, which were printed. Engelbert Logar deduced the melodies for these songs as well.

1.4.4 The metrics of church and secular songs before Preseren. There have not been many other studies of church songs. I have written on the metrics and stanzas of church songs in a number of places, most extensively in 2004, and more narrowly, but precisely in 2002. I devised a verse and stanza repertoire (Janez Höfler had previously done this in part in his 1975 dissertation) of the main Protestant hymnal Ta celi katekizmus, Kalobsi rokopis (A full catechism, the Kalobje Manuscript); of the Strzinar, Paglovec, and Lavrencic Hymnals; Sommaripa and Bled songs; and the songs from Evangelijev inu listov (The Gospels and writings). In 1988, I published in "Slava" the verse and stanza repertoire of all known secular songs before Pisanice, and later the repertoires of Pavel Knobl, Leopold Volkmer, Stefan Modrinjak, Valentin Stanic, and part of Valentin Vodnik's poetry. Peter Svetina (2007) later used these two repertoires to ascertain the source of Vodnik's stanzas, while I used them for Urban Jarnik and Preseren's stanzas. Thousands of kinds of stanzas exist, some of the two thousand years old, and many secular poems from Preseren's on stem from the church (including the Latin) repertoire. Of course, there are very many hymnals that are not described, the most interesting of which is the Martjanci, because it comes from the Hungarian repertoire. Skulj (2001) collected the melodies of five eighteenthcentury Catholic hymnals, from Kastelec (1678) through Strzinar, Lavrencic, and Redeskini, and to Majar (1846).

1.4.5 Andrej Suster Drabosnjak was published at the beginning of the 1990s by the Mohorjeva house in Celovec. Herta Lausegger (Drabosnjak 1992) sent an autograph, possibly by Drabosnjak, to the graphologist Anton Trstenjak at the Center for Criminal Investigations in Ljubljana. Criminologists confirmed that the Pastirska igra 1 and 2 (A nativity play 1 and 2), Igra o izgubljenem sinu (A play about the prodigal son), Bukvice od Drabosnjaka (Writings by Drabosnjak), Molitvene bukvice (Prayers), and Bukvice od svetega kriza (Writings about the Holy Cross) were indeed by Drabosnjak. Trstenjak did not think that Pastirska igra 1 was Drabosnjak's work. The remaining works by Drabosnjak (e.g., Marijin pasijon) are later copies.

2 The Reformation and Protestantism

2.1 Primoz Trubar

There have been hundreds of articles, theses, and dissertations (including in linguistics, theology, etc.) on Trubar, especially around the 500-year anniversary of his birth. On the other hand, according to the Cobiss library system, from 1990 to the present we have only seven substantial publications and theses on Sebastian Krelj, three on Jurij Juricic, just over fifty on Jurij Dalmatin, and abut twenty on Peter Pavel Vergerij, half of which are conference papers. Since 1990, there have been two Ph.D. dissertations on Trubar, both in linguistics, and one on Dalmatin, in literature. Jonatan Vinkler (2011) wrote a monograph on Trubar on the basis of previous publications. Probably the most important publication is the Zbrana dela Primoza Trubarja (Collected works of Primoz Trubar). There have been five print and one digital volume. Igor Grdina is the editor-in-chief. Vinkler wrote extensive commentaries for volumes 3 and 4. In 2005, a "journal of problems of Protestantism" (not only Slovene, and not only Lutheran) entitled Stati inu obstati began annual publication. Igor Grdina has written about Trubar and the Reformation from a broad perspective, synthetically, and comparatively. Kozma Ahacic (2007) treated a number of things that have a bearing on literary studies in general in his monumental book on Protestantism, including the role of reading and listening, finances, book buying and selling, translating, and rhetoric.

Many researchers (e.g., Kersevan, Jezernik, Grdina, and Vitorovic) have thematized so-called cultural protagonists who were important to national identity formation. These were people in times critical to the nation. The Reformation gave Slovenes Trubar, and Romanticism gave them Preseren, who occupies the vacant place of a writer of the "national awakening." If we measure importance by the number of symposia at one-hundred-year anniversaries, then Trubar is the Slovene icon with about fifteen, as compared to two or three on Preseren's two-hundred-year anniversary in 2000. Trubar's importance gained from Kopitar on, and decisively since the beginning of the twentieth century, including during the famous disputes at the four-hundredth anniversary. Further, it is significant that the number of people who have actually read the first book in Slovene numbers, I believe, in the dozens.6

In the 1980s, Marko Kersevan often recalled that it was primarily linguists and literary historians who studied Trubar. To what extent does the Reformation interest literary historians today? I counted the articles in the eight7 jubilee collections (I included all three that philologists had edited, the first three in the list in note 7), and the portion that had to do with literary topics. Of the 196 articles, about twenty-two were in literary studies, or eleven percent. When I set aside the three philological collections, the percentage dropped to five percent. The portion of linguistic articles is much greater at about seventy, or thirty-six percent. It was somewhat different in the 1980s, around the four-hundred-year anniversary of Trubar's death. Thirteen of a total of seventy-four articles in four collections8 were on literature, or seventeen percent. If we consider the articles' contents, the ZRC's (Academic Research Center) symposium featured no typical literary topics, despite the fact that the literary historians France Bernik, Grdina, Janko Kos, Ahacic, and Vinkler took part. We find literature only in the Prodorne in preroske misli and Obdobja 27 symposia, organized by the Maribor and Ljubljana University Slovene programs, respectively. At the Prodorne in preroske misli symposium, only four of seven literary historians deal with literary questions-those being Blanka Bosnjak with a discourse typology in Trubar, Milena M. Blazic with female characters in Trubar, Ivana Latkovic on Drago Jancar's novel Galjot, Dejan Kos on intercultural matters, Barbara Pregelj on biography, and Alenka Jensterle Dolezal and I (even) on theology. From the Obdobja 27 symposium there were sixteen of fifty-one articles in literature, five of which were on didactics and five on fictional depictions of Trubar. Of the remaining, mine was theoretical, one was on folklore, two on the Skalar MS, one on periodization, and one was a gematric comparison of Trubar and Preseren. What interested researchers?

2.1.1 Trubar's life and times was a topic at every symposium. The following was novel, in my opinion: Boris Golec (2009) surveyed the Auerperg urbaria, held in Vienna, and corrected-that is, filled in-Trubar's "birth certificate": it will remain unclear whether he was actually born in 1508 (or 1507 or 1509), because baptismal records did not exist at the time. He was baptized Primus but did not have his father's surname, Mullner or Malnar (that is, Miller), but at least from 1526 he had his mother's surname, Trobar or Trubar (he always signed his name Truber). He was not born in Rascica in the Temk Mill (recognized as his home today), but in the Sklop Mill by Kukmaka, near Rascica. Silvano Cavazza (2007 in 2010) has researched Italian archival sources (in Trieste, Gorica, Rome, and elsewhere), and he shows reactions abroad to Turbar's time in Gorisko, the path of Protestant books via Gorisko into Primorje; he has uncovered the ties of Bonomo, Vergerij, and Trubar with unorthodox Italian theologians. Francka Premk (1999) solved the beginning letter N in the signature N. V.T. at the end of the commentary to Katekizem 1555, attributing it to Francesco Negri Bassanese, one of Vergerij's collaborators. Neza Zajc (2011) interestingly compares Trubar with the persecuted Orthodox priest Maksim Grek, living in Moscow.

2.1.2 Slovene identity and the role of language. Slovene identity was the theme of the three symposia Protestantizem, slovenska identiteta in zdruzujoca se Evropa, Jeziki, identitete, pripadnosti and Vera in hotenja (Protestantism, Slovene identity, and European unification; Languages, identities, affinities; Faith and desires). Questions involved what it means to be Slovene, what we (and our fundamentally different societies) have in common with the author of the Brizinski spomeniki (Freising Manuscript), what all Slovenes but no Croatian share, whether the Brizinski spomeniki is even a Slovene text, and whether Slovenes even existed at that time and Slovene was their language. Whether it was or is Slovene because Slovenes wrote it (when there was no national, but only provincial consciousness) was questioned, along with the similarity of the language(s) the group that called itself Slovene later (how much later?) spoke. Participants challenged who decides similarities-linguists or speakers-and when the nation was born: at the time of the Brizinski spomeniki, with Trubar's generation and (only) with the educated people of his time,9 or only in the eighteenth century, at the time of the national awakening?

Grdina, Kersevan, Saso Jerse, Kos, Sabina Mihelj, Jakob Müller,10 and others addressed these questions at the symposia and elsewhere. There are basically two answers: A group in the sixteenth century was understood as a linguistic group, not as a group with the same past and tradition, and the reverse view. I cite the sociological viewpoint: "A common historical destiny was for them (before the sixteenth century - A.B.) the common destiny of the lands of the German empire in that area (and/or under the Hungarian crown), and the common linguistic and ethnic destiny of the various inhabitants of Carniola, Styria, Carinthia, and Gorizia... Only with the development of linguistic (self)consciousness or identity and ideology did a distinct 'common destiny' of 'Slovenes' [...] apart from the destiny of German [...] speaking inhabitants appear" (Kersevan in Jeziki, identitete, pripadnosti, 86-88). "Only with the use of a standard language (as the literary language) in institutions do the linguistic similarities and differences that exist become public and are legitimized as a centripetal frame of connection and at the same time centrifugal demarcating" (Kersevan 2006: 19)-that is, only with the appearance of a literary language in the sixteenth century. Grdina agrees in the entry "Slovenci" (Slovenes) in the Enciklopedija Slovenije. Further, "the Protestants' language and publishing work in the sixteenth century certainly did not have national goals, or the goals of identifying and connecting people with the same language by means of a literary language. The main intention was religious (Kersevan in v Jeziki, identitete, pripadnosti: 83). As regards language, I would also like to mention Kersevan's rejection of reductionism, meaning that for the Protestants, Slovene was but a tool for spreading the true faith. They were instead interested in spreading God's word (the Bible) and "at the same time, God's word in yet another language meant multiplying praise for God and hallowing that language," which is why Germans, too, supported Slovene books.

2.1.3 Theology has the most appropriate approach to Protestantism because Protestantism was at the outset a theological movement. Since the 1980s (earlier there were Orazem and Rajhman) Slovene theologians have systematically, in the fundamental areas of theology, published on the following subjects in Bogoslovni vestnik and the proceedings of a 2008 symposium in Rome (Primoz Trubar 2009): Trubar's understanding of God as creator, his ecclesiology, Christology, Marian studies, eschatology, teaching about justification, the sacraments, priesthood, attitude towards the Pope, popular piety, Orthodoxy and Islam, and principles of Scriptural translation (Maksimiljan Matjaz, France Rozman, and Marijan Peklaj). The musicologist Jurij Snoj (2010) reconstituted the structure of the Protestant service according to Luther's Deutsche Messe and Trubar's Cerkovna ordinga, attempting to determine where and when songs from Dalmatin's 1584 hymnal were sung. Literary historians, such as Grdina, Vinkler, and I, have often consulted with theologians on, for example, Trubar's reliance on Calvinism or his rejection of Caspar Schwenckfeld's support of rebaptism.

There are almost no individual studies of Trubar's main theological works, Cerkovna ordinga and Artukuli. The historian Lilijana Golec (in the collection Vera in hotenja) and the musicologist Snoj wrote about Ordinga; there is nothing on Artikuli, and to judge by Cobiss, Ena dolga predgovor (A long preface) and Katekizem z dvema izlagama (A catechism with two exegeses) have not been objects of study either.

2.1.4 Metrics have been treated by Svetina (1997) and Bjelcevic (1999). Syllabic versification (stress is not rhythmic) prevailed, though some (e.g., Pogacnik and Grdina) have disagreed with this. Svetina was the first to research it comparatively-that is, the frequency that word and melodic stress matched. A scant sixty percent correspondence dispelled doubts about syllabo-tonic versification (although the percentage is higher in songs the Protestants took from the folk tradition).

2.1.5 Literary communications (printers, libraries, etc.) Mahael Glavan (2005) described a copy of the Dalmatin Bible that Dalmatin himself gave to the gymnasium in Pforta in Saxony, which Bohoric the younger and Jans Znojilsek attended. In the collection Primoz Trubar 2009, Smolik reviewed Trubar's first editions in Slovene and foreign libraries Mihael Kuzmic (2001) wrote on editions and uses of Trubar's Katekizem of 1550 from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries among Hungarian Slovenes and Evangelical émigrés.

2.1.6 Reception. The disputes surrounding Trubar's four-hundredth anniversary involved Grdina, Granda, Jezernik, and Nenad Vitorovic (2006): the central question was Trubar's importance for Slovenes. At this time his image as a priest and theologian waned before his image as the creator of literary Slovene and the "father of the people." There are materials on his depiction in literature (e.g., by Anton Askerc, Ivan Cankar, Drago Jancar, Joze Javorsek, Josip Jurcic, Anton Koder, Ivan Tavcar, Ivan Pregelj, and Marjan Rozanc) in the proceedings of the symposium Obdobja 27 and in Miran Hladnik's Slovenski zgodovinski roman (The Slovene historical novel). In the collection Protestantizem, slovenska identiteta there is a survey of streets, parks, schools, organizations, memorials, etc. dedicated to Slovene Protestants by Sonja Zagar.

2.1.7 Didactics has received much attention. The focus has been intercultural questions-the domestication (or lack of), assimilation, and implementation of culturally distant reforms. There have been varying opinions (Ahacic 2008), Krakar Vogel (2008), Alenka Zbogar, and Milena Blazic (in the proceedings of Obdobja 28). Blazic has examined the image of women, the family, and child in Trubar's writings in a number of publications.

2.2 Other Protestants. Although Sebastijan Krelj's Postila calls for exploration of interpretive approaches to the Gospels, as found in older theological works, only linguists have considered it. Lucijan Adam completed a dissertation on Dalmatin in 2012 in the Slovene program at Koper. (He considered circumstances, influences, sources, and content.) Joze Rajhman published Pisma slovenskih protestantov (The letters of Slovene Protestants) in the original and translation. Vergerij the Younger as a Roman Catholic negotiator and theologian writing in Latin is not really the domain of literary research; however, the proceedings of a 1998 conference (Peter Pavel Vergerij ml., polemicni mislec v Evropi 16. Stoletja [Peter Pavel Vergerij the Younger, a polemical thinker in sixteenth-century Europe) contain materials on his influence on Trubar (by Francka Premk), on Vergerij in Slovene scholarship (Joze Pogacnik), and on the corpus of his works in libraries (Mihael Glavan).

2.3 Ivan Florjanc and Edo Skulj (2008) collected all Protestant tunes: Protestants sang their songs as each community of the faithful deemed. Florjanc also prepared four-part harmonies for choirs. Protestant music is available in an anthology of sixteen CDs entitled Musica noster amor: Glasbena umetnost Slovenije od zacetkov do danes (Musica noster amor: Slovene musical art from the beginnings until today).

3 Pre-modern literature on dLib and Wikipedia. There are a number of publications here; for example, Matija Klombner's Ene duhoune peisni (Spiritual songs) of 1579, many of Janez Schönleben's German homilies and studies in Latin (e.g., Horae subsecivae dominicales),11 Jernej Basar, Mihael Sever's Réd zvelicsánsztva, Stevan Küzmic's 1771 Nouvi zákon (New covenant) and Kolomonov zegen (Colomone blessing). Students in the Slovene program at Ljubljana University write entries for writers and works at Wikipedia. To date these include the Brizinski spomeniki, Stiski rokopis (The Sticna MS), Dalmatin's Ta celi catehismus (A complete catechism), Krelj's Otrocja Biblija (Children's Bible), Sommaripa, Svetokriski, Rogerij, Kalobski rokopis (The Kalobje MS), Miha Francisek Paglovec, Strzinar, Drabosnjak, Leopold Volkmer, Urban Jarnik. Marijan Smolik's legendary 1963 dissertation was published electronically (2010).

4 Secular literature

Jurij Japelj. Janez Mocnik corrected the dating of the liturgical song "Hier liegt vor deiner Majestät," which Michael Haydn set to music, in an article in the Japljev zbornik (Japelj collection). Japelj published the song translation in the book Visha sveto masho slishati in 1791. Haydn's score was included. As Mocnik points out that Haydn was thought to have set the song to music in 1795. Japelj's translation appeared in 1791, so Haydn's work can be dated earlier. Ignac Navernik compares Japelj's secular erotic poems with homilies with similar themes. In his poems, he treats extramarital eroticism and profligacy spiritedly and urges tolerance, but in his homilies he condemns profligacy. Of even more interest are his warnings that because of money or overwrought passions marriage may become a hell, which Japelj describes in detail, extensively and copiously, in particular chastising weak husbands. Svetina (2002) published manuscript translations of four poems by Hagedorn and one by Pope, and Smole (1999) published a manuscript translation of Racine's religious poem "Cantique sur le bonheur des justes..." ("Pejsen od srezhe tih isvolenih"). It is interesting Japelj softened the Jansenist "heretical" thesis (Calvinist) that only the chosen will be saved, translating the phrase "your chosen ones" as tvoji ljubi 'your beloved ones'.

Anton T. Linhart. In recent years there has been special fascination with his first, only original drama, written in German, Miss Jenny Love (1780); for example, Luka Vidmar and Ivo Svetina wrote about it in A. T. Linhart: Jubilejna monografija (A.T. Linhart: A jubilee monograph); Denis Poniz (2007), Mirko Jurak (2009) and Katja Mihurko Poniz (2012) explored its sources, genre, and reception Katja Mihurko Poniz's discoveries in Vienna, Munich, and Berlin have been the most original. She found three as yet unknown copies of Miss Jenny Love. These three, together with the known Viennese and Augsburg copies, are bound with other German-language and translated dramas. Juxtaposing them, Mihurko Poniz reconstructs a slice of Linhart's reception. In brief, the first Viennese copy is bound with four comedies, the Augsburg with only tragedies, while the others are mixed, being mostly tragedies but with one children's play. The query as to whether Miss Jenny Love was staged in Munich is answered negatively. Vidmar amplified on the known influences of two Lessing and two Klinger dramas by precisely comparing the storylines, motifs, settings, character naming, and spirit. Svetina and Poniz thematize the difference between classical tragedy and Trauerspiel; Jurak explains the similarities with Shakespeare, especially in the use of figurative language. Dragan Bozic (2010) found a previously unknown portrait of Linhart in a Viennese library.

Janez Damascen Dev. In 2008, Milko Bizjak discovered a score for Dev's Opereta/ Belin by the priest Francisek Jakob Zupan. It was thought to have been lost, but he found it with Zupan's descendants out of wedlock.12 Bizjak published the find only on his website; I have not located any reactions from scholars of music. In 1993, Joze Koruza's dissertation on Pisanice was published after his death. It is a complete philological, bibliographical, and historical description of the almanac (a description of a whole literary system); its genre (annual, almanac); manuscript dating for volume 4; publishing; sponsorship; book trade; and analysis and interpretation (not in the sense of naïve, immanent interpretation) of each individual poem. It is an empirical work of literary scholarship par excellence. For instance, the seemingly abstract Belin in a triad of texts ("Zalost Krajnskih Modric" [Sorrow of the Carniolan muses], "Veselje Krajnskih Modric" [Joy of the Carniolan muses], and "Opereta") is an actual historical personage, the new provincial administrator Lamberg, who came from Gorica (thus the request of the Carniolan Muses to the Italian Muses to return Belin to Carniola). The "Opereta" is not an allegory on the birth of poetry, but an expression of gratitude to Lamberg as chairman of the agricultural society, because nymphs (nymphs, not muses, appear in the "Opereta") represent agriculture, viticulture, and pomology. Using similar methodology and continuing in the so-called positivist paradigm (e.g., of Kidric, Gspan, and Koruza), Dovic (2007) investigates Linhart (i.e., historical context, function of his poetry, matters of the book trade, etc.). His book is explicitly situated in a systemic and empirical paradigm.

Ziga Zois. Vidmar's Zoisova literarna republika (Zois's literary republic) is one of the rare monographs on pre-modern literature. It breaks new ground in the stylistic research of correspondence. The author analyzed about 200 letters that Zois wrote and received (in particular from Kopitar), which are held in the Archive of the Republic of Slovenia, the National Museum, and NUK (National and University Library),13 as to their historical styles (from Antiquity, Medieval Latin, noble Baroque, Enlightenment) with respect to forms of address, metaphor, expressions of concern and respect, hierarchy of the correspondents' relations, and other features. He also treats the Zois-Kopitar correspondence as a source for describing the efforts of Zois's Slovene circle towards national awakening. Of special value is Kopitar's scheme to unite Slavic (Czech, Polish, Dalmatian, Zagreb, and Serb) agitators. Marija Kacin (2001) authored a monograph on Zois and Italian culture.

The book Trubar, Hren, Valvazor, Dolnicar (2009) contains these writers' works, in the original and in translation, on literature in Carniola, and as such are the beginnings of literary history. Some of the texts had already been (partially) translated; others were retranslated. A large group of scholars undertook the project.

Janko Kos (1990) wrote a survey monograph on Valentin Vodnik. Peter Svetina (2007) established Vodnik's entire metrical and stanza repertoire: Vodnik used 100 different kinds of stanzas, half of which are variations on the Ländler stanza. Svetina summarized findings on secular metrics before Vodnik, thus showing the historical background of Vodnik's poetics. Blanka Bosnjak (2010) analyzed Vodnik's one homily and the stories in Velika pratika from a narratological standpoint. Bozidar Jezernik (2007) showed how "Ilirija ozivljena" (Illyria awakened) was used in the national awakening.

Leopold Volkmer's secular poems are the subject of Majda Potrata's monograph (1994). A translator of church songs, Volkmer wrote thirty-nine secular songs, published two, and was preparing a collection entitled Zmes za pevca, intended for "professional" singers among the folk. On the model of Koruza's monograph on Pisanice, Potrata interprets each song according to its influences, content, and style. Grdina (1999) and Bjelcevic (1998) write about Stefan Modrinjak, the latter researched Valentina Stanic's verses, and students of the Slovene program at Ljubljana University republished Pavel Knobl in the journal Slava.

Urban Jarnik. The main contribution on Jarnik's poetry is Prunc's 1988 study edition in three volumes: In the first book (2002), entitled Urban Jarnik: Pesmi in prevodi (Urban Jarnik: Poems and translations) contained the texts and was followed by two books of concordances and textual analyses. In the collection Simpozija o Jarniku, Prunc described Jarnik's opus: approximately 150 poems, of which only fifty are preserved, and ten of which were published during his lifetime. It is worth repeating that Franz Schubert set the German translation of "Zvezdje" (Stars) to music. I desribed the meters and stanzas (thirty types of stanzas in fifty-six poems) and historical background (from the early Middle Ages) of some fifteen types of stanzas; for example, pilgrimage stanza, Hildebrand stanza, and vagant stanza. Matjaz Zaplotnik (2005) compared Jarnik's "Ostrevica nepremagana" (Unconquered Ostrevica) with Preseren's "Krst pri Savici" (Baptism at the Sava) and Levicnik's "Katoliska cerkev" (The Catholic Church, in MS), the longest epic in Slovene. (It is interesting that in "Ostrevica nepremagana," which we usually term a romance, Jarnik compares the castle of Ostrevica with an unapproachable maiden, which is reversed from Spanish romances, where the maiden is an impregnable castle.) Finally, there is Grdina's (1999b) study on the lineage Dev - Jarnik - Modrinjak - Primic - Preseren lineage.

5 Conclusion

In summary, most has been published about Trubar. Relatively little has been written on secular classics. Apart from anniversary collections, the number of articles is few; the majority of studies do not offer new findings but revisit old information.. Religious literature is treated mostly from a technical standpoint (codicology, paleography, versification), while interpretation is applied to secular literature. There has been some classic archival work (especially by Ogrin, Dezelak, and Vidmar at the ZRC SAZU). The empirical turn and positivist tradition are not widespread, but probably stronger than in research on modern literature.

Footnote

1 Ogrin avoids fruitless speculations about whether something belongs to the Baroque or elsewhere, because the definitions of literary periods are unclear and conflicting; therefore, most assertions that "X belongs to the Baroque" are incomprehensible and unverifiable.

2 Three years later he concluded that the author of folio 2r was Ferdinand Ljubljanski (Ogrin 2011b). Together with Dezelak Trojar he hypothesized that Ferdinand received the Loka procession after Romuald.

3 Commentaries on e-passions have a key to scenes, which are described in lists of performances of Capuchin passions in Slovenia at the time.

4 Later the Slovene passion from Osp, from between 1625 and 1675, was found and included in the collection Neznani rokopisi in 2011.

5 Not all religious songs are intended to be sung in church; for example, Ahacij Strzinar's hymnal was intended for religious education. Before 1970, when the Mass was in Latin, only Latin songs, precisely prescribed, were liturgical in the strict sense. Slovene songs were sung along with Latin songs, so in fact they were paraliturgical, being sung by choice of the faithful or the organist, and not by prescription. P. Folk's Mass songs came with the Josephine liturgical reforms of 1783. These songs were prescribed, but they were song along with Latin liturgical songs and not in place of them, as seen in the titles "h Glorii, h Credu, k Sanctusu" (With the Gloria, With the Creed, With the Sanctus; Podstensek 2012: 160). Slovene Mass songs were translations of German ones (two Mass songs were in use in Austria, Wir werfen uns darnieder and Hier liegt vor deiner Majestät), which were translated by Japelj in Carinthia and Gutsman in Carinthia already in 1784.

6 When journalists asked passersby in Isaac Newton's hometown why he was important, the result was equally insignificant.

7 Prodorne in preroske misli (Piercing and prophetic thoughts), Trubarjeva stevilka SR 2008. [A Trubar issue of Slavisticna revija], Reformacija na Slovenskem (Reformation in Slovenia), Jeziki in identitete (Languages and identities), Primoz Trubar (Primoz Trubar; Rome, 2009), Die Reformation in Mitteleuropa (pregledni clanki o reformaciji na Slovenskem, Hrvaskem, Slovaskem, Poljskem idr. [survey articles on the Reformation in Slovenia, Croatia, Poland, and elsewhere]), Vera in hotenja (Faith and desires), 450-letnica slovenske knjige (the 450-year anniversary of the Slovenbe book).

8 Druzbena in kulturna podoba slovenske reformacije (The social and cultural shape of the Slovene Reformation), Slovenci v evropski reformaciji (Slovenes in the European Reformation), III. Trubarjev zbornik, Protestantismus bei der Slowenen.

9 As regards an educated class and Kersevan's view (Kersevan 2006: 15) that Trubar did not invent the name Slovene, but people were using it even before, consider that in the Martjanci Hymnal people are called Slovenes (as opposed to Croatians) in the song about the Battle of Siget (1566). The song is supposed to have originated at the end of the sixteenth century: "Zrinski Nicolaus ... mi poide vu terden Sziget Grad sz Horvacskom Goszpodom, i z leipim seregom nyega szprevodisse Horvacska, Vogerszka Szlovenszka Goszpoda" (329).

10 Jakob Müller, Raba imena Slovenci v 16. stoletju (The use of the name "Slovenes" in the sixteenth century 2003).

11 The book is for sale in the antiquarian section of ZVAB.com for 380 euros. Vlacic's De mystica sacramentalique seu externa praesentia of 1574 is also available there.

12 My student Misa Herncic brought Bizjak to my attention.

13 Faganel (1999) made a listing of Zois's MSS in the National Museum. Hubert Clemenz has already transliterated 200 of them from Gothic script. Not all of Zois's correspondence has yet been described; for example, Bonazza (1997) located some in Zagreb.

References

Works cited

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Lucijan Adam, 2012: Zivljenje in delo Jurija Dalmatina ter mesto njegovih del v slovenski knjizevnosti 16. stoletja ('The life and work of Jurij Dalmatin and the place of his works in sixteenth-century Slovene literature). Diss. Koper: Lucija Adam.

Kozma Ahacic, 2007: Zgodovina misli o jeziku in knjizevnosti na Slovenskem (The history of linguistic and literary thought in Slovenia). Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU.

_____, 2008: Kulturne razlike kot izhodisce za kvalitetnejso ciljno obravnavo jezika in knjizevnosti Trubarjevega casa (Cultural differences as a point of departure for a high quality, targeted study of the language and literature of Trubar's time). Slovenscina med kulturami (Slovene between cultures). Ed. Miran Kosuta. Ljubljana: Slavisticno drustvo Slovenije. 25-42.

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_____, 2004: Kratki verz slovenskih pesmi od 15. do 18. stoletja (The short verse in Slovene poems from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century). Slowianska metryka porównawcza VIII: Krótke rodzime rozmiary wierszowe. Ed. Lucylla Pszczolowska and Dorota Urbanska. Warszawa: Instytut badan literackich.

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Ivan Florjanc, Edo Skulj, 2008: Slovenski protestantski napevi: Harmonizacija za zbore (Slovene Protestant melodies: Harmonized for choirs). Ljubljana: Druzina.

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_____, 1999: Od Brizinskih spomenikov do razsvetljenstva (From the Brizinski spomeniki to the Enlightenment). Maribor: Obzorja.

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_____, 2006: Do 'fine moke 00' mleto Trubarjevo vprasanje (The Trubar question milled to "00 flour"). Stati inu obstati 3-4. 202-235.

Jeziki, identitete, pripadnosti med sredisci in obrobji: V pocastitev 500. obletnice rojstva Primoza Trubarja, 2011 (Languages, identities, and affiliation in centers and on peripheries: In honor of the 500-year anniversary of Primoza Trubar's birth). Ed. Kozma Ahacic and Petra Testen. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU.

Japljev zbornik, 2011. Ed. Marjeta Humar. Ljubljana, Kamnik: ZRC SAZU, Obcina.

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Marija Kacin, 2001: Ziga Zois in italijanska kultura (Ziga Zois and Italian culture). Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU.

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_____, 2008: Trubarjeva "cerkev bozja slovenskega jezika" in "narod slovenskega jezika". (Trubar's "holy church of the Slovene language" and "people of the Slovene language"). Stati inu obstati 7-8. 188-202.

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_____, 2009: Barocni franciskanski pisatelj Anton Bresan (1638-1708) in njegov slovstveni opus (The Baroque Franciscan writer Anton Bresan (1638-1708) and his literary opus). Slavisticna revija 57/4. 555-62.

_____, 2010: Skalarjev rokopis 1643, meditativna proza v kontekstu katoliske obnove (The Skalar Manuscript of 1643, meditative prose in the context of the Catholic Renewal). Reformacija na Slovenskem: Ob 500 letnici Trubarjevega rojstva (The Reformation in Slovenia: On the 500-year anniversary of Trubar's birth). Ed. Aleksander Bjelcevic. Ljubljana: ZIFF (Obdobja, 27). 129-46.

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_____, 2011c: Slovenska franciskanska pridiga barocne dobe: Pisatelji Bresan, Lauer in Nikel ter njihove rokopisne pridige (The Slovene Franciscan homily of the Baroque period: The writers Bresan, Lauer, and Nikel the their homilies in manuscript). Neznano in pozabljeno iz 18. stoletja na Slovenskem (The unknown and forgotten in eighteenth-century Slovenia). Ed. Mitja Preinfalk. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU, Slovensko drustvo za preucevanje 18. stoletja. Web.

_____, 2011c: 'Dober legent teh svetnikov': Koroski rokopis iz 18. stoletja ("Good legends of the saints": A Carinthian manuscript of the eighteenth century). Primerjalna knjizevnost 34/3. 65-79.

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Skalarjev rokopis 1643: Editio princeps: Znanstvenokriticna izdaja (The Skalar Manuscript of 1643: Editio princeps: A scholarly critical edition), 2011. Ed. Monika Dezelak Trojar. Celje, Ljubljana: Mohorjeva druzba, ZRC SAZU.

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_____, 2000: Kitice v odstavkih: Nekatere kiticne oblike v slovenskih protestantskih pesmih 16. stoletja (Stanzas in paragraphs: Some stanza forms in Slovene Protestant songs of the sixteenth century). Slavisticna revija 48/2. 189-93.

_____, 2002: Japljevi prevodi Hagedorna in Popa (Japelj's translations of Hagedorn and Pope). Slavisticna revija 50/1. 123-29.

_____, 2007: Kiticne oblike v starejsi slovenski poeziji (Stanza forms in pre-modern Slovene poetry). Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU.

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V ang. prevedel Timothy Pogacar.